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ra

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

EDITED BY
E. CAPPS, pu.p., ct.p. T. EK. PAGE, trrv p.
W. H. D. ROUSE, trrv.p.

JOSEPHUS

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JOSEPHUS

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
H. ST. J. THACKERAY, M.A.

HON. D.D. OXFORD, HON. D.D. DURHAM

IN EIGHT VOLUMES
I
THE LIFE AGAINST APION

LONDON: WILLIAM HEINEMANN

NEW YORK: G: P. PUTNAMS SONS
MCMXXVI

Printed in Great Britain,

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION—

PAGE
ate. ; : . i : ee val
The Major Works |. ; : do al
The Minor Works . : : ; a a
MSS. and Authorities for the Text . sp XO
Recent Editions of the Greek Text and

other Works : P : : 3 Six
Abbreviations . . ; é ; a eRe
LIFE oF JOSEPHUS . j : : : : 2
Aaainst APION ‘ ; A : ; Lo LOZ
InpEx I., GENERAL . ; : : ; : 413
> AL1., Bisnican Passaces . ‘ ; . 424
Map oF GALILEE. : : : To face 412

Ls. eae aetenk

INTRODUCTION

LIFE

Tue autobiography which appears in this volume
renders unnecessary any detailed life of the author.
But, as that work mainly relates to a period of only
six months, and needs to be supplemented by other
notices which appear in the War or elsewhere, the
facts may here be briefly summarized.

Son of a priest and with royal blood in his veins
on the mother’s side, Joseph ben Matthias was born
in the year of the accession of Gaius (Caligula)
A.D. 37-38. Pontius Pilate had been recalled from
Judaea in the previous year ; Herod Agrippa I had
just received his liberty and kingdom from the new
Emperor. The lad’s memory might perhaps recall
the scenes of excitement aroused in Palestine by the
attempt of Caligula to erect his statue in the Temple,
when the outbreak of war was narrowly averted
(a.v. 40-41). Of his education he tells us of his
precocious talents which, at the age of 14, brought
learned Rabbis to consult him ; how at 16 he entered
on what may be called his short university course,
when he studied the tenets of the three national
sects; how he followed this up by three years of
ascetic life in the wilderness, and how, on returning

vil

INTRODUCTION

‘to Jerusalem at the age of 19, he threw in his lot
with the Pharisees. Of his early manhood one out-
standing event is related, his visit to Rome at the
age of 26 or 27 in the year 64. It was the year of
the burning of Rome and the persecution of the
Christians, but whether those events preceded his
arrival is unknown, and no inference can be drawn
from his silence as to his attitude to Christianity. It
is idle to conjecture whether, beyond its ostensible
object—the liberation of certain Jewish priests—
this visit to the capital had any ulterior motive. It
impressed him, at any rate, with a sense of Rome’s
invincibility ; and on his return to Judaea, where he
found his countrymen heading for revolt, he vainly
endeavoured to pacify the war party. The turbulent
state of the country soon brought Cestius Gallus, the
Governor of Syria, upon the scene. His unaccount-
able withdrawal from Jerusalem, when almost within
his grasp, was followed by the disastrous rout of his
Roman legions in the defiles of Bethhoron in the
autumn of 66. The irrevocable step had now been
taken and hasty preparations were made for the
impending war.

The young priest aged 29, on what qualifications
does not appear, was, with two others, entrusted with
an important commission in Galilee, if not the actual
command of the district. The opening scenes of the
Galilaean campaign in a.p. 66-67, which fill most of
the pages of the Life, are difficult to follow, and the
policy and aims both of Jostphus and of the Jerusalem
leaders are far from clear.; We have two accounts of
this period, both biased and in some details incon-
sistent. In the Life we have the author’s defence
against a rival Jewish historian, who accused him and

Vili

INTRODUCTION

the Galilaeans of being responsible for the revolt
(§ 340) ; in the Jenzsh War we have a shorter account
written under Roman patronage. In the War
Josephus is represented as having been appointed
general of Galilee from the first (B. ii. 568) ; in the
Iife we are merely told that his commission was to
induce the hotheads to lay down their arms (Vzta 29,
cp. 77). In a recent suggestive but rather fanciful
work (see p. xix below) Herr Laqueur lays stress
on this difference and supposes that Josephus acted
ultra vires in assuming the supreme command of
Galilee, and that this accounts for the attempt of
Johnof Gischala to get him superseded However that
may be, he was suspected of harbotiring designs of
betraying the country to Rome. He may have hoped
to avert war by compromise, but events moved fast
and forced him to identify himself with the war
party. On the advance of Vespasian from Antioch
he finally resolved to stand a siege in the fortified town
of Jotapata. Of the forty-seven days’ siege, the fall
of the town (July 67), his capture by the Romans after
a narrow escape from being murdered by his com-
panions in hiding, and his prophecy of Vespasian’s
rise to imperial power, he has given a graphic account
in the third book of the Jewish War.

Henceforth, in Roman hands, his life was tolerably
secure. Military operations were delayed during
the eventful year 68-69, which saw the death of
Nero and, in rapid succession, the promotion of three
Emperors. In July 69 Vespasian’s legions took the
law into their own hands and proclaimed him
Emperor. One of the first acts of the new Emperor
was the liberation of Josephus whose prediction had
now come true. Accompanying Vespasian to Alex-

1X

INTRODUCTION

andria, Josephus returned thence with Titus to the
siege of Jerusalem. Here his services as interpreter
and mediator were in constant requisition. He was
now, he tells us, between two fires: bitterly hated
by the Jews and suspected of treachery by the
Romans whenever they met with a reverse.

Of his life in Rome, after the fall of Jerusalem
(a.p. 70), and the various privileges bestowed on
him by the Flavian Emperors, he gives us a brief
sketch. Awarded the rights of Roman citizenship
and a lodging in the priuata aedes of Vespasian, he was
among the first to be placed on the “ civil list”
instituted by that Emperor (V. 423 ; Suet. Vesp. 18).
He witnessed the triumph of Vespasian and Titus, and
must have seen the new Rome arising from the ashes
in which the fire under Nero and the civil war had
left it; the new buildings including the Colosseum,
the Fora of Vespasian and Titus and the Temple of
Peace. Still dogged by Jewish hatred, he, with
unfailing tact, succeeded in retaining the imperial
favour, even of Domitian, and eluding his foes. The
date of his death is unknown, but he outlived
Agrippa II (V. 359) who, according to Photius, died
in A.D. 100. From Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. iii. 9) we
learn that his statue was erected in Rome and his
works placed in the public library.

His domestic life had its matrimonial troubles.
He was married at least three times, being deserted
by one wife and divorcing another (V. 415, 426 f.).

INTRODUCTION

Tue Masor Works

During the leisure of his life in Rome Josephus
produced the four works which have come down to
us: the Jewish War, the Antiquities, the Life, and the
treatise Against Apion.

The two major works will call for further remark
in the sequel. Here it will suffice to say that he
must have at once taken in handihis History of the
War ; that the first (lost) draft was written in Aramaic
for the benefit of the natives of Upper Syria (B. i. 3) ;
that, being penned in Vespasian’s former palace by
his pensioner, it was probably of the nature of a
manifesto ‘“‘ inspired’ by his imperial patrons, and
intended as a warning to the East of the futility of
further opposition ; that the second, doubtless fuller,
edition in Greek was composed with the aid of literary
assistants (Ap. i. 50) and appeared towards the end of
Vespasian’s reign, between a.p. 75 and 79.

Some sixteen years elapsed before the appearance
of his next work, the Antiquities, in a.p. 93-94. The
interval must have been spent in collecting materials
for this magnum opus. But another cause may have
contributed to this long break in his literary output.
Domitian was the enemy of literature and the position
of historians in particular was precarious ; writers
such as Tacitus, Pliny, and Juvenal preferred to
remain silent throughout his reign. Deprived of his
imperial patrons, Josephus now found another in a
certain Epaphroditus, who is probably to be identified
with a grammarian, possessor of a large library and
writer on Homer. To him Josephus dedicates all
his later works.

At the close of the Antiquities (xx. 267 f.) the author

xl

INTRODUCTION

tells us of two further literary projects: (1) a sum-
mary sketch of the war and the after-history of his
nation ; (2) “a work in four books concerning God
and His being, and concerning the Laws, why some
things are permitted to us by them and others are
forbidden.”” Neither work apparently was ever
published; but the second, “On Customs and
Causes,” as he elsewhere calls it, had, as may be
inferred from the mention of four books and scattered
allusions in the Antiquities to its contents, taken
shape in his mind and been partly drafted. The
attribution to Josephus by Eusebius (H.E. iii. 10)
and others of the so-called Fourth Book of Maccabees
is erroneous.

THe Minor Works

The two minor works contained in this volume are,
at least in their present form, the latest of our
author’s writings. The translator has here abandoned
chronological order; but it is perhaps appropriate to
place the Autobiography in the forefront. More-
over, the question of its date has recently been
re-opened and Laqueur’s theory, mentioned below,
would, if sound, justify the position of priority
assigned to it. The second of the minor works is
conveniently grouped with the first.

These two works were issued in old age, when the
author was upwards of 63, early in the second century
under the Emperor Trajan. The Life is brought
down to the second century by the allusion (§ 359 f.)
to the appearance of a rival history of the War
X11

INTRODUCTION

after the death of Agrippa II, which, we are told,
occurred in a.p. 100. The Contra Apionem is in any
case later than 94, the date of the Antequities, to
which reference is made (i. 1, 54; ii. 287). But this
work also contains an allusion (i. 46 ff.) to rival
historians of the War, and, although no names are
here mentioned, the person principally attacked is
doubtless the same Justus who is named in the Life.
The Contra <Apionem may therefore likewise be
assigned to the beginning of the second century.

The two treatises form a strange contrast ; we see
our author at his worst and at his best. Both are
controversial, one being an apologza pro vita, the other
pro gente sua. But in style, arrangement, and treat-
ment they are so different that one would hardly
suppose them to be contemporary preductions from
the same pen.

Vita—The Life is an appendix to the Antiquities,
and to a second or later edition of the Antiquities. It
did not appear in the first edition. This is the
natural inference from the concluding paragraphs
of Ani. xx. The larger work has two endings. In
the first the author writes (§ 259): “‘ Here I will end
my Archaeology,’ and then, after some recapitulation
and self-advertisement, he proceeds (266): ‘ But
perhaps it will not be taken amiss if I append a brief
statement about my family and career while persons
still survive either to refute or to corroborate what
Isay.’”’ Then comes the second conclusion, beginning
(267): “ But here I will close the Archaeology ;”’ and
the precise date of writing follows, “ the 13th year
of Domitian and the 56th year of his own age,” that
is, A.D. 93-94. ‘The Life, however, mentioned in the
previous section, as already stated, did not appear

Xill

INTRODUCTION

until after 100. Clearly we have here two perora-
tions; but the author has reversed the order usual
in prefaces to separate editions of modern works.
The original ending has been allowed to stand, but
he has prefixed to it the conclusion of his second
edition, leading up to his new matter, the Auto-
boography.

The event which occasioned this appendix was the
publication of a rival history of the Jewish War by a
compatriot, Justus of Tiberias, who accused Josephus
of causing his native city (Tiberias) to revolt from
Rome (§ 336 ff.). The damaging criticisms of Justus
were calculated to endanger, not only the sale of
Josephus’s works, but even his secure position at
Rome. They called for an immediate rejoinder.
The Life, then, by no means answers to its name ;
it is not a complete biography. The bulk of it is the
author’s defence of his conduct during the half-year
of his command in Galilee before the siege of
Jotapata. To this, brief sketches of his youth in
Palestine and his later years in Rome have been
added as prologue and epilogue. The work, in
which the author indulges his vanity to the full, is,
alike in matter and in manner, the least satisfactory
of his writings. The weakness of his boasted
strategy is on a par with the crudity of the style.

A theory has recently been propounded which would
go far to explain the latter defect. Herr Laqueur
maintains that the kernel of the Vita is not among
the latest, but the very earliest work of our author,
written at the age, not of 65, but of 30. In his
opinion, it is an official report of his conduct of affairs
in Galilee, drafted, before the siege of Jotapata, for
submission to the Jerusalem authorities. It is his

X1V

INTRODUCTION

defence against the charge brought against him by
John of Gischala and cthers of aiming at a ruparvis.
This theory is based partly on the disproportionate
space devoted to the Galilaean period, partly on a
comparison of the parallel accounts in the Lzfe and
in the War in the few passages where they overlap.
Laqueur attempts to prove that the Life presents the
older and more trustworthy account. This unliterary
report, of which no use was made at the time, was in
after life utilized to meet the attack of Justus, and,
with a little revision, worked up into an auto-
biography. It is an attractive theory. That Josephus
should have kept some contemporary record of his
period of office appears not improbable. / If Laqueur
were right, we should have an interestifg relic of our
author’s style of composition before he came under
the influence of his literary friends in Rome. If, as
appears probable, the whole work is really late, the
lack of literary finish must be due to hasty production,
unaided by his former assistants (cf. Ap. i. 50).
The theory seems, in fact, to break down owing to the
numerous links of style which connect the Life as a
whole with the last book of the Antiquities, suggesting
contemporaneous or nearly contemporaneous com-
position. Laqueur’s thesis, in that case, is only
tenable on the supposition that the youthful
“report ”’ was written in Aramaic.

Phrases which are peculiar to the alleged “ early ”’
portions of the Life and to Ant. xx. are: 680s ob're wérpcos
V. 22, 148 (cp. 122), A.xx. 473 Kardyywow dépev tur V. 93,
A. xx. 833 rapayas (-hv) karacréA\New V. 103, 244, 369, A. xx.
174; ws eldov eis ofov kax@v Hover wévyebos V. 170, A. xx. 123.
Among other words and phrases peculiar to the two books
are: ov« (ovdév) drodéovca (dxpo)mé\ews “as large as”? V.
246, A. xx. 130, drooredn, did Pirdias adexéobat, rdpov owrnpias
evpéodac V. 14, A. xx. 54, rpocraciay micreverOar V. 115, 393,

XV

INTRODUCTION

A. xx. 238, cuvvavareifew V. 424, A. xx. 35, cvvédpiov xadifew
V. 236, 368, A. xx. 200, raéw émicto\Gyv mistetew V. 356,
A. KX 193:

Contra Apionem.—As a set-off to the Life, the
treatise Contra Apionem, in two books, is the most
attractive of our author's works; exhibiting a well
designed plan, great literary skill, an intimate
acquaintance with Greek philosophy and «poetry,
together with a sincere and impassioned zeal for his
country’s religion. The title (not the author’s) is not
very happily chosen; Apion being merely one
representative of Israel’s enemies. Older titles were
“On the antiquity of the Jews” (not sufficiently
distinctive) and “ Against the Greeks.” Designed
as a reply to criticisms on the Antiquities and a refuta-
tion of current prejudices, the work contains an
apology for Judaism with a demonstration of the
antiquity of the race. It gives an interesting insight
into the anti-Semitism of the first century. The
writer challenges the extreme antiquity claimed by
the Greeks; accounts for their silence on Jewish
history ; marshals an array of evidence (Egyptian,
Phoenician, Babylonian, and Greek) for the antiquity
of his own nation ; successfully rebuts the malignant
and absurd fictions of the anti-Semites; and con-
cludes with a glowing defence of the lawgiver and
his code, his lofty conception of God being contrasted
with the immoral ideas current among the Greeks.
Numerous quotations from lost writings give this
work a special value.

Xvl1

INTRODUCTION

MSS. AND OTHER ANCIENT AUTHORITIES FOR THE
GREEK TEXT

(a) For the Life :—

P Codex Palatinus (Vaticanus) Graecus 14, cent.
Ie OL EK,
R Codex Regius (Parisinus) Gr. 1423, cent. xiv.
A Codex Ambrosianus (Mediolanensis) F. 128,
Gent. x1.
M Codex Mediceo-Laurentianus, plut. lxix., cod.
1ORCEnT. XV.
W Codex Vaticanus Gr. 984, a.p. 1354.
Kusebius (Hist. Eccles. iii. 10) quotes §§ 361-364;
we have also occasional excerpts made in the
Byzantine era.

The mss. may be roughly divided into two groups
P(R) and (A)MW,, in which R and A are inconstant
members. A asarule sides with MW; R frequently
joins that group or stands alone. Of the two modern
editors, Niese bases his text mainly on the oldest ms.,
P; Naber puts greater faith in the readings of the
group AMW.

All textual critics of Josephus must gratefully
acknowledge their indebtedness to Niese and their
dependence upon the evidence collected in his
edition. Yet one may respectfully question whether
he has established a definitive text. As Naber has
remarked, he seems to have somewhat overrated the
value of a single ill-written ms.,and the true text or the
nearest approximation to it is sometimes relegated to
his apparatus criticus. The difficulties which confront
the editor of Josephus arise from a comparative

XVli

INTRODUCTION

paucity of ancient mss., the inconstancy of some
Mss., which renders grouping uncertain, and the fact
that corruption has often affected the text of all.
Each variant has to be considered on its merits ;
and there is considerable scope for conjectural
emendation, on which many eminent scholars have
exercised their ingenuity. If Niese over-estimated
the value of P, Naber seems to have relied too
exclusively on AMW. Speaking generally, the
present writer ventures to think that the true text
in this book is as a rule to be looked for in P, R, or A;
the combination PRA is rarely in error. MW in
numerous passages present a manifestly inferior and
“doctored” text; yet elsewhere, especially if
supported by P, their evidence cannot be neglected.
The text printed below, while based on the labours
of Niese and Naber, is the outcome of a careful and
independent investigation of the ms. evidence in all
cases.

(6) For the Contra Apionem :-—

Here we are dependent on a solitary imperfect
MS. VIZ.

L Codex Laurentianus plut. lxix. 22, cent. xi,

of which all other extant mss. appear to be copies.
For the long lacuna common to all the mss. (Book II
§§ 52-113) we are compelled to have recourse to the
old Latin version made by order of Cassiodorus, the
minister of Theodoric (ed. C. Boysen in the Vienna
Corpus Scriptorum Eccles. Lat. vol. xxxvii., 1898).
Here the restoration of the underlying Greek, which
the Latin translator has not always understood, is a
difficult task. Numerous valuable quotations are
made by Eusebius. The text seems to have passed
XV111

INTRODUCTION

through various stages of corruption, which began
even before his time, and glosses have occasionally
crept into the text of cod. L. In Niese’s judgement
the relative value of our authorities is (1) Eusebius,
(2) the Latin version, (3) cod. L. The edztio princeps
of the Greek text (Basel, 1544) is of first-rate import-
ance and seems to be derived in part from some
Ms. unknown to Niese.

Recent EpItTions oF THE GREEK TEXT

B. Niese. dztzo major (with full apparatus criticus),
6 vols. Berlin, 1887-1889.

B. Niese. Editio minor (text only), 6 vols., Berlin,
1888-1895.

S. A. Naber (text, based on Bekker’s edition, with
useful concise adnotatio critica), 6 vols., Teubner
series, Leipzig, 1888-1896.

Otruer Works

For the Life the reader may consult, with dis-
crimination, the suggestive but speculative work of
Richard Laqueur, Der jiidische Historiker Flavius
Josephus (ein biographischer Versuch auf neuer quellen-
kritischer Grundlage), Giessen, 1920.

For the Contra Apionem there is a full commentary
by J. G. Miiller (Basel, 1877) and a French translation,
with valuable notes by the editor, in Giwvres completes
de Flav. Joséphe traduites en Frangais sous la direction
de Théodore Reinach, tome vii. fasc. 1 (Paris, 1902).

X1X

INTRODUCTION

ABBREVIATIONS

A. = Antiquitates Judaicae.

Ap.= Contra Apionem.

B.=Bellum Judaicum.

V.= Vita.

conj.= conjectural emendation.

ed. pr.=editio princeps (Basel, 1544).

Eus. (H. E. ; P. E.) = Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica ;
Praeparatio Evangelica).

ins. = inserted by. om.= omit.

Conjectural insertions in the Greek text are
indicated by angular brackets, <>; doubtful ms. read-
ings and apparent glosses by square brackets, [ ].

The smaller sections introduced by Niese are
shown in the left margin of the Greek text. Refer-
ences throughout are to these sections. The chapter-
division of earlier editions is indicated on both pages
(Greek and English).

Alu laborauerunt ; and the present translator here
gratefully acknowledges his constant indebtedness
to the work of numerous scholars of various nation-
alities, notably Benedict Niese, Théodore Reinach,
and (for the Life and the War) Robert Traill. The
older translation of William Whiston has also been
occasionally consulted.

He further desires to acknowledge the kind per-
mission of the editors and publishers of Judatsm and
the Beginnings of Christianity (Routledge) to use for
this Introduction portions of a lecture included in
that volume, which he delivered at Jews’ College,

London, in 1923.

XX

LIFE OF JOSEPHUS

VOL. I B

IOQSHUOY BIO

1 (1) ’Epot 6€ yévos €or otK aonpov, adr’ e€
e / Ed 4 4 > ei >
tepéwv avwhev KataBeByKos. womep 8 7 map
éxdatos GAAy Tis é€oTw evyevetas oben, ouTws
Tap Hiv 1) THs lepwovvns jeTovata TEK HT pLoVv

2 €oTw vyevous | da Gum POT NTOS . Ejuol dod povov
e€ lepéwv €oTiv TO yevos, aAna Kal €K TAS mpurns
edneploos THY elKootTecodpwv, ToAAy Se Kav

/ / \ ~ > / \ ~ >] ~
TOUTw duadopa, Kal TOV ev TAUTY d€ dvAdv ex Tis
dpiorns. dmapxen bé Kal Tob. BaowduKod yevous
dro THS jenTpos: ol yap ‘Agapwvaiou mratdes, av
eyyovos exe), TOU eGvous TL@Vv eTTL pe] KLTOV

3 Xpovov npXlepaTevaav Kal éBactAevoay. ep@ oe
Thv dvadoxnv. Oo mporram7os 7pav Lipwv o
‘FeAdos emucahovpevos: ovTOS eyeveTo Kal 6v
KaLpOV NpxYLepatevoevy Uipwvos apxyrepéws O Traits,
Os mp@Tos apxvepewy ‘Ypkavos wvopacbn. yi-

a ~ , na > / /,

4 voVTaL de T@ VEG Lippwve waides evvéa: trov-
To éoTw Mar@ias 0 ‘Hdatov® Acyopevos. oUTOS
7) yayeTo T™pos yapov fuyarépa *Twvabov apxrepews,
Tob mpwrov ex Tav ’“Acapwvaiov raidwy yévous

1 6° 7 Niese: 67 (6é) uss.
2 vll. "Hoiriov, "H@Xiov.

2 j,e. that of Jehoiarib (1 Chron. xxiv. 7). In A. vii. 366
Jos. states that the division of the priests into twenty-four
9

EIREV OR JOSEPEUS

' (1) My family is no ignoble one, tracing its descent Pedigree.
far back to priestly ancestors. Different races
base their claim to nobility on various grounds ;
with us a connexion with the priesthood is the hall-
mark of an illustrious line. Not only, however, were ,

“my ancestors priests, but they belonged to the first
of the twenty-four courses *—a peculiar distinction
and to the most eminent of its constituent clans.
Moreover, on my mother’s side I am of royal blood ;
for the posterity of Asamonaeus,? from whom she
sprang, for a very considerable period were kings,
as well as high-priests, of our nation. I will give

\ the pedigree. My great-grandfather’s grandfather
was Simon surnamed Psellus.© He was a con-
temporary of the high-priest Hyrcanus, the first
of the name to hold that office, previously held
by his father Simon. Simon “the stammerer”’
had nine children, one of whom, Matthias, known
as the son of Ephaeus, married the daughter of
Jonathan the high-priest, who was the first of the
line of Asamonaeus to attain to the high-priesthood,? ¢. 153 s.<.

?

‘* families ’’ continued to his day. On the contrary Ap. ii.
108 (extant only in the Latin version) speaks of four courses
(tribus) only.

’ The Hasmonaeans or Maccabees, called after an
eponymous hero Hashmon.

¢ 4.¢. * The Stammerer.”’ ei, Mace.x., 21.

JOSEPHUS

dpxlepaTevoayros, TOO ddehpod Lipeeavos Tapx-
Lepews* Kal yvera Tats avT@ Maras 6 Kupros
emuxAnfeis, apXovTos "Ypxavod Tov mp@rov eve-

5 avTov. TOUT TOU ywera ‘leans évdT@ ETEL THS

“AdeEdvdpas ApX7S» Kal *Lwonmov Mar6las Baou-
NevovT TOS "ApxeAdov TO d€KaTov, Mar6ia dé eyo
TO TPWTW Tijs Tatov Kaicapos TYyEwovias. €uol
be maidés Elol tpets, “Ypkavos pev 6 mpeoBuratos
éreu TeTapTw THs Ovteorac.avod Katcapos ijyepo-
vias, €Boop de ‘loba7os, évatw be “Aypimmas.

6 THY Lev OvV TOD yevous TL@V Svadoxiy, ws ev zais
Snpoctas d€ArTous dvayeypapypLevny evpov, ovTws
mapatibewar, tots duaBdAAew ras retpwpevots
yatpey dpdoas.

7 (2) L8. Tar 7p dé jov Mar@las od d1a peovay THY
eDyeveray émianpos nv, aAAa mA€ov Oud THY OuKcao-
ovvyy emVELTO, YVOPYLOTATOS Gv ev TH peyloTn

g move Tav Tap Hiv Tots ‘lepocoAvpitas. eye
dé oupTrandevopevos adeAd@ Marbia Tovvojia,
yeyover yap jLo yv7avos €€ appoty TAY yovewy,
els peyahny TaLoelas TpovKOTTOV emiOoow, pve

9 TE Kal ouvvecer doK@v Ovaepew. ETL e GVvTiTals
ov Tepl 7 TETTAPETKALOEKATOY ETOS Oud TO prroypap-
jeaov b70 TmavTav em VvOUpTy, ouviov Toy del TOV
apXrepewy Kal Tov Ths ToAcws TpaTtwv bmTEp TOO
Tap” €fL00 mepl TOV vopipLev akpipéoTepov TL

10 yv@vat. Tepl exkaldeka de ern ‘yevomevos ePov-
An Oqv TOV Top Hlv atpecewv epmeuplav AaBet:
Tpets 8° etow abrat, Dapicaiov peev 1 TpwTn Kal
Laddouratwn 7 7) OeuTepa, TpiT7 5 "Eoonvar, Kalws
mohaxts elropiev’ ovTws yap wouny atpjoecbat

ll Tv apioTny, et mdoas KaTapabounr. oKdAnpayw-
4

THE LIFE, 4-11

and brother of Simon who also held that office.
Matthias, in the first year of the reign of Hyrcanus, «. 135 ».c.
had a son Matthias, surnamed Curtus*; who, in

the ninth year of the reign of Alexandra, begot ¢ 708..
Joseph, and he, in the tenth year of the reign of
Archelaus, Matthias, to whom I was born in the « 4.0. 6.
year in which Gaius Caesar became Emperor. [ 4». 87-8.
have three sons: Hyrcanus, the eldest, born in the
fourth, Justus in the seventh, and Agrippa in the © 4.». 73-7:
ninth year of the reign of Vespasian Caesar. With

such a pedigree, which I cite as I find it recorded

in the public registers, I can take leave of the would-

be detractors of my family. :

(2) Distinguished as he was by his noble birth, Education.
my father Matthias was even more esteemed for
his upright character, being among the most notable
men in Jerusalem, our greatest city. Brought up
with Matthias, my own brother by both parents,

I made great progress in my education, gaining a
reputation for an excellent memory and understand-
ing. While still a mere boy, about fourteen years a.p.
old, I won universal applause for my love of letters ;
insomuch that the chief priests and the leading men

of the city used constantly to come to me for precise
information on some particular in our ordinances.
At about the age of sixteen I determined to gain 4-». 53-1.
personal experience of the several sects into which

our nation is divided. These, as I have frequently
mentioned,® are three in number—the first that of

the Pharisees, the second that of the Sadducees,

and the third that of the Essenes. I thought that,

after a thorough investigation, | should be in a
position to select the best. So I submitted myself

@ * Hump-back.” PD See. Bb. ie 119s 24s si 1, xvi
D

qn
—
bo

JOSEPHUS

/ <>» > \ \ A \ A ~
ynoas ovv ewavToy Kat moAAd trovnfels Tas Tpets
dunAGov: Kai ponde THY evTedbev eurerplay tKkavipy
> a , > , , rm
epavT@ vopicas eivat, amubomevos Twa. Bavvobv
GVOLG KATA T Ty épyyiav dvatpipew, eobijre pev amo
devipwv yxpwpevov, tpodny Se THY adropdres
gvopevyv mpoodepopevov, wvyp@ Sé voati tiv
npepav Kal THv viUKTa TroAAdKLs AoVvdpeEevov TpOdS

12 ayvetav, CnAwris éyevopnv adrod. Kai drarpidbas
Tap avT@ eviavtovs Tpets Kal THY émufvplay
TeAcwwoas eis THV TOAW tbaéoTtpedov. evveakat-
5¢€ S° ” ” > / l x / Q
éxatov 8 etos exwv np€aunv [re] modurevecbar

nn / ~

TH Dapioatov aipecet KaTaKoAovsav, 7 Tmapa-
mAjaws €aTt 7H Tap’ “EAAj oe Lreuey) Acyopevn.

13 (3) Me7z’ elkoorov 5€ Kat ExTov éviauToV eis
‘Papnv pow ovverecev avaBhvar dia tH AexPqoo-
/ eee Je / ~ ~ > /
pevyny aitiav. Kal’ ov ypovov OAAE THs *lovdatas
emeTpomevev, lepets twas ovv7fers €puoi Kadovs
Kayalovs dia puKpay Kal THY TUYODCaY aiTiav

/ > \ e / A / e /
djoas «is THVv “Pony eepibe, Adyov tdéEovras

147@ Kaioapt. ois eyo) opov etpécbar BovAdpevos
cwrnplas, padvoTa Sé€ mvOdpevos ote Kaimep ev
Kakois ovtTes ovK emeAdBovTo Tis eis TO Oetov
> / / \ i; \ /
evocfelas, Siatpépowro Sé oavKois Kal Kapvots,
> / 4 \ e / \ FE \
adukopny eis THY “Popny moda Kwdvvevoas Kata

15 Gdrkacoav. Bamricbévtos yap Hu@v tot Aotov

/
Kata pécov tov *Adpiav, mept €€aKoctovs Tov
> \ + > ¢ ~ \ > / \
apr ov ovTes du oAns THs vuKTos evnEdpeba, Kat

aA \
TeEpl apxopwevny Hepayv emupavevtos npiv KaTa
feod mpovouay Kupyvairod mAoiov, placavres TOUS
GAAovs €yw TE Kal TWeES ETEPOL TEPL OyYdoTKOVTA

6

THE LIFE, 11-15

to hard training and laborious exercises and passed
through the three courses. Not content, however,
with the experience thus gained, on hearing of one
named Bannus, who dwelt in the wilderness, wearing
only such clothing as trees provided,* feeding on
such things as grew of themselves, and using frequent
ablutions of cold water, by day and night, for purity’s
sake, I became his devoted disciple. With him I
lived for three years and, having accomplished my
purpose, returned to the city. Being now in my
nineteenth year I began to govern my life by the
rules of the Pharisees, a sect having points of re-
semblance to that which the Greeks call the Stoic
school. ;

(3) Soon after I had completed my twenty-sixth
year it fell to my lot to go up to Rome for the reason
which I will proceed to relate. At the time when
Felix was procurator of Judaea, certain priests of my
acquaintance, very excellent men, were on a slight
and trifling charge sent by him in bonds to Rome
to render an account to Caesar.2 I was anxious to
discover some means of delivering these men, more
especially as I learnt that, even in affliction, they
had not forgotten the pious practices of religion,
and supported themselves on figs and nuts.° I
reached Rome after being in great jeopardy at sea.
For our ship foundered in the midst of the sea of
Adria, and our company of some six hundred souls
had to swim all that night. About daybreak, through
God’s good providence, we sighted a ship of Cyrene,
and I and certain others, about eighty in all, out-

* Made of leaves or, perhaps, bark. ’ Nero.
¢ To avoid eating efdwdéuTa, i.e. meat left over from
heathen sacrifices ; cf. 1 Cor. viii.

ti

A.D, 56-7.

eee
A visit to
Rome.

c. A.D. 64.

16

18

19

20

21

JOSEPHUS

ovuravtes aveAndbnpue eis TO TmActov. biacwleis
8 eis tiv Atxadpyerav, nv LloridAovs *Iradot
kahotow, dua dtAtas apucopny ’"AXittpm, pyo-
Aovyos om Tua ovTos peahora” TO Neépave Kat abupwos ,
‘lovdaios To yévos, Kat bv adrobd Llommaia® TH Tob
Kaicapos yuvatkt yvmpiobeis mpovod ws TaxyvoTa
Tapakaréous avtiy Tovs tepets AvOAvar. preydAwy
d¢ dwpe@v zpos TH evepyecia tavTn TUYMVY Tapa
tis Lonmaias tréotpedov emt THV oiketav.

(4) KaraAapBave 5° 767 VEWTEPLOLOV apxas KGL
moAdovs emi TH ‘Pwpatoy ATOOTACEL peya dpo-
voovTas. kataoTeAhew ovv emTELpwynV TOUS oTa-
cides Kal peTavoey ezevOov, Touncapevous 77 po
6$Ba\uev Tpos ous mrohepscovow, Ort “Papater
ov KAT e7relplay jLovov TOA MURTY aAAa. Kal Kat”
evTvxlav eAaTTODVTAL, KAL [7] TpoTETHS Kal TaVTG-
TAGW aVvOTTWS TaTploL Kal yeveats Kal odicow
avTots Tov TEpl TOV eoxyaTwv Kak@v Kivdvvov
exayew. tatta 8 éeXdeyov Kal Aimaps evexeipny
ATOTpPETTWV, OvoTvxX€oraTov np ToD ToA€pLov TO
TéXos yevncecta TpoopuLevos. ov pay emeloa.”
ToAv yap 7 TOV amovonbevraw € emeK par] GEV pavia.

(5) Aetcas otv pn tatra ovvexds éEywv bia
plcous adikoipny Kai brosias ws Ta TOV TOAELioV
dpovayv Kal Kwovvevow An bbeis tm att@v av-
aipelAvar, EXomeEvT|S 707) TiS. ‘Avrwvias, OTTEp Wy
dpovptov, eis TO evdoTépw lepov trexwWpynoa. peTa

1 Bekker: xad[A]iora Mss.
* The ss. read IlorXia or Iournia ; and so below.

At the N.-W. corner of the temple, which it dominated ;
sO eatled by Herod after Mark Antony. The “castle” of
Acts xxi. 34.

8

THE LIFE, 16-21

stripped the others and were taken on board.
Landing safely at Dicaearchia, which the Italians eall
Puteoli, I formed a friendship with Aliturus, an actor
who was a special favourite of Nero and of Jewish
origin. Through him I was introduced to Poppaea,
Caesar’s consort, and took the earliest opportunity
of soliciting her aid to secure the liberation of
the priests. Having, besides this favour, received
large gifts from Poppaea, I returned to my own
country.

(4) There I found revolutionary movements already
on foot and widespread elation at the prospect of
revolt from Rome. I accordingly endeavoured to
repress these promoters of sedition and to bring
them over to another frame of mind. I urged them
to picture to themselves the nation on which they
were about to make war, and to remember that they
were inferior to the Romans, not only in military
skill, but in good fortune ; and I warned them not
recklessly and with such utter madness to expose
their country, their families and themselves to the
direst perils. With such words I earnestly and
insistently sought to dissuade them from their
purpose, foreseeing that the end of the war would
be most disastrous for us. But my efforts were
unavailing ; the madness of these desperate men
was far too strong for me.

(5) I now feared that my incessant reiteration of
this warning would bring me into odium and the
suspicion of siding with the enemy, and that I
should run the risk of being arrested by them and
put to death. I therefore sought asylum in the
inner court of the Temple ; the fortress of Antonia @
being already in their hands. When Menahem and

9

The eve of
war.

22,

23

24

JOSEPHUS

d€ 7Hv avaipecw Mavarpov Kat TOv TpuTov TOU
Ajozpixob origous bmeFeAIov TOU tepod maw Tots
apxiepetow Kal Tots Tmpoor Tous = T@V Daproaiov
cuvoveTpipov. poBos 6° ovTe jeTplos cixev jpas
op@yvras Tov pev Ofjjuov ev Tots omhots, avTou o°
ovres ev amopw Tl TOLNOWULEV, Kal Tous vewrTEploTas
mavew ot duvapevor tpod7Aov & Hutv Tod KwdvvoU
TApEeCT@TOS, ovyKaTavevew pev adT@v tats yva-
peas eA€yomev, cvveBovdrevopev b€ pevew ed’ aditav
Kat Tovs TroAeplouvs émeABdvTas’ edv, Wa Tod
diukaiws avTaipew omAa mioTw eUpwrTar. Tatra
&° éxpatropev eAmilovtes odK eis praxpay Kéorwov
peta preyaAns duvayews avaBavta mavcew Tov
VEWTEPLO[LOY.

(6) ‘O & emery Kal cup Bade pax eve Oy
ToAA@V TOV per avToU TEGOVTWY. Kal ywerat 7 TO
Keoriov mratopa ouppopa Tod OUELTAVTOS Tp@v
eGvous: éem7plncav yap én TovTw peahov ol TOV
ToA€ [Lov dyamncavres Kal vinoavTes® Tous ‘Pw-
uatovs eis téeAos Amar, Tpooyevowev7s Kal
ETépas Twos ToLa’THS aiTias. ob Tas mepig 7 Tis
Lupias 7OAeEts KaToucobyTes Tovs map eavTois
‘lovdatous ovMapBavovres avy yuvar€l Kat TEKVOLS
dv7povr, ovdepiay avTots airtay emucaAety EXOVTES:
ovTe yap emt ‘Papater dmoordcet VEWTEPOV Tt
meppovijKeoav OUTE Tmpos aUVTOUS EeKelvous exEpov 7
emtPovAov. LKvlomoXirar b€ mdvTwv aceBéorara
Kal Tapavouwrata duerpaéavto: émeAPdvTwy yap

1 vl. dmedOovrTas. 2 Perhaps vixjoew should be read.

¢ Cf. B. ii. 433-448. Menahem, with some irregular

troops, took the lead of the anti-Roman party, and was
then murdered by a rival faction.

10

THE LIFE, 21-26

the chieftains of the band of brigands had been
put to death 4% I ventured out of the Temple and once
more consorted with the chief priests and the leading
Pharisees. We were, however, in a state of great
alarm ; we saw the populace in arms and were at a
loss what to do ourselves, being powerless to check
the revolutionaries. In such obvious and imminent
peril we professed to concur in their views, but
suggested that they should make no move and leave
the enemy alone if he advanced,” in order to gain the
credit of resorting to arms only in just self-defence.
In so doing we had hopes that ere long Cestius® would
come up with a large army and quell the revolution.

(6) He came indeed, but in the engagement which
ensued was defeated with great loss.4 This reverse Defeat of
of Cestius proved disastrous to our whole nation ; 3"
for those who were bent on war were thereby still
more elated and, having once defeated the Romans,
hoped to continue victorious to the end. To add
to this, they had a further ground for hostility.

The inhabitants of the surrounding cities of Syria
proceeded to lay hands on and kill, with their wives Massacres
and children, the Jewish residents among ‘them, %3¢™"!,
without the slightest ground of complaint ; for they Sytia.
had neither entertained any idea of revolt from

Rome nor harboured any enmity or designs against

the Syrians. The most outrageous and criminal

action of all was that perpetrated by the natives of
Seythopolis.¢ Being attacked by hostile Jews from

’ Text and meaning uncertain; perhaps “ allow the
enemy to retire.’ A Roman garrison was besieged in
Jerusalem, forced to capitulate, and then treacherously
murdered: B. ii. 449 ff.

¢ Governor of Syria. @ B. ii. 499 ff.
¢ Bethshan (of the Old Testament), mod. Beisan.

11

JOSEPHUS

atvrots “lovdaiwy é&wbev odAeuiwv, tos map
airots *lovdaiovs éBudcavTo Kata TOV opodtAwv
é7Aa Aafetv, omep eotiv jyiv aféwitov, Kal per
éxelvwv ovpPaddvtes Expatyoav TOv eve ovr:
Emel) om eviKn oa, exAabopevor Tijs pos Tous
EVOLKOUS KGL OUpLpLLaXOUS TLOTEWS mavTas avToOUS
7 dueypjcavto moAAds pupiddas OvTas. Opoa 8
ézafov Kat ot TV Aapackoy “lovdator KatotKobvTes.
GAG wepi ev ToUTwWY aKpiBéoTepov ev Tats TrEpi
Tob “lovdaixod moAduou fifAos dednAwKaper’ vov
o avr ay ere noOnv BovdAcpevos TapacThcae Tots
dvaywacKovaw OTe ov Tpoatpents eyeveTo TOU
mor€uov mpos ‘Pwpaious *lovdatous, aAAa To 7A€ov
avayKn. if

Ls)

ry T S y = er
og (7) Nexnfévtos otv, ws edapev, Tod Keoariov,
rw ~ ~ A
ta ‘lepocodvpit@v of mpA@To. Geacdpevoe TOUS [Lev
Anotas dua Tots vewrepiotais €vTopoupevous
oe” / > , \ \ ” /
TAwy, deicavres 8 ado 7) dvoTtAot KabeaTnKOTES
/ ~ ~ \ ~
bmoxetpior yevwvTat Tots exPpois, 6 Kal pweTaA TADTA.
J \ / \ A »” ~
cuveBn, Kat muldpevor THY VadAtAatay ov7w macav
4 5 ~ ~ ”
Pwpaiwy adectavat, pwépos 8 atris jpewety ert,
29 méuTovaW ee Kal dvo GAAous THY tepewv Kadovs
> \ * OD -, 49 1 A > vA /
Kkayalovs avdpas, "lwalapov’ Kai “lovdav, ze-
A
govTas Tovs Tovnpovs KaTtabécar 7a o7Aa Kat
a » ~ / ~
6uod€ovtras ws e€oTW GLEeWoV Tots KpaTiaToLs TOU
~ Ua vA
efvovs atta Typetofar. eyvwaTo 5€ TovToLs GEL
pev €xew Ta Oda pos TO péAAov ETouLa, TeEpt-
pevew b€ Tl mpagovow “Pwyator pabetv.
> ,
30 (8) AaBaw otv éya tas trobnkas TavTas ad-

1 yl. "lwgapor.

THE LIFE, 26-30

another quarter, they compelled their own Jewish
residents to bear arms against their compatriots,
which we are forbidden to do, and with their
assistance engaged and defeated the invaders ; and
then, after the victory, with no thought of the
allegiance due to fellow-citizens and confederates,
put them all, to the number of many thousands, to
the sword. The Jewish residents in Damascus met
with a similar fate. I have given a more detailed
account of these incidents in my volumes on the
Jewish War; and I merely allude to them here
from a desire to convince my readers that the war
with the Romans was due not so much to the
deliberate choice of the Jews as to necessity.

(7) After the defeat of Cestius, already mentioned,
the leading men in Jerusalem, observing that the
brigands and revolutionaries were well provided
with arms, feared that, being without weapons them-
selves, they might be left at the mercy of their
adversaries, as in fact eventually happened. Being
informed, moreover, that the whole of Galilee had
not yet revolted from Rome, and that a portion of
it was still tranquil, they dispatched me with two
other priests, Joazar and Judas, men of excellent
character, to induce the disaffected to lay down
their arms and to impress upon them the desirability
of reserving these for the picked men of the nation.
The latter, such was the policy determined on, were
to have their weapons constantly in readiness for
future contingencies, but should wait and see what
action the Romans would take.

(8) With these instructions I came into Galilee.

a B. ii. 466 ff., 559 ff. For the phraseology cf. Ap. ii. 287.
13

Mission of
Josephus
to Galilee.

JOSEPHUS

UO els THY PaddAatay. KaL Lempurpiras pev ODK
ev odyw mept TIS mar ptoos ayave KaleoT@tas
et pov, dvaprraca. KEKPLKOT@V avriy 7 TOV DPadiAatev
dua TH T™pos ‘Papatous exe pidtav Kal OTL
Keatl Padre TO Tijs Luplas 1yyewovevovte be€udy
31 TE KL miorw mporetvevay. aAAa ToUTOUS pe eyo
mavras’ amnjAdAa~a Tod ddfov, Twelcas brép adrav
Ta TANI Kal emuTpesas coaKis FéAovor diamep-
meabat mpos* Tovs ev Addpots otketous Opnpevovras
Keoriw: 7a 5€ A@pa woXdts é€otw THs Dowixys.
tovs ev TiBepiads b€ Katoikobdvtas ebpov éd” omAa
KEXWPNKOT as 707 du’ airiay TovavTny.
32 (9) Urdceus Tpets qoav KaTa TY TOAW, pia Lev
avop@v edoxT over, TIPXE oe adris “TovAvos KazeA-
33 Aos. oUTOS 67) Kal Ot ouv av7T@ mavtes, “Hpoddns
0 Meapod Kat Hpwdrs 0 Too TapdAov Kal Kopipos
6 Tod Koprsot- Kpiomos yap adeAgos avrod, TOO
pLeyaAov Bactrews yevopevos TOTE ETApXOS, ev Tats
idlais KTHCEecw éeTUyyavev mépav Tod *lopdavov-
34 TAVTES OUV OL TPOELPH[LEVOL KATA TOV KaLpoV eKEtVvOV
éupevew oavveBovrevov TH mpos Tods “Pawpatous
Kal tov Baoit€a mioter. TH yveopn 5° od ovr-
Np€OKETO IItoros Tapayouevos® bio ‘lovorou TOD
35 TaL80s" Kal yap ay pucer TWS ETYLAVyS. 1 SevTEpA
be oTdous e€& aonwordtwy ouveoTnKuia ToAcpe
36 expwev. “lodoros 8 6 Ilicrov mais, 6 THs TpiTns
peploos mp@Tos, vmeKpiveto prev evdoidlew mpos
Tov TOAEpov, vewTEpwv &° émeBvper Tpaypnarey, eK
THs petaPoAns olopLevos Suva €avT@ Tept-
37 moujoew. TrapeAOdv obv cis pécovs SiSdoKew

1 zavrds conj. Niese. ? So the editio princeps: Mss. dd.
3 Dindorf: rapayevouevos mss.

14

THE LIFE, 30-37

I found the inhabitants of Sepphoris in great distress Condition
of Galilee:

concerning their native place, which the Galilaeans (¢) §,,,

had decided to pillage because of their leanings phones pro-

towards the Romans and the overtures of loyalty eae

and allegiance which they had made to Cestius

Gallus, the governor of Syria. I, however, entirely

allayed their fears, by exerting my influence with

the populace on their behalf, and by the per-

mission which I gave them to communicate as

freely as they chose with their fellow-citizens, who

were held as hostages to Cestius at Dora, a city of

Phoenicia.

The inhabitants of Tiberias, on the other hand, (ii.)Tiberias:
had, I found, already proceeded to hostilities under eee
the Follow ring circumstances.

r@) There were three factions in this city. The
first consisted of respectable citizens, headed by
Julius Capellus. He and his associates, Herod
son of Miarus, Herod son of Gamalus, and Compsus
son of Compsus (I do not include his brother
Crispus, formerly prefect under the great king,” as
he was absent on his estates beyond Jordan) were
at that time unanimous in recommending the city
to continue its allegiance to the Romans and the
king. These views were not shared by Pistus,
who, besides the malign influence of his son Justus,
had a strain of madness in his nature. The second
faction, composed of the most insignificant persons,
was bent on war. Justus, son of Pistus, the ring-
leader of the third party, while feigning hesitation
on the subject of hostilities, was really eager for
revolution, reckoning that a change of government

| would bring him into power. So he came forward

2 Herod Agrippa I. > Agrippa II.
15

39

40)

4]

42

JOSEPHUS

ETELPATO TO 7 7hijGos WS 7) moAus Gel Tis PadAatas
apEevev ext ye TOV ‘Hpadou xpovewy Tod TeTpapxov
Kal KTLOTOUV VEVOMEVOD, BovdnGevros avroo Ty
Lemdwpitav woAw 7H TiPepréewy traKxovew, azo-
ie \ \ Ee] r \ \ > af
Baretv’ d€ TO mpuretov adrovs pnoe Emre Too
Baoudews °"Aypinma Tob TAT POS, Svapetvae d€ Kal
[Lex pl Dijducos 7 TPOEOTOpLEVOU THs ‘Tovdatas. vov
de éAeyey avtous NTUXIKEVAL TO vewrepey Swpeav
“Aypinma dofévras tro Népevos: apE ae yap evbus
rH pev LémPwpw, ezrerd7) ‘Papators UmijKovger,
ths TadtAalas, katadvbfvar 6€ map’ adrois THY TE
Baoilikny tpamelav Kal Ta apyeta. TadTa Kal
A 7 a \ \ / > 4
mpos ToUTois eTepa TOAAG Kata Baotrtews “Aypinza
Néywv brép tot Tov Shpov eis THY amocTacw
épeficar, mpocerifer viv eivar Katpov apapevous
<i \ | / / /
o7Aa Kat TadtAalovs cvppaxyovs mpooAaBovras—
apéew yap avTa@v éexovTwy 61a TO pos Tovs
Lempupitas juioos dmapxov® abrois, OT. THY Tpos
‘Papatous ToT W SiadvAdooovow—peyady xeupt
pos THY UTEp abTavV TYyLepiav Tparrecban. Tadra
héywv mpoetpébatro to mAAGos: Fv yap tKavos
~ ~ > /
qpaywyely Kal TOV avr \AcyovTe ta PedATio
Tmepretvae youreta Kal amarn 7H bua Aoyuv. Kal
yap ove dmetpos nV mavdetas Tijs Tap: “EM jou,
7 Gappav emTEXELPNOEV KAL Ty toroptav TOV mpay-
pdtwv tovTwy avaypadew ws TO doy ToUrw
Tepleadpevos THs GAnfetas. aAAa weEpi prev TOvTOV
a / e ~ \ , > / \ e \
Tod avopos, ws daddos Tov Blov éyéveTo Kat ws ovv
~a 39 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
T@ AOEASG puxpod Setv Katactpodis aitos tajpEev,
.- ~ /
mpotovtos Tob Adyou SnAwoopev. ToTE SE TELGaS
c~ ~ \ / 5 ~ A 4
6 *loteros tods moXitas avadaPety 7a Orda, 7roA-

16

THE LIFE, 37-42

and endeavoured to instil into the people that their
city had always been thg capital of Galilee, at least
under its founder, Herod the tetrarch, whose intention
was that the city of Sepphoris should be subordinate
to Tiberias; and that even under King Agrippa
the elder they had not lost this primacy, which had
continued until Felix became procurator of Judaea.
Now, however, he continued, they had had the
misfortune of being handed over by Nero as a
present to Agrippa the younger; Sepphoris, by
submission to Rome, had forthwith become the
capital of Galilee and the seat of the royal bank
and the archives. To these and many other dis-
paraging remarks upon King Agrippa, calculated to
incite the people to revolt, he added: ‘“ Now is the
time to take up arms and join hands with the
Galilaeans. Their hatred of Sepphoris for remaining
loyal to Rome will make them willing recruits. Now
is your opportunity, with ample forces, for revenge.”’
This harangue had its effect on the mob; for he was
a clever demagogue and by a charlatan’s tricks of
oratory more than a match for opponents with
saner counsels. Indeed he was not unversed in
Greek culture, and presuming on these attainments
even undertook to write a history of these events,
hoping by his presentation of the facts to disguise
the truth. 'But of this man’s general depravity and
of the fact that to him and his brother our ruin was
almost entirely due, I shall adduce proof in the course
of this narrative.¢ On this occasion Justus, having
prevailed on the citizens to take up arms and forced

a Cf. §§ 88, 279, 336-367, 390-3, 410.

1 amoBddXew MSS. 2 Dindorf: trdapxew mss.

VOL. I Cc ire

JOSEPHUS

? /

Aods 6€ Kai pi) OeAnoaytas avayKdaoas, e&eABawv
ovv Taow ToUToUs eumrimpnow ras te Vadapynvav
Kat “Tara mVv@v KQLGS, at On peeopror THS T:Bepuddos
Kal THS TOV Lxvbotodrav Vis ervyXavov KeljLevan.
43 (10) Kat TiBepvas peev €v ToLovTOLs 1 iy, Ta. mepl
toxada de elye Tov Tpomov TotTov. “lwavyns o
ov Anovet, Tov TmodkTay Twas opa@v dua THY

/ ~
mooTaciay THv amo ‘Pwyaiwy péya dpovotvtas
aréxew atrTovs eTEeipaTo Kal THY TioTW 7Eiov

/ > \ > / / /
44 duadvAarrew. od pv nOdvv7iOy KatTow mavU Tpo-
Gvupovpevos. Ta yap mépr€ €Ovn, Tadapnvot Kai
~ S.
PaBapnvei, Mwyavaiow’ Kat Tupior, woAAjv abpoi-
~ / b]

cavrTes SUvapw Kat tots VisydAos émevomecdvtes
apBavover 7a Vioyada Kara Kpatos, Kal Tupmo-
Ajcayres cizta b€ Kat mpockaTtacKaibavtes els THY
45 otkelay avélevEav. “lwavvyns bé€ émt TovTw Tap-
o€uvlets OmAiler mavtas ToUs eT adToo Kal ovp-
Badov tots mpoeipnuevors ebveow Kata KpaTos
evixnoe, Ta TE Vicyada Kpeittova mdAw avaxtioas
Telyeow U7Ep aadadelas THs eis VaTEepov WYUpwoeV.

\ / - A U ~ A e /
4g (11) Vapara b€ wiorer tH mpos “Pwpatous

a > - tee! / / €-3 /
evepewe Ou aitiav TovavTyV. WDidumzos 6 *laxeipou
~ »” \ ~ / > / \
mais, emapyos b€ Tob BaotAéws “Aypinma, awleis

A / >] ~ b] ¢ /
mapa do€av eK THs ev lepocoAvpous Bactducis
avdAjs ToAvopKoupevns Kal Svaguyev els eTEpOV
EveTIEGE Kidvvov, wate b70 Mavanuov Kat tev
47 00v att@ Anotav avaipebjvar- Sdiexm@dAvoav de
BafvAdvioi twes ovyyevets atrod év ‘lepoao-
Avpos ovTes TpGEar Tovs AnoTAas TO Epyov. eémt-
peivas ovv Huépas TEcoapas 0 Dihurmos eKel TH
TéumTyn dbevyer mepileTH xpnodpevos KON Tob Ley
KaTadnAos yevécbar, Kat mapayevopevos eis TWa
15

Qed

THE LIFE, 42-47

many to do so against their will, marched out with
all his followers and set fire to the villages, belonging
to Gadara and Hippos, which lay on the frontiers of
Tiberias and of the territory of Seythopolis.

(10) Such was the position of affairs at Tiberias ; (iii. Gis-
at Gischala the situation was as follows. John, son °"™ '
of Levi, observing that some of the citizens were
highly elated by the revolt from Rome, tried to
restrain them and urged them to maintain their
allegiance. His earnest efforts, however, proved
unavailing ; for the inhabitants of the neighbouring
states, Gadara, Gabara, Sogane and Tyre, mustered
a large force, stormed and took Gischala, burnt and
razed it to the ground, and returned to their homes.
Incensed at this outrage, John armed all his followers,
made a determined attack on the aforesaid peoples
and defeated them. He then rebuilt Gischala on a
grander scale than before and fortified it with walls
as a security for the future.

(11) Gamala remained loyal to Rome under the CY) Cae
following circumstances. Philip, son of Jacimus, King ane Fiae
Agrippa’s lieutenant, after miraculously escaping ™-
with his life from the royal palace at Jerusalem, when
it was besieged, was exposed to the further peril of
being slain by Menahem and his brigands.* The
latter were, however, prevented from accomplishing
their purpose by some Babylonian kinsmen of Philip,
who were then in Jerusalem. Here he remained
for four days and on the fifth escaped, disguised by
a wig, and reaching one of the villages under his

a Of. B. ii. 556 f.; 433 ff.

1 Emended. The mss., in lieu of the two latter names,
have Bapayavéo or the like.

19

48

49 =

50

JOSEPHUS

T@V éavTod K@pLGY KAT TA TOUS opous Papara Tob
Ppouptov KeyLevy mepiret mpos Twas Tav UT
avdToo mpooracowy ws adrTov apuxeobar. .. Tatra
5° atvrov evvoovpevov éumodile: To Oetov emi oup-
dépov7t’ 7) yap TovTov yevoyevov mavTwS av
amoAw@Xer. mupetod 67) KatacxdvTos atrov e€al-
dvyns ypaibas émuotoAds tots mavow °Aypinma Kat
Bepevixy dléwow tov e€edevbdpwv Twi Kopilew
mpos OQuvapov. Hv 8 otros Kata TOV KaLpov exetvov
6 tiv PBaotdetav OuoiKay, kaTaoTnodvTey avTov
Tov Paoirtéwv: atrot yap eis Bynputov adixvotyTo
bravTjaa, PovdAduevor Keotiw. AaBav otv 6
Otvapos 7a mapa DiAimzov ypappata Kai mvbd-
pevos adtov diacec@obar Bapéws jveyKev, aypetos
To Aowrov atbros vopilwv daveicbar tots PactActow
adixopevov Tod Didimzov. mpoayayawv obv eis TO
mAnbos Tov Tas émioToAds KopicavTa Kal 7haoro-
ypasiav emikadécas, pevdeoOat te dnoas avrov
amayyethavra Mihimzov év Tots ‘lepocoAvpous pera
Tav “lovdaiwy “Papatois woAepety améxrewev. pur)
drootpédavtos 51) Tod e€eAevbépov Didimmos azo-
p@v thy aitiay devtepov éexméurTer eT emtiacTOA@y
7dvw tov amayyeAotvta pos abrov Ti TO cvpPe-
Bykos ein T@ azroctadérvtt, bv 6 Bpadvverev. Kat
Totrov 6€ Tmapayevopevov 6 Ovapos cuKodavTyicas
avethev. Kal yap v70 TOV ev Kavoapeta Lvpwv
em fjp7o péeya dpovelv, avatpeOncecbar pev Acyovrew
tao “Pwpatwv tov ’Aypinzmay pee b70 ‘Tovdate
paptupias,® Ajbecbar 8 adr Tv apxnv eK
Baoiléwv ovTa* Kal yap jv ” uo loan 6
1 The mss. add tiv @iNirrovs probably there is a lacuna
in the text.
20

THE LIFE, 47-52

jurisdiction on the confines of the fortress of Gamala,
sent orders to some of those under his command to
join him... . His designs, however, were, fortunately
for himself, frustrated by Providence ; else he would
undoubtedly have perished. Being seized with a
sudden attack of fever, he wrote to the younger ¢
Agrippa and Berenice a letter which he delivered to
one of his freedmen to convey to Varus®; Varus |
having at the time been appointed administrator of varus, tle
the realm by the king and his royal sister, who had eee
gone to Berytus to wait upon Cestius. The receipt ~
of Philip’s communication, acquainting him of his
escape, caused Varus great vexation, as he supposed
that, now that Philip had arrived, their majesties
would have no further use for his own services. He
accordingly brought the bearer of the letter before
the people and accused him of forging it ; he added
that he had mendaciously reported that Philip was
fighting against the Romans with the Jews in
Jerusalem, and then put the man to death. Philip,
at a loss to explain the failure of his freedman to
return, dispatched a second with further letters and
_ to bring him word what had happened to cause the
delay of his first courier. He, too, on his arrival was
slain by Varus on some groundless accusation. For
Varus had been led to entertain great expectations
by the Syrians of Caesarea, who asserted that
Agrippa, on the indictment of the Jews, would be
put to death by the Romans, and that he, as of
royal lineage, would succeed to the throne. As a
@ Lit. “‘ the children,” sc. of Agrippa I., his former chief.
® Called Noarus in B. ii. 481 ff.

2 uwaprupias cod. R: the other mss. have auaprias, ** for the
crimes of the Jews.”

21

JOSEPHUS

Outapos PactAiKod yévous, eyyovos Lo€sov Tod
53 mepi tov AiPavov terpapyotvTos. dia TovT ovv oO
Ovapos Tupovpevos Tas pev emaToAas Tap €avT@
KaTEOXEV [eT XavedpLevos Vay evTuxetv Tots ypdppace
tov Baowréa, Tas efodous d€ maoas eppoupe, PI)
dvadpas Tis aTrayyetAete TO Baowret Ta TpaTTOmeva.
Kat 67) yaptlouevos Tots Kata 7Hv Katodperav
54 Lupois toAAovs THv “lovdaiwy améxtrewev. €Bov-
AnOy 5€ Kal peta THY ev Batavaia Tpaywwirayv
dvadaBav Ta OmAa emt Tous ev ‘ExBaravous BaBo-
Awvious ‘lovdatous, TaUT nV yap THY mpoanjyoptay
55 EXOVOW, Oppnoae. Kadéoas ovv TOY KaTAa THY
Kaodpevav *lovdaiwy ba@dexa tovs doKxywwrdrous
TpocéTaccev avTois adiKopéevois eis *ExBdarava
mpos Tovs eKel KaToLKOdVTas atT@v opopvAous
el7ely OTL Ovapos, axovoas DLAs emt Baowréea
peMew oppay KaL Pa mLoTEvVoas, TETOpMpEV nas
TetoovTas bpds Ta omAa katabéotac: ToOTO yap
atT@ tTexpnpiov ececbar Kal Tod Kadds pu) To-
56 TevoaL Tots mepl vpav héyouow. éxédeve de Kal
TOUS TpwToUs avTaV avopas €PoourjKovra me prey
drohoyncopevous TEpl THS emevyveypevn)s aitias.
eMovres ovv ob dwdeKa mpos Tous ev "ExBardvous
ouopvAouvs Kat KatadaBdvtes adrovs pndev emi
vewTEplouL@ hpovobdvTas emevcav Kal Tovs €Pdop7-
57 KOVTG TéuTew. ot d€ pwydev DromTEVCaYTES TOLOD-
tov olov EweAAev amofyjccoba eEaméotetAav. Kata-
Baivovow 8 otro pera TOV bwHdeKa TpécBewr eis

* The highlands east of the Sea of Galilee, viz. Batanaea
(Bashan) and the volcanic district of Trachon or Trachonitis
(rodxav =** rough ground”; mod. El Lejz), were exposed to
Arab raiders. To protect the district, which lay on the
22

THE LIFE, 52-57

descendant of Soemus, who had been a tetrarch in
the Lebanon district, Varus’s royal extraction was
universally admitted. Inflated with these lofty
ambitions Varus withheld the letters and contrived
to prevent their perusal by the king ; guards being
posted at all the exits from the town, so that none
should escape and report his proceedings to him.
Moreover, to ingratiate himself with the Syrians of
Caesarea, he put many of the Jews to death.

He had a further scheme of uniting with the
people of Trachonitis in Batanaea in an armed attack
on the “ Babylonian Jews,” as they are called, in
Kebatana.* He accordingly summoned twelve of the
most esteemed of the Caesarean Jews, and instructed
them to proceed to Ecbatana and tell their com-
patriots in that city that a report had reached Varus
that they intended to march against the king; he
did not credit this report, but had sent this embassy
to urge them to lay down their arms; he would
regard their compliance as proof that he was right in
attaching no weight to the current rumours. He
further ordered them to send seventy of their leading
men to answer the charge which had been laid
against them. The twelve, finding on their arrival
at Ecbatana that their compatriots were innocent of
any revolutionary designs, urged them to dispatch
the seventy ; they, with no suspicion of the fate in
store for them, sent them off and the deputies
travelled down with the twelve envoys to Caesarea.

direct route from Babylon to Jerusalem, Herod the Great
settled in Batanaea a colony of Babylonian Jews under
Zamaris, grandfather of the Philip named in the text; 4.
xvii. 23 ff. Ecbatana is not the city in Media, but one of
the forts built in this region. A different version of the
above narrative is given in B. ii. 481 ff.

O92.
23

His mas-
sacre of
Babylonian
Jews.

JOSEPHUS

‘ , ¢ , > . ” \
TH Katodpevay. vTavTT|aAs Ovv Oo Ovapos pera,
THs Bacwdcwhs Ovvdjrews ovv Tots _TpeoBeow may -
Tas aTEKTEWEV KGL Ty Tropetay él TOUS eV "ExBa-

58 Tavois “lovdaiovs ezoteiro. dbdoas bé Tis ex TOV
efdopnKovTa aowbeis amnyyedev avUTOLS, KGKELVOL
7a omAa AaBovtes adv yvvaEl Kal TéKVOLS Ets

uA
Tdapada ro dpovpiov trexopynoav, KatadurovtTes
Tas Kwpas ToAA@v ayalav wAjpers Kai BooKy-
/ \ / > / y \

59 pdtwv moAAas pupiddas éyovoas. Widummos de

~ /
mvGopevos TA0TA Kal avtos ets Vapada to dpovpiov
KEV. TOpayEvopevov de KateBoa TO 7AiGos,,
apyew avrov mapaxahobyres Kal toAepmetvy mpos
OQuapov Kai rovs ev 7H Katoapeia Xvpovs: b1-
EN 1 \ e_\ pis \ me 2 y
€d€00T0' yap U70 TOUTWY Tov Bacwréa TeOvavas.

60 Dikizzos 8 atrt@v Karteixe Tas oppds, DTrOpLLy 7) -
Ke TOV Te ToD Bactré€ws ets avrous evepyeotay,
Kat THV “Pwyatwy dunyovpevos bon Tis éoTw 7
dvvapus, cudéepew ovK EAeyev dpacbar mpos TovUToUS

/ \ / ” id A \ /
6] 70Aemov, Kat TéAos Ezetcev. 6 5€ Baotdeds mvO0-
id / \ > \ ion /
peevos oTt Ovapos péAAeu Tovs emi THS Katoapetas
> / \ \ \ / \ +
lovdatovs atv yvvar€t Kat Téxvois toAAas GvTas
a 5 — ~ we
pevpiddas avaipety Epa pa, peTaTreuTreTae | 7pos |*
> / Ad M 7d 3 / > ~ 6 i)
avtov, Atkovoy Mod.ov? zéuibas attT@ diddoxov,
ws ev dddos ednjAwWoapev. 6 b€ Diduzzos Tapada
TO Ppovpiov KaTécyev Kal THY TéplE Yupav TioTEL
~ ¢
TH 7pos “Pwpatovs €upévovear.

62 (12) “Evet & eis tv TadtAaiay adixopny eyw
L Tadra Bibs: TOv amayyeiAdvrwr euabov, ypadw

>

duedé507To Bekker: diadédoxro and dcedéxeTOo MSS.
A :
2 zpos is omitted by Bekker.
3 vl. Movdéuor.

THE LIFE, 57-62

They were met by the royal troops under Varus, who
put them all to death, including the envoys, and
proceeded on the march against the Jews of Ec-
batana. One of the seventy, however, escaped, and
got ahead of him and brought the news to his country-
men ; whereupon, seizing their arms, they withdrew
with their wives and children to the fortress of
Gamala, leaving their villages full of abundant
stores and stocked with many thousand head of
cattle.

On hearing of this Philip also entered the fortress
of Gamala, the people of which on his arrival
vociferously called on him to assume the command
and make war on Varus and the Syrians of Caesarea,
who, according to a rumour which was afloat, had
assassinated the king. Philip sought to restrain
their impetuosity ; reminded them of the benefits
which the king had conferred upon them; dilated
on the formidable power of the Romans and the
inexpediency of entering upon war with such an
enemy; and in the end succeeded. The king,
meanwhile, hearing that Varus intended to massacre
in one day the Jewish population in Caesarea,
numbering many thousands, including women and
children, recalled him and sent Aequus Modius
to take over the command, as I have elsewhere
related. The fortress of Gamala and the surround-
ing district were retained by Philip and _ thus
preserved their allegiance to Rome.

(12) When, on my arrival in Galilee, I was informed
of the above position of affairs, I wrote to the San-

« Of. B. ii. 483, where Varus’s deposition is mentioned, but
not the name of his successor. For the sequel see § 179 ff.
below. eee

QO 5

~~

His super-
session.

6

64

66

6

3

Or

~I

JOSEPHUS

T@ ovvedpiw T&v ‘lepocoAvputy wept rovtwv Kat
Tl we Tparrew KeAeVovaw EpwT@. ot dé mpocpetvar
mapekdAecay Kal Tovs cupmpéeoBets, et Oédovev,
KATACXOVTO. mpovovay momoacta THS DPadwAaias.
ot de cup Tpeapets eUTopijcavres Toh haby Xpyparow
é€x TOV Sid0onevwv adbtots dexaT av, as ovres tepeis
odevAopevas amehdpBavov, els TV oikelay v7o0-
oTpedew yi expuvay" ep.0b 5° avrovs Tpoopetvat
TapakaAécavTos ews ov Ta Tpaypara. KQTQOT7, -
cwpev, TeifovTar. apas otv peT atvTaV amo Tis
Lerdwpitav or\ews eis Kwopnv twa BryOyaods
Aeyonevnv, améxovoay TiBepiddos orddua Téooapa,
Tapaylopat, Kat 7éuibas evtedev [tovs | mpos TV
TiPepiewv BovdAny Kai tots mpwtovs tod Sdipov
TmapekdAovy adixécbar mpdos pe. Kal Tapayevo-
ev, eAnAdvber 5€ adv abrots Kat *lodaTos, Edeyov
imo tod Kowod T&v ‘lepocoAvpitaev mpecBedoar
peta TovTwy temoudbar mpos adtovs, Telowy
kabarpeFjva TOV OlKOV TOV U70 ‘Hpidov TOU
TeTpapXov KaracKevacbevra, Cawy popdas € eXovTa,
Trav VOILWV OVTWS TL karaokevdcew drrayopevovT a
Kal mapexaovv avrous eav jpas 7 TdxXos TOUTO
mparrew. émt oA pv ov ot mept zov KazéAAav
Kal TOvs TpwTouvs at’T@v éemitpémew odK TOedov,
Bralopevor & bd? Hav ovyKxatatibevrar. Paver
5° *Inoots 6 tot Mamdia wais, ov THS TOV vavT@v
Kal TOV aTépwv oTdcews Tpa@Tov ehapev apEar,
mapadapwv twas TadtAalovs Kai THY macav adAnv
eL-TpTjoas, ToAA@v oldojevos evropnoew e€ avTis
xXpnpearev, emelo7) Twas olKwY opodas KeXpuow-
pevas etdev. Kal Ounpacav moAAa Tapa yreopny
Ti TwEeTepayv mpakavTes* Hels yap META TIV Tpos
26

THE LIFE, 62-67

hedrin at Jerusalem and asked for instructions how
I should proceed. They advised me to remain at
my post and take precautions for Galilee, retaining
my colleagues, if willing to stay. My colleagues,

Conference
of Josephus
with the
leading men
of Tiberias

and ensuing

having amassed a large sum of money from the “'s°rders.

tithes which they accepted as their priestly due,
decided to return home; but, on my request, con-
sented to stay until we had brought matters into
order. I accordingly set out with them from head-
quarters at Sepphoris and came to a village called
Bethmaus, four furlongs distant from Tiberias, and
from there sent to the council and principal men of
that city, requesting them to come to me. On their
arrival, Justus being among them, I told them that
I and my associates had been commissioned by the
Jerusalem assembly to press for the demolition of
the palace erected by Herod the tetrarch, which
contained representations of animals—such a sty}
of architecture being forbidden by the laws “—and I
requested their permission to proceed at once with
the work. Capella ® and the other leaders for a long
while refused this, but were finally overruled by us
and assented. We were, however, anticipated in
our task by Jesus, son of Sapphias, the ringleader,
as already stated,° of the party of the sailors and
destitute class. Joined by some Galilaeans he set
the whole palace on fire, expecting, after seeing that
the roof was partly of gold, to obtain from it large
spoils. There was much looting, contrary to our
intention ; for we, after our conference with Capella

& Bxod. xx. 4.

> Or Capellus, as in § 32 above.

© Not previously mentioned ; the reference is apparently

to the mention of “‘ the second faction of insignificant
persons ”’ in § 34 above.

27

68

69

70

71

72

JOSEPHUS

KaréAAav Kai tovs mpwrouvs TiPepr€wy optdAiay eis
tiv avw VadtAatay ao Byfwaady avexwpicaper.
dvatpotow 8 ot wept tov “Incoty mavtas Tovs
evoixoovtas “EAAnvas Ooot te mpo Tod moAgmou
yeyovetcay avT@v exGpot.

(13) Ilv@dmevos 8 eyo tatra mapw&dvOnv
opodpa, Kal Katapas ets Tifepiada mpovovay eio-
qveyeapny Tov Pacrtkav oKev@v ooa Ouvarov
nv TOUS apmdcavras adeAéabar- Avxyviat 8° oar
Kopivétar tatra Kat tpamelar TOv BaowltKav Kat
aonpov apyuplov oTabuos tkaves. mavTa 6 ooa
mapéAaBov, duAdccew 7H Paciret Expwa. peta-
mepisapevos obv Tovs THs BovAns mpwrovs déKa Kat
KazéAAav tov “Avrvdou Ta. oKevy) TapeéowKa,
pnoevt mapayyethas eTépw ARV € eo0 dobvar.

axetev eis ta Vioyada zpos tov “lwavyyy
peta TOV ovpmpécBewv adixopnv BovdAdpmevos
yvavar TU Tore ppovel. KaTetoov 5 avrov TAXEWS
VEewTepwv OpeyopLevov Tpaypwarov KaL THS apx7s
emfupiay € EXOVTG. mapeKder yap [Me TOV Katoapos
otTov KelLevov ev Tals THS avwlev VadAatas Kaas
e€ovolay atT@ dodvar exdopijoa OéAew yap
epackey eis ETLOKEVIV TOV THS TaTpldos TEixOv
avrov avad@oa. Katavonoas b€ éyw THY emlyel-
pyow avTod Kal Ti dvavooito mpdaccew, ovK Edny
avTa ovyxwpev 7 yap ‘Papratous avrov EVEVOOUPLAY .
duddrrew i 7) €AUT@, Oud TO Kal TV efovotay TOV
eKel TpaypaTwv atvTos Tapa Tod Kowod 7av
‘lepooodupur@y wemoTedoban. vay mretBooy d€ jee
mrepl TOUT WY emt Tovs ovpeTpeaBers eTpameTo: Kal
yap qoav amTpovonto. TOV ETomevev Kal AaBeiv
érouoTtator. PUeiper 5€ xprpacw avtovs Wypi-
28

THE LIFE, 67-73

and the leading men of Tiberias, had left Bethmaus
for Upper Galilee. Jesus and his followers then
massacred all the Greek residents in Tiberias and
any others who, before the outbreak of hostilities,
had been their enemies.

(13) On hearing of these proceedings I was
extremely indignant and went down to Tiberias and
devoted my energies to recovering from the plunderers
as much as I could of the palace furniture, namely,
some candelabra of Corinthian make, royal tables,
and a large mass of uncoined silver. I decided to
keep all that I obtained in trust for the king, and
accordingly sent for ten of the principal councillors,
with Capella, son of Antyllus, and committed the
property to their charge, with injunctions to deliver
it to none but myself.

From Tiberias I went with my colleagues to
Gischala to meet John, whose attitude I desired to
ascertain. I soon discovered that he was eager for
revolution and ambitious of obtaining command.
For he requested me to authorize him to lay hands
on the imperial corn stored in the villages of Upper
Galilee, professing a desire to expend the proceeds
on the repair of the walls of his native town. De-
tecting his ultimate design and present intentions, I
declined his request ; as the authority entrusted to
me by the Jerusalem authorities extended to that
district, | intended to reserve the corn either for the
Romans or for my own use. Unsuccessful with me
he turned to my colleagues, who were blind to coming
events and quite open to receive money. ‘These he

29

Stratagems
of John of
Gischala.

JOSEPHUS

~ ~ ~ A
cacbat mavTo. Tov otrov avTa@ Tapadoljvar Tov
EV TH AUT 08 €T rapxia KelpLevov. KAYO) LOVOS ITTO-

74 pee UO duo THY qovxtav Hyov. KOL devTepav

~I

=

é

~I

~I

"lwavyns émevcéhepey Tavoupyiav: edn yap ‘lov-
dalouvs Tovs THY OiAiw7ov Karodpevav KatoiKobytas,
ovyKkekAetopevous KaTa mpootay7iv tod Bac-
A€ws tro Modiov? rob THV duvacreiav d.orvKobvTos,
TETOMPEVAL 7pos avrov Tmapaxadodvras, emrel07) ovK
éyoucw €AaLov @ Xpicovras! kabapoy, Tounadevov
7 povovay eUrroplay avtois ToUTOV Tapacxety, Ley)
bu avayKny ‘EAAqvucd Xpwpevor TA VOMILA TAapa-
Bairwow. tatta 8 oty tm etocBeias eAeyev
‘lwdvrgs, bu aiaxpoKepderay b€ pavepwtarny.
yw woKwv yap Tapa pev eketvols Kata THY Katod-
petav tous bo E€atas Opaxyts pads 7wAovpévous,
ev d€ Tots Puaxddous TOUS oydonKOVTO, f€oras
dpaxu@v tecodpwv, wav 70 €Aawov Goov Hy exet
duevéeusato, AaBwv e€ovciay Kat map é€uobd TO

6 doxetv' o8 yap éexav emétpetrov, aAAa dia doBov

TOV amo TOD 7A fous, pn Kwddiwv Kkatadevoberny
on avr av. ovyxwpyaavros ouv pov: mAciorwv
ne 6 “lwavvyns ex Tis KaKoupyias tavrTns
UTOpnGe.
(14) Tovs 5€ cupmpécBers azo t&v TisxdAwy
moAvcas €is Ta ‘lepoooAuja mpovoray emoLoupny
oTAwy TE KaTaoKEvAs Kal ToAcwv EXUPOTNTOS.
ae rameuibapevos b€ TOV AnoT@v tovs avdpe.oTa-
tous adeAéobar pev abta@v Ta ora ody oidv TE Ov
ewpwv, eTetca b€ TO TAnOos picfodopay adrois
Tapexew, arewov elvar Aéywv Exovtas oAlya biddvat

Sa

* So, doubtless correctly, the editio princeps: the mss.
have tzodvs, ‘* slipped away and.”

30

THE LIFE, 73-77

bribed to vote that all the corn stored in his province
should be delivered to him. Unsupported and out-
voted by the other two, I held my peace.

This knavish trick John followed up with a second.@
He stated that the Jewish inhabitants of Caesarea
Philippi, having, by the king’s order, been shut up
by Modius, his viceroy, and having no pure oil for
their personal use, had sent a request to him to see
that they were supplied with this commodity, lest
they should be driven to violate their legal ordinances
by resort to Grecian oil.? John’s motive in making
this assertion was not piety, but profiteering of the
most barefaced description; for he knew that at
Caesarea two pints® were sold for one drachm,
whereas at Gischala eighty pints could be had for
four drachms. So he sent off all the oil in the place,
having ostensibly obtained my authority to do so.
My permission I gave reluctantly, from fear of being
stoned by the mob if I withheld it. Thus, having
gained my consent, John by this sharp practice made
an enormous profit.

(14) At Gischala I let my colleagues return to
Jerusalem and proceeded to take measures for the
provision of arms and the strengthening of the
fortifications of the towns. I also summoned the
most stalwart of the brigands and, seeing that it
would be impossible to disarm them, persuaded the
people to pay them as mercenaries ; remarking that
it was better to give them a small sum voluntarily

@ With S§ 74 f. cf. B. ii. 591 f. (details rather different).

’ Foreign oil was forbidden, according to one Talmudic

authority, as likely to be tainted by unclean vessels. Cf. 4.
xa 120; ¢ Sextarii.

2 td Modiov Holwerda: trodixov mss. Cf. § 61 with 49.
3 vl. xpjoovrat.

31

Josephus
dismisses
his col-
leagues, His
measures to
tranquillize
Galilee.

78

80

81

82

JOSEPHUS

padhov TAS KTHGELS duapraCojevas on avrav
TEeplopayv. Kal AaBav Tap avr ay _OpKous pT)
adi€ecfat mpdoTepov eis THY Ywpav, eav pu) peTa-
~ “A a \ \ \ / > /
KAnbdow 7 oTay TOV pabov pn AdBwouw, améhuoa
TapayyeiAas LTTE ‘Paopratous ToAepetv pare Tots
Teptoikols’ etpynvevecbar yap. 7po TavTwWY THY
TadtAatay édpdovtilov. tovs & ev réAec rOv Tad-
Aaiwy, dcov €Bdou7jKovta mavtas, BovAdpevos ev
mpodace dirtas kalarep Ounpa Ths mloTeEwWs Exe,
didovs TE Kal cuveKdHous eTouoapny, emt TE
/
Kpioes TapeAdBavov Kal LET ra, YVOUNs 7 Tis excelveuv
Tas dmopdcets ETOLOULNV, [LITE TpOTETELA Teupa-
jeevos TO dixaiov diapapravew Kabapevew Te’
TavrTos em * adtats Ajpparos.
~ ~ y / e
(15) Ilept tpuaxoorov yotv eros tmapywv, ev @
xXpovw, Kav améxynTat Tis TOV Tapavopev eémt-
=z / \ > ~ / \
Bupitdv, dvcKor\ov tas ex tod dOdvov daBodAds
/ A \ ree ee: Lae. / y+ /
dpevyew, ddAws Te Kal <e?’ >® EEovaias OvTa peyadAns,
A ~ uA
yovaika pev Taoav avi Bprorov edvAaka, mavTwv
d€ TOV ddopevenv Ss pL xp cov KaTeppovn aa
GAN’ odvd€ Tas oderouevas pLor ws iepet dexdras
amteAapBavov Tapa Tav KoptlovrTmv. ex pevTou
~ / / 4 \ / \ \ /
Tov Aadvpwv pépos* Tovs Lipovs Tovs tas wépr€
modes KaTOLKODYTAs viKjoas €AaBov, a Kal els
‘lepocdAupa Tots ovyyevéow opodoy@ TeTopdevar.
\ \ \ \ / e \ /

Kal dis ev KaTa Kpatos eAwy Lemdbwpitas, TiPe-
A / A_5 7 eA \ \ > /
plets teTpakis, VaPapets® 8° amak, cai Tov “lwavyvnv
/ > 7 / \ ¢ /
moAAdKis emtBovAedcavTa por AaBwv troxeiprov,

> ~ ~
oUt avTov ovTe TWas THY Tpoeipnuevwy eOvav
> -
ETILWPTCAUNV, ws mpotwv 6 Adyos TapacTHoet.
1 re Bekker: 6é mss. 2 vl. ev.
3 ins. Bekker. 4 wépous MSS.

32

THE LIFE, 77-82

than to submit to raids upon their property. I then
bound them by oath not to enter the district unless
they were sent for or their pay was in arrear, and
dismissed them with injunctions to refrain from
attacking either the Romans or their neighbours ;
for my chief concern was the preservation of peace

in Galilee. Wishing, moreover, under the guise of A council

friendliness, to retain the Galilaean authorities, some
seventy in all, as hostages for the loyalty of the
district, I made them my friends and companions
in travel, took them as assessors to cases which I
tried, and obtained their approbation of the sentences
which I pronounced ; endeavouring not to fail in
justice through precipitate action and in these
matters to keep clear of all bribery.

(15) I was now about thirty years old, at a time
of life when, even if one restrains his lawiess passions,
it is hard, especially in a position of high authority,
to escape the calumnies of envy. Yet I preserved
every woman's honour; I scorned ail presents
offered to me as having no use for them; I even
declined to accept from those who brought them
the tithes which were due to me as a priest. On the
other hand, I did take a portion of the spoils after
defeating the Syrian inhabitants of the surrounding
cities, and admit to having sent these to my kinsfolk
in Jerusalem. And though I took Sepphoris twice
by storm, Tiberias four times, and Gabara once ;
and though I had John many times at my mercy
when he plotted against me, I punished neither him
nor any of the communities I have named, as the
course of this narrative will show. To this cause I

5 TaBapets Niese (after cod. P, Tapafets): the other mss.
have*Tadapets.
VOL. I D 335)

of seventy.

Protestation
of integrity.

JOSEPHUS

83 dua Toor otpae Kab TOV feov, ov yap Acdrfacw
abrov ot Ta SێovTa TparTovTeEs, Kal eK THs eKelvOV
pvoacbat pe xXElpos Kat pera Tabra moots
TEpUTEGOVTS Kwovvos SiadvAdéar, mEpt Mv VaTEpov
aT ayyehobpev.

84 (16) Tooavr mel om 7Vv 7) m™pos pe TOU 7Anfovs TOV
TadAaiov evvova KL mloTis, WOTE Anpbevc@v
avr av KaTa Kpadtos TGV ToAcwr, yuvarK@v be Kal
TEKVWV dvdparrodustevrew, ovx ovTws Tats €avTav
emeoTevagav ovppopats waomrep THS EUTS eppovTicay

85 cwrnplas. tadra 0° dpav "lwdavvys édOdvace, Kat
ypade. m7pos pe Tapakarav émutpepar kataBavre
xprioacdau tots ev TiPepiade Feppots voaor TIS Too

86 gupLaTos EvEeKa Geparetas. Kayo) pnoev dvomTev-
gas mpagew avTov Tovnpov OvK exhuoa Tmpos
dé Kal Tots Tis TiBepudsos Thy Siolknow oT ejo0

TETLOTEVLEVOLS KaT ovopa ypadoa kaTadvow eTOU-
doa T@ “lwavvy Kat Tots adi€opevois ovv avTa,
TavTwY TE TOV emiTHOElwy adfoviay TapacyewW.
dueTpiBov O€ KaTa TOV KaLpoV EKEivoy EV KWELN THS
TadAaias 7 mpooayopeveTa Kava.

cy he Cae el BR ‘lwdvyns dp uKopLevos els Thy TiBeprecy
7oAw eee Tovs avOparous dmooravras THS 7pos
pe TloTews mpootifecfar adt@. Kai moAdot THY
mapaKkAnow Wdéws edé€avTo, vewrépwv emfv-
pobvTes alel mpaypatwv Kal ducer mpos pweTtaBodAas

88 emiTNOElws EXOVTES Kal OTAGEGL YaipovTes’ wadLoTa
de ‘lodo7os Kal 6 matnp avtob Ilicros wpyujKecav
dmoardyTes ep.00 mpoobecbar 7a ‘Tewdvvy. dveKw)-

89 Avoa 8° atrods dfdcas. Kev yop ayyeros pou
mapa Ltda, dv éyw Kabeoraxew ths TiBepiddos
OTpaTnyoOV, Ws TmpoEtror, ™mY TOV TiBepréwv
34

THE LIFE, 83-89

attribute my deliverance out of their hands by God—
for His eye is upon those who do their duty—and my
subsequent preservation amid the numerous perils,
to be related in the sequel, which I encountered.

(16) The affection and loyalty towards me of the
people of Galilee were such that, when their cities
were taken by storm and their wives and children
enslaved, their lamentations over their own calamities
were not so deep as their concern for my safety.
Observing this, John’s envy was aroused and he
wrote to me for permission to come down and take
the hot baths at Tiberias for the good of his health.¢
Having no suspicion of any malign intention, I not
only did not prevent him, but went so far as to write
separate letters to those whom I had entrusted with
the administration of Tiberias, to prepare a lodging
for him and any who might accompany him, and to
make every provision for them. My quarters at the
time were at a village of Galilee called Cana.

(17) On his arrival at Tiberias, John attempted to
induce the inhabitants to abandon their allegiance
to me and attach themselves to him; and there were
many who, ever craving for revolution, by tempera-
ment addicted to change and delighting in sedition,
gladly responded to his invitation. In particular
Justus and his father Pistus were eager to desert
me and go over to John. My speedy action, how-
ever, thwarted their plans. For a messenger reached
me from Silas, whom, as I have already mentioned,?
I had appointed governor of Tiberias, bringing word

« With this and the sequel cf. B. ii. 614 ff.
’ Not in this work ; but see B. ii. 616.

Popularity
of Josephus
excites
John’s envy.

John pro-
motes
sedition at
Tiberias.

90

91

93

94

95

96

JOSEPHUS

yvopnv amayyehov Kape omevoew mapakahéay:
Bpadvvartos yap v770 THY €repav efovotay yev}-
ceabau" Ty ToAw. evTvxaV ovv Tots ypdppact
rob Lida Kat Sudeontene avadaBwv avdpas dv oAns
THS VUKTOS THY mopetav eTOLOvENY mporeppas
Gyyedov Tov TH er Tmapovatay Tots eV TH TiBe-
pide. onpavotvTa. mpwt de aAnovdlovros €oo TH
more. TO TAnOos tayvrialev Kat “Iwavvys odv
avtois' 6s Kal TdvU pe TETAPAypevWS aoTACd-
pevos, Selaas pu) els EAeyyov adrot tis mpa€ews
adukopevns atoAécbar Kwdvvevon, bmEXwWPIGE PETA

~ : \ e ~ / > \ \ /
2 OTTOVONS cis THY €avTod kaTddvow. Kaye de yevo-

pevos KATA TO oTdOLOV, Tous Tept eue owparo-
dvhaxas amodvcas mAnv évds, Kal pera ToUTOU
Kkatacxyav dé€xa Tov omAuiTav, Syunyopety emet-
pwpny TO tAnGe Tov TiBeprewv oras emt Tpryxod
TWOS binrod," mapexahovy TE pay. ovTws avrous
TAXEWS ddioracbas: Kar dyvoow yap avrots olcew
THY petaBoAny, Kal TO peta TadTa mpotorapevey
Sv brodlas yerijcecbar Sixatas, cis nde TH mpos
éxeivov miotw dvdAakovTwv.

(18) Otmw dé pow mdvta AeAdAnTO, Kai Twos
efyjKkovea TOV olKelwy kataBatvew KehevovTos: ov
yap uo KaLpov civau dpovrilew THs Tapa TiBeprewy
evvolas, GAAa wept THs tdias owrnpias Kal 7@s
tovs €x8povs éexdtyw. memopder 5 6 “lwayvys
TOV Tept abrov oThitayv aang TOUS TLOTOTATOUS
ex TOV ytAlwy oimep Hoav at’T@, Kat mpocérakev
tois meudbeiow avedciv pe TmeTVapEVvos Ws EnV
pera TOV olKetov [ELOVEaLEVOS. fxov 8 ot mep-
d0évres, Kav emempaxeroav TOUpyov, el py) TOO
tpryxod GGrrov adaddpevos eyw peTa TOD GwWULATO-

36

THE LIFE, 89-96

of the intention of the citizens and exhorting me to

make haste, since, if | delayed, the town would pass

into the hands of others. Having read _ Silas’s
dispatch I mustered two hundred men and marched Josephus,

. . a Bia : recalled to

all night long, sending a courier in advance to inform Tiberias,
the people of Tiberias that I was coming. As I
approached the city at dawn I was met by the
population, including John, who saluted me in
evident confusion and, fearing that the exposure

of his proceedings would endanger his life, hastily
retired to his lodging. On reaching the stadium

I dismissed my bodyguard, except one man whom

I retained along with ten soldiers. Then standing

on a high parapet ® I endeavoured to address the

crowd of citizens. I urged them not to be so hasty

in revolting ; such fickleness would be a blot on their
character, and they would justly be suspected by a

future governor, as likely to prove equally disloyal

to him.

(18) I had not completed my speech when I flees for hi:
heard one of my men bidding me come down, as it ae
was no time for me to be thinking of the loyalty of
the Tiberians, but of my own life and how to elude
my foes. John, on hearing that I was left isolated
with my personal attendants, had selected the most
trustworthy of the thousand armed men at his
disposal and sent them with orders to kill me. They
duly arrived and would have done their business,
had I not instantly leapt from the parapet, with

2 In B. John feigns sickness and sends a representative to

meet Josephus.
>’ B.“ ona hill six cubits high.”

1 Niese: yevéoOac Mss.

JOSEPHUS

dvdakos ‘laxwBov Kat bd twos TiBeprews “Hpw-
dov mpocavaxovdicbeis, odnynfeis tad TovTov
> A \ / \ / / \ > 7
emt TiVv Aivnv Kat zAoiov AaPopevos Kat émiBas,

\ / \ > \ \ > /
mapa do€av Tovs exlpovs diadvywyv eis Tapryéas
AaDiKOLLNV.

97 (19) O¢ d€ tiv woAW TavTHV KaToLKobYTES ws
> / \ ~ / > / 4
exv0ov7o thy Tov TiPeprewv amuotiav odddpa
TapwevvOnoav. apmdacavtes otv Ta OTAa TapeKa-

~ yy pte) > / / \ ”
ov opas ayew em avtovs: Bédew yap | epacKov
bmEep Too oTparyyob dikas AaBety Tap avray.
9g OunyyeAAov bé 7a yeyovoTa Kal tots Kara TV
TadtAatay méow, épebicat Kat rovTovs Kata TOV
TiBeprewv b1a omovdys Eeyovres, mapexdAovy te
/

mAeiatous cvvaybévtas adixéobar zpos abrovs, va
[ETA yvwopns TOO oTparnyotd mpatTwow To Sd€av.

e > e | ~ \ / >

99 7Kov ovv ot LadAator moAAot mavraydbev pcb
o7Awy Kat aapekeActovtd por mpooBadreiy TH
TiBepidds kat Kata Kpatos attri e€eAciv Kai macav
edados moijoavTa Tovs evoiKous adv yuvalél Kal

/ > / / \ ~
TEKVOLS avdpamrodicacbar. avveBovAevov dé Tadra
\ ~ / cus ~ / /
Kal Tov dirov ol ex Tijs TiBepudoos diacwleértes.

100 eye) dé od ouveTrevevov dewov TyOUpEVvos eu gudtou
7oh€pov KATapYeELy’ [EXPL Aoyes yap @pav elvan
ae THY prroverktay. Kal pay ov avrots epacKov
ovpdepew totro mpaéar, ‘Pwyaiwy tats mpos
1AAHA f srovs armoAciabat” 5o-
adAjAovs otdcecw atrovs amoAcicba? mpoado
KwvTwv. Tatra b€ Aéywv Exavoa THs Opyns Tovs
PadtAaiovs.

101 (20) ‘O &€ *Iwavvys ampdKxrov ris émBovdAjs
abT@® yevowevns deve TEpl EavTOd, Kal Tovs Tepl

> \ e / b) A > ~ > ~ /
avrTov omAitas avadaBwv amipev éx THs TuBepuados
1 vl. wacar.

38

THE LIFE, 96-101

James my bodyguard, and been further aided by
one Herod of Tiberias, who picked me up and
conducted me to the lake, where I seized a boat,
embarked, and, escaping thus beyond all expectation
from my enemies, reached Tarichaeae.

(19) The inhabitants of this city, on hearing of Galilaeans
the treachery of the Tiberians, were highly indignant, eater
and, seizing their arms, besought me to lead an
attack upon them, professing their desire to avenge
their general. ‘They also spread the news throughout
Galilee, doing their utmost to arouse indignation
against the Tiberians, and exhorting the inhabitants
to muster in full strength and join them, in order
that, with the concurrence of the general, they
might act as should seem best.¢ The Galilaeans
accordingly came in large numbers from all quarters
under arms, and entreated me to attack Tiberias,
to take it by storm, raze the whole place to the ground
and reduce the inhabitants, women, children and all,
to slavery. Their advice was shared by those of my
friends who had escaped from Tiberias. I, however,
could not assent to their proposal: I was horrified
at the thought of opening a civil war, and considered
that the quarrel should not go further than verbal
remonstrances. Moreover, I told them that the
action suggested would not be to their own ad-
vantage ; since the Romans were only waiting for the
rival factions to bring about their own ruin. With
these words I appeased the anger of the Galilaeans.

(20) John, when his plot failed, in terror of his life Jonn’s
moved off with his armed men from Tiberias to 2!

@ Or, perhaps, “‘ accomplish their determined purpose.”
2 Niese: most mss. dmodéodau, R (perhaps rightly)

aTo\éoat.

39

102

103

104

105

106

JOSEPHUS

eis Ta DicxaAa, Kal ypader Tpos pe mepl TOV
TET pay Levey am oAoyoupevos OS pL) KATA prepay
THY avToo YEVOMEVOY, mapeKdAce TE pdev brrovoetv
KaT avTov, mpcoTels OpKous Kal Sdewds TWas
apds, Ov @v weto miotevOnocobar TEepi wv ér-
éoTethev.

(21) O¢ d€ TVadtAator, zoAAot yap érepor madw
ex THS xWpas Taons avyxOycay pel” drAwy, €idoTES
TOV avOpu7ov ws Tovnpos | eoTw Kal €7lopKos,
mTapekdAovy ayayetv ods € én avrov, apony adavi-
oew emaryyeAAopevot ctv avt@ kai ta Vioxada.
yapw pev ovv EXE atT@v Tais mpobvptats cpono-
youv €yd) Kal vuKTCELW avr ay TIP EVVOLaV emny-
yerropny, Tmapexahovv 6° Opws eémvoxetv avrous
ag vay Kal ouyywooKew poor OedpLevos TpoNnpHwevw
Tas Tapaxyas ywpis dovwv KataoTéAdew. Kat
meloas TO TAHG0s TOV VadtAaiwy eis THY Léro@wpw
adikvovupyny.

(22) Of b€ tHv 7OdkW TavTHV KaToLKobyTEs avdpes
KEKPLKOTES TH mpos ‘Pwpatovs ep pwetvae mioret,
d<edidTes Se THY eury adiew, evewpalnoay € eTEpa pe

mpager TeploTm@doavTeEs adeets civau TeEpt abray.
Kal 67) TEpyavTes Tmpos ‘Inooby Tov apxtAnaTiy Eis
Ty IroAcpaidos peBoptay d DmETXOVTO dwoew TroAda
Xphpara. Jedjoavre pera, Ths avv ad’T7T@ dvvapews,
joay 6° OKT TAKOGLOL Tov apiluov, moAepov eFaar
mpos" nas. 0 & dbraxovoas adr av Tats bTo-
oyeceow jdednoev EmiTEcEly HLLV dveTotpous Kal
pndoev TmpoywaaKkovow. mepipas: yotv mpos pe
Tmapekdhet haBeiv eEovciav a domacopLevov adixeéobar.
ovyywpioavTos b€ ov, THS yap emPovdAjs ovdev
1 eis PRA.
40

THE LIFE, 101-106

Gischala. Thence he wrote to me, defending him-
self on the ground that all that had taken place had
been done without his sanction, and entreating me
not to entertain any suspicions of him. He ended
with oaths and horrible imprecations, by which he
thought to gain credit for the statements in his
letter.

(21) The Galilaeans, many more of whom had
again come up in arms from the whole district,
knowing the man to be a perjured villain, pressed me
to lead them against him, undertaking to exterminate
both him and Gischala. I expressed my gratitude
for their zeal on my behalf and promised to outrival
their goodwill; but, none the less, I begged and
entreated them to desist, and craved their in-
dulgence for my determination to quell these dis-
turbances without bloodshed. My persuasion having
proved successful with the Galilaeans, I departed to
Sepphoris.

(22) The inhabitants of this city, having decided to
remain loyal to Rome,® were alarmed at my arrival
and sought to secure themselves by diverting my
attention elsewhere. They accordingly sent to Jesus,
the brigand chief, on the borderland of Ptolemais, and
promised him a large sum if he would, with his force,
which numbered eight hundred, bring me°¢ under
the fire of war. Responding to these offers, he was
anxious to fall upon me? while I was unprepared
and knew nothing of his plans. So he sent and
requested my permission to come and pay me his
respects. Completely ignorant of his designs I gave

@ Or * restrain themselves.”

> Cf. § 30 above.

¢ “Us”; the first pers. sing. and plural are constantly
interchanged in Josephus.

4.1

An inter-
cepted plot
at Sep-
phoris.

JOSEPHUS

> ~ ~
TponmoTayny, avadaBav To ovvTaypa TOV AnoTav

107 eomrevoev én Epes od pny ebbacev adrob téXos
AaBeiv a KaKOoUpyla." 7Anavdlovros yap 707 Tov
oy avr@ Tes avropoAjcas Kev m™pos pe THY
emixelpy ow avrod ppalor, Kay@ [ws | mvbopLevos
Tabra m7po7Adov ets THY ayopay oKnibapevos ayvoetv
THY em Boudry: em yopny d€ moddov’s omAiras

108 TadtAaiovs, twas b€ Kal TiBepréwr. eiTa. Tpoo-

/ \ ¢ \ / b) / ~
Ta€as Tas od0vs mdcas acdadéorata dpoupetobat
TapnyyeiAa tots emt TOV mvAdv povov *Inoodr,
ETELOGY TAapayevyTaL, pEeTA TOV TpwWTwWY eloedOety
dA 3 ~ \ \ yy / \
edoat, atoKAciaar 5€ Tovs aAAovs, Bialopévous de

109 TUmTEW. THV SE TO mpootaxGev TOLNOaVTWY elc-
~ ca ~ >We Ly Ve! \ / > ~
nABev 6 *Incots per’ OXiywv. Kat KeAedoavTos e0b
ta oe ~ > \ > / /
pibat ta oda Barro, et yap ameWoin TebviEcobat,
TEpleoT Gras ida mavTaxobev atT@ Tovs omAitas
doPnbeis Om] KOUGEV" ot 8 dmoxAevobevres TOV
eraxodovbovytww atT@ mvldpevor thy avAdAnduw

lio édvyov. Kayes tov "Inootv mpockadeodpevos Kar’
idiav obK ayvoetv ednv THY én” éué cvaoKevacbeicav
>] / UNE Os \ / / a.
emPovAjy o8 bro Tivwy Tweudlein: ovyyvwceabat
d° ouws attT® TOv TweTpaypéevev, et wéAAow pera-

111 voncew Kal TLOTOS €pol yevycecban. bmLaxXvov-
jeevov 6€ mavTa TOWTEW € €KELVOU amédvoa, ovyXo-
pyoas avTa ovvayayetv mahw ovs TpoTepov cixev.
Lempuspirais 6° nzeiAnoa, et iy) TavoawtTo THS
ayvwpoovrvys, Ajecbat tap’ atray Sixas.

112 (23) Kara rodrov tov Kaipov adixvobyvray mpds
pe bVo peytotaves TOV B70 THY eEovaiay Tob Bact-
Mews ex THs TOV Tpaxywrvitdv ywpas érayopevor
Tos €avT@v immovs Kat omda, Kal ypHpata

> : ~

113 0° Uaexkopilovtes.. tovtTovs mepitéuveofar TaV
42

THE LIFE, 106-113

my consent ; whereupon he made a rapid march
upon me with his band of brigands. However, his
malicious purpose did not attain its end, for, when
he was close upon me, one of his men deserted and
came and told me of his meditated attack. On
receipt of this intelligence, I proceeded to the
market-place, feigning ignorance of the plot ; though
I brought with me a large body of Galilaeans, under
arms, with some Tiberians. I then gave orders for all
the roads.to be strictly guarded, and instructed the
sentries at the gates to admit none but Jesus and
the leaders on his arrival, and to exclude the rest,
repelling with blows any who tried to force their
way in. My orders were carried out and Jesus
entered with a few others. On my commanding
him instantly to drop his arms, on peril of death,
he, seeing himself surrounded by the soldiers, was
panic-stricken and complied. His excluded followers
fled on hearing of his arrest. I then called Jesus
aside and told him that I was not ignorant of the
plot which he had contrived against me, nor who
were his employers ; I would, nevertheless, condone
his actions if he would show repentance and prove
his loyalty to me. All this he promised, and I let
him go, allowing him to reassemble his former force.
The Sepphorites I threatened to punish if they did
not abandon their unreasonable conduct.

(23) About this time there came to me from the
region of Trachonitis two nobles, subjects of the
king,” bringing their horses, arms, and money which
they had smuggled out of their country. The Jews

@ Agrippa IT.

1 Niese : twokoulfovtes MSS.

Josephus
prevents
forcible cir-
cumcision of
refugees.

i14

115

116

117

JOSEPHUS

*Tovdaiwv dvayKalovTey, el Oédovew civau Tap
avTots, ovK claca Bracbjvas, doko dety € EKQOTOV
(avOpwrov| Kata THv €avTod mpoaipecw Tov Beov
evoepeiv, adda py) pera Bias, xphvar de TovToUS
bu dogahevav pos 7pas KaTaguyovTas: pen peTO-
voelv. mevobevTos de rob mAnfous, Tots KOvoW
avopaow Ta mpos tiv ovvybyn Siaitay azavra
mapetyov daitAds.

(24) Iléuzer & 6 Bactreds “Aypizmas Stvapw
Kat oTpatynyov em adtis Aikovov Mod.ov? Tdpada
TO povpiov efaipyjcovras. ot be Teppbevres KU-
KrAdoacbat pe TO dpovpiov odK HpKeaay, ev dé Tots
davepots TOV TOTWV ededpevorres emoAvopKouv 7a,
Tdapada. AiBovrvos d€ 0 dexddapxos 0 6 TOO peyd-
Aov mediov THY mpooractav TETLOTEVILEVOS , aKovoas
OTL Tapeinvy eis Lipwvidda Kony ev pelopiw?
Kkeysevyy tHS LadAatas, adtrod 8 dméxovoay
ef KOvTa oTadiovs, [puntos ] dvaAaBev TOUS €Ka-
Tov immets ous eixev ov avr Kal Twas melovs
mTept duakoolous, Kat rovs ev Tafa mode Kar-
olKobYTas eTTayoMEevOS GUppdaYOUS, VUKTOS OdEUGAaS
hKev eis THY KwOpnY ev h SiétpiPov. avTuTapa-

c
\

Ta€apévov b€ Kapyod peta Suvdjews ToAAFs, 6 ev
AiBotrios ets TO medtov bmayew judas émeiparo,
odddpa yap Tots inmedow eveToifer. od pz
anKOvTapEV" eyo yap TO TAcoveKTH UG ovvidav
TO yevynoopevov Tots inmedouw, El KaraBatnpev els
TO medlov, TEeCol yap Hels CUpTTAVTES nee, eyvooy
abttod Tots Toheptous ouvaTrew. Kal HEXpL pe
TWos yevvaiws avTéoxev avy Tots mEeplL avToV Oo
1 Movédcov KR; ef. § 61.
2 woply P: wefopios the other mss.
44

THE LIFE, 113-117

would have compelled them to be circumcised as a
condition of residence among them. I, however,
would not allow any compulsion to be put upon them,
declaring that every one should worship God in
accordance with the dictates of his own conscience
and not under constraint, and that these men,
having fled to us for refuge, ought not to be
made to regret that they had done so. Having
brought over the people to my way of thinking,
I liberally supplied our guests with all things
necessary to their customary manner of life.

(24) King Agrippa now sent a force under the
command of Aequus Modius to destroy the fortress
of Gamala. The troops sent, being insufficient to
invest the place, lay in wait on open ground and
attempted a siege. Aebutius, the decurion, who
had been entrusted with the charge of the Great
Plain,* hearing that I was at Simonias,® a village on
the frontier of Galilee, sixty furlongs away from him,
set off with the hundred horse at his disposal, some
two hundred infantry, and the inhabitants of the
town of Gaba ° as auxiliaries, and by a night march
reached the village where I had my quarters. I con-
fronted him with a large force in order of battle.
Aebutius, relying mainly on his cavalry, endeavoured
to decoy us into the plain. We, however, refused
to accommodate him; realizing the advantage
which his horse would have over our troops, composed
entirely of infantry, should we descend into the
plain, I determined to engage the enemy on my
own ground. [or a time Aebutius and his men

¢ Of Esdraelon. & Seminich, due west of Nazareth.

¢ In the Great Plain; founded by Herod the Great and

called ‘‘ City of Cavalry ”’ after the discharged troops there
quartered, B. iii. 36, cf. A. xv. 294.

45

His first
encounter
with a
Roman
force.

JOSEPHUS

AiBovrws, ax petov 5° op@v Kata Tov TéTov TobTOV
ovoay ave THY imTuKTY dvvapy avalevyvvow
ampaktos eis aBav méAw, tpets avipas amoBadav
LIS KaTa TiHVv paynv. elmopynv b€ Kata Todas eyw
SucxtAlovs emayomevos omAitas* Kat wept Byodpav
moAw yevopevos, ev pefopiw wev tHS I1roAEpatdos
Keysevyy etkoot 6 améyovoay otadia 7Hs TaBas,
evoa. OuerpuBev AtBourwos, aTyGas ToUs o7mAiTas
eEwber THs Kopns Kat Ppovpety avTots aopahas
TAS OOOUS 7 mpoordgas omep Tob pun evoxAjoat Tovs
119 moAepious 7 Hpw Ews TOV OtToOV expopryjcoper, modus
yap amékeito Bepevicns tas Baotdidos é€x Tav
Tepe Kopa@v eis tHv Byodpav avaAdeyopuevos,
7Anpaoas Tas KapjAouvs Kat Tovs dvous, 7oAAovs
& emnyopny, dvémepiba Tov otrov ets THY Paddatay.
120 TodTo =e mpagas mpoexadovpny ets peaxnv Tov
AiBovrwov- ovx draKovaayTos 5° exelvov, Kar
emémAnKTO yap THY TeTépav ETOYLOTHTA kal TO
Opdcos, ézt NeozoAuravov eTpaTrouny, tv Te-
Beprewy Yopav akovoas on avrod AenAareiobar.
121 jv d€ 6 i NeozoAitavos iAns jLev ETApXOS, TaperAnget
de tiv Lkvborodw eis Pvdakny THY amo Tov
Todeniwv. tTotrov otv KwAvcas émt mAéov THY
TiBepiéwy xaxobtv wept tH THS TaAAatas mpdvovav
eywounv.

122 (25) ‘O 6€ rob Aevt mats “Iwavyns, Gv edapev ev
tots VuoydAous dvarpipew, mubopevos mavra Kara
voov poe mpoxwpety, Kal Ou edvolas pev elvat pe
Tots dmnKoots , Tots moAemtous dé BV exTrAnEews, ovK
ev ay. yreopny Sier€On,? kaTaAvow &° avtTa TH
euny evrpaylav dépew vopilwy eis dAdvov eEdsketdev

46

THE LIFE, 117-122

made a gallant stand; but seeing that his cavalry
were useless in such surroundings, he withdrew to
the town of Gaba, having failed in his object and
lost three men in the engagement. I followed close
behind with two thousand infantry, and on reaching
the neighbourhood of the town of Besara, on the
borders of Ptolemais, twenty furlongs from Gaba,
where Aebutius was stationed, I posted my men
outside the village, with orders to keep strict guard
on the roads, so as to prevent interference from the
enemy, while we were removing the corn. Of this a
large quantity, belonging to Queen Berenice, had
been collected from the neighbouring villages and
stored in Besara. I then loaded the camels and
asses, which I had brought with me in large numbers,
and dispatched the corn to Galilee. This done, I
offered Aebutius battle ; and when he declined it,
overawed by my readiness for action and intrepidity,
I turned upon Neopolitanus, who, I heard, was
ravaging the district of Tiberias. Neopolitanus was
commander of a squadron of horse, who had been
commissioned to protect Scythopolis from the enemy.
Having prevented him from doing further injury to
the Tiberian territory, I devoted my attention to
the welfare of Galilee.

(25) But when John, son of Levi, who, as I said,@
was now at Gischala, heard that everything was
proceeding to my satisfaction, that I was popular
with those under my authority and a terror to the
enemy, he was in no good humour ; and, believing
that my success involved his own ruin, gave way to

* § 101.

1 Niese: éré67 Mss. |

A7

John
attempts to
alienate
Galilee from
Josephus.

123

124

125

126

127

JOSEPHUS

OUTL LETPLOV. Kal TavoELW Le THS EdTUXias eAmicas,
el Tapa TOV tr7KOWwY picos eEaibevev, Evevfev TOVS
thv TiPepidda KaTouKoovTas Kal TOs THY LéeTOwpw*
mpos TovTos 6€ Kat Tovs TaBapa, moAeus 8° eiow
atrar TOv Kata 7Hv VadtAatay at péyvoTar, THs
mpos Le TloTEWS aTOGTAVTAs avT@ mpooTifecBar-
KpeiTTOV yap Ef.00 oTpaTnyyicew adr av epaoxev.
KaL Len amobuwpeis ev, OVOETEPH Yap 7 TpeOv mpooetxov
dua. TO “Paysatovs npAobae Geororas, odK érévevov
avTo, TiPeptets de THY pe amdaTaow ovK €b€xoVTO,
[kal] adrod 8é ouyKaTevevoy yernoecbar diror. ot
de TaBapa KarouKobvres T™poar 7ievrar TO ‘Tewdvyy:
Liev 8° Hv é TapaKara@v avrous, TmpuTevov pLev
THS cs ee ws dilw b€ Kal éraipw 7S “lwavvy
Ypwpevos. €k jLev OvV TOD havepod TV amécTacw
oby wpodrdgyouv: oddbpa yap €ded0ikecay Tovs
TadtAaiovs ate 51 weipay atta&v Tis mpos Has
modddKis ebvotas AaBovres: ex Tot AednBdros Ge
Kalpov mapadvAdcoovtes emiTiOevov émeBovAevov.
Kat 61) adiukounv els KWwovvov Tov péytoTov bia
/ elt

TOLAUTHY aiTiaV.

(26) Neavioxot twés Opacets, AaBapitryvot
yévos, emitnpnoavtes THY Irodcpaiov yuvaika Tod
Bacthéws éemutpomov, weTta ToAARS TapacKevys Kal
two inmméwy acdadreias ydpw émopevwv bia Tod
peyadov mediov TV TopEeiay TOLOUpLeVyV EK THS TOtS
Bactretow trotredois ywpas eis tTHv ‘“Pwyatov
emuKpaTerav, emimintovaw avtois advw Kat THY
pev yovaika duyeiv ivayKacay, doa 8 émedépeto”

1 So R: the other mss. add vouifwr.
2 imepépero PR.

* Daberath (Josh. xix. 12), mod. Debarieh, under the

48

THE LIFE, 123-127

immoderate envy. Hoping to check my good fortune
by inspiring hatred of me in those under my command,
he tried to induce the inhabitants of Tiberias,
Sepphoris, and Gabara—the three chief cities of
Galilee—to abandon their allegiance to me and go
over to him, asserting that they would find him a
better general than I was. Sepphoris, in pursuance
of its policy of submission to Rome, lent no ear to
either of us and rejected these overtures. ‘Tiberias,
while declining the suggestion of revolt, consented
to befriend him. Gabara, at the instigation of
Simon, a leading citizen and a friend and associate
of John, went over to his side. The people of Gabara,
it is true, did not openly admit their defection ;
their dread of the Galilaeans, of whose devotion to
me they had had frequent experience, was too great
a deterrent. But they secretly laid their plots and
watched for a favourable opportunity for their
execution ; whereby I incurred the gravest peril
under the following circumstances.

(26) Some adventurous young men of Dabaritta*
lay in wait for the wife of Ptolemy, the king’s over-
seer.2 She was travelling in great state, protected
by an escort of cavalry, from territory subject to
the royal jurisdiction into the region of Roman
dominion,’ when, as she was crossing the Great Plain,
they suddenly fell upon the cavalcade, compelled the
western slopes of Mt. Tabor. With the whole of this story
cf. the parallel account in B. ii. 595 ff.

® Or “ finance officer.”’ The Greek word is that elsewhere
used for the Roman procurator.

¢ Agrippa’s kingdom was the district E. and N.E. of the
Sea of Galilee. The lady, who was probably en route for
Caesarea, would, after crossing the independent region of
Decapolis, enter the Roman province shortly before reaching
the Great Plain of Esdraelon.

VOL. I E 4.9

The affair of
the high-
waymen of
Dabaritta
and the
stolen
property.

128

130

131

132

JOSEPHUS

mara Ounpmacay. Kal HKOV Ets Tapixéas Tpos pe
Téooapas aypcvous KaTaPopTovs: ayovTes eobijros
Kal oKev@v" jv O€ Kal apyuptov orabos ovK
oAiyos Kal ypvcot TevTaKdowl. TadT’ eye Bov-
Aopevos duadvAdgat TO [roAepatw, Kal yap nV
opoduros, dmrnyOpEevTat S jp v70 Tov vopow
pide Tous é€xOpovs az rOOTEpeEW, T™pos be. TOUS
KOpLoavTas: edny dvAdrrew avra deiy, iv eK THS
Tmpdcews attav émioKxevacby Ta Teiyn TOV “lepo-
colvpov. ot 6€ veaviae yadem@s Eaxov ob AaBovrTes
potpay ek tov adipwv Kabamep mpoceddxycar,
Kat mopevlevtes eis tas mépiE THs TuBepiddos
KwMpas TmpodLoovar pedAAew pe ‘Papators THY Xwpay
Pe edeyov" Kexphavar yap copiopare ™pos
TOUS Aéyoure 7a. eK THs prays Kopcbevra
buheee els THY émloKEeUTY TOV TELYOV THS
‘lepocodvupitay moAews, eyvwkévar b€ martw TO
deom6Tn amodobval.’ Kal KaTa TODTO ye THS EUS
yuwpns od Sinpaptrov: amaddayévTwy yap abrav
petateuibapevos SUo0 Tos mpwrovs, Aacciwva Kai
‘lavvaiov tov tot Anovt, didovs év Tois padiora
to} Baowléws Kabeor@ras, Ta €kK THS apmayys
oxetn AaBdvras diavépibacbar zpos exeivov éxeé-
Nevov, Oavatov ametAjcas adtrois tiv Cypiay, ef
gee = TEpov Tatra amayyedotow.
27) ‘Exuoxovons be onpns THY DPahAatav
im Tacav Ws THs ywHpas abT@v pehhovons tm €L00
Tots "Peopators mpodidoabar Kal mdvToV mapo€uv-
féevtwv emt THY ep TYLEpLaV ob tas Taptyéas
KATOLKODYTES Kal avTOL Tous VeaVvicKOUS adn Gevew
broAaBovtes melMover tovs cwparodtAakas Kat
Tovs omAiTas KoyLw@pevov pe KaTadumovTas Tapa-
50

THE LIFE, 127-132

lady to fly, and plundered all her baggage. They
then came to me at Tarichaeae with four mules
laden with apparel and other articles, besides a
large pile of silver and five hundred pieces of gold.
My own desire was to keep these spoils for Ptolemy,
seeing that he was a compatriot and we are forbidden
by our laws to rob even an enemy; to the bearers
I said that the goods must be reserved for sale and
the proceeds devoted to the repair of the walls of
Jerusalem. Indignant at not receiving their expected
share of the spoils, the young men went to the villages
around Tiberias, declaring that I intended to betray
their country to the Romans. My assertion about
keeping the outcome of their raid for the repair of
the walls of the capital was, they said, a mere blind ;
I had really decided to restore it to its owner. So
far, indeed, they correctly interpreted my intention ;
for, when they left me, I sent for two of the leaders,
Dassion and Jannaeus, son of Levi, who were special
friends of the king, and ordered them to take the
stolen goods and dispatch them to him, threatening
them with capital punishment if they reported the
matter to anyone.

(27) A rumour had now spread throughout Galilee Josepnus
that I was intending to betray the country to the (obec
Romans, and the feelings of all were roused to plotasainst”
demand my punishment. The young men’s state- Tarichacae.
ment was credited even by the inhabitants of
Tarichaeae, who now urged my bodyguards and
soldiers to leave me while I was asleep and come at

SCF, Wx. XO. Ae.

1 +7a npracuéva most mss. (omit R),
Dil

JOSEPHUS

yevéoba OarTov «is immddpopov, ws éxet Pov-
Aevoopevovs peta TaVTwWY TEpL TOD oTpaTHyod.

133 weGopevwy b€ TovTwy Kal ouveAPdvtwy odds
oxAos 78n mpoovviPpo.oTo, piav Te TaVvTEs érol-
obvTo doviy, KoAdlew TOV mpodorny Trovnpov TEpt

134 avrovs YEYEVTLEVOV pedhora om adbrovs efexavev
6 Tot Lamdia* mats *Inoods, dpxov TOTE THS
TiPeprdsos, mrov7npos avépwros Kat Tapagae peyada
mpdy ara. puow é EXOV; OTAGLOTOLOS TE Kal vewTe-
prorns os odx eTepos. Kat Tote 67 AaBwv eis
xetpas tovs Mwuoews vopouvs Kai mpoeABav* eis

135 pécov “el py) Kal UTep adTav,’ edn, “ moAtraL,
pucetv dvvacbe ‘loonzov, els Tovs mar pious aro -
BrEébavtes vopovs, BV oO ™p@Tos DLOV oTparnyos
™podor TS eueMe yivecOar, Kat pLoomovnpy caves
Orep TOUTO TyLwpnoacle Tov ToLatta ToA-
pnoavTa.

136 (28) Tatr’ eimwv Kal Tod mArGous emiBonoavros
avaAaBev Twas omhiras em THY olxtay ev 7)
KaTYYONV EaTTEVOEV os dvarpnoov. eyw & ovdev
mpoatabopevos d10. KOTOV 7™po Tijs Tapaxfs Kar-

137 coxnpyv. Liuwv 8 6 Tob capatds pov THY
dviakiy TeTLoTEVpLEeVvOS, O Kal [LOVOS TTAapapeivas,
iOwy TV EmLopouny TOV ToAT@v Suyyerpe pe Kat
TOV epeotard pow KWOvVOV e&nyyeirer, ngiov TE
yevvalrs OvioKew Ws oTpaTnyov bd abrod, ‘mp O°
7) eAGetv® Tous exUpovs dvayKdoovras 7] 7) KTevodvTas.

138 0 poev TAUTG eAeyer, eyo de TO be Ta KAT ELL-
auTov emitpepas ets TO TARVOsS WpyHOnv mpoedOetv.
Pe otv pedawav eobAra Kai To Eidos amap-

Lardgia Hudson, cf. § 66 and B.J.: Da7miéa mss.
2 Niese: mporeh Oe MSS.

52

THE LIFE, 132-138

once to the hippodrome, to take part in a general
discussion on their commander’s conduct. Their
persuasion prevailed, and the men joining the
assembly found a large crowd already collected,
unanimously crying for vengeance on one who had
proved so base a traitor. The principal instigator of
the mob was Jesus, son of Sapphias, at that time
chief magistrate of Tiberias, a knave with an instinct
for introducing disorder into grave matters,“ and
unrivalled in fomenting sedition and revolution.
With a copy of the laws of Moses in his hands, he
now stepped forward and said: “ If you cannot, for
your own sakes, citizens, detest Josephus, fix your
eyes on your country’s laws, which your commander-
in-chief intended to betray, and for their sakes hate
the crime and punish the audacious criminal.”

(28) After this speech, which was loudly applauded,
he hurried, with some soldiers, to the house where |
was lodging, intending to kill me. I, quite unaware
of what was coming, nad from fatigue, succumbed
[to sleep] before the riot. Simon, who was entrusted
with the charge of my person and had alone remained
with me, seeing the citizens rushing towards me,
awoke me and, telling me of my imminent peril,
entreated me to die honourably, as a general, by my
own hand, before my foes arrived to force me to
such action or to kill me themselves. Such were his
words ; but I, committing my fate to God, hastened
to go forth to the people. Changing my raiment for
one of black and suspending my sword from my

a The same phrase in A. xvii. 325.

3 tavw has probably dropped out; cf. A. v. 148.
4 ip’ abrod (=i é€uavrod) cod. R: omit M, dm’ (éx’) avrot
the rest.
5 Text emended: piv 67 €\Octv R, piv dee the rest.
23

139

140

=

142

143

JOSEPHUS

TnHOGpLEVOS EK TOU avxevos Kal’ odov repay, i)
pendéva pot TOV TOAEpiwY BravTidcew @pny, mew
els TOV immodpopov, advw te davels Kal mpnvys
TECWY KAL Ty yi ddKpuow dvpwv eAcewos ed0€a
7aow. ouvels Oe TOU 7AjGous TI petaBodny
Sucrdvat Tas yvapas avT@v éeeipwynv mpo Tov
TOUS omdiras a0 THs oixias droor pear. Kal
GUVEXWPOVV [LEV dducety, ws avrot voiCovow,
edcounv be duddFae TpoTepov els Tiva xpetay edv-
Aart TOV Ta €K THS dpmayis Kopiabevra XpHpara
Kat TOTe OvyjoKe, Et Kehevouev. Tov be TAjGous
Aéyew KeevovTos emp ADov ot omAirar Kat Beaca-
pevol pe TpOGeTpeXov ws KTEVOdVTES. EmLTXELW
dé tod mAjfovs KedevovTos emetoOnoav Tpoa-
SoKavres, e7eLoay opohoyijaw ™pos avTovs Ta
ypipata TH Pace? teTnpHKEevat, Ws wpodoynKOTA
Ti Tpodoclay avaipycew.

(29) Xuyfs otv mapa mdvTwy yevoperns,
; avopes,” eizov, “‘ ouodvAot, Gaveiv peev El Oi aLov
é€oTw, ov Tapairoduar, Botvropar 8 ops Tpo 708
TedevThoae TI adjnfevav dpacat mpos bpas. THY
yap toAw tavrnv didokevwrarny ovoay emloTa-~
pevos TAnOYovady Te TpOOVuws* TocovTWY avdpav,
ot Tas é€auvT@v marpidas Katadimdvtes adixovTo
KOWWVOL THS TeTépas ‘yevopevou® TvUyNS, EPov-
An Onv Tetxn KaTacKevdoa ex TOV Xpnpatov
ToUTw, mept Gv 7 Tap vu@v eorw Opy, daTravw-
pevenv ets TI otkodopiayv avrav. mpos tabra
Tapa. pev tov Tapiyewr@v Kai Eevey eyelpeTat
dwv7, Xap exe épohoyouvTwy Kal Oappetv ™po-
TPETOpLevenv, DPadiAaior bé€ kat PiBeprets Tots Oupots
émémevov, Kal yiveTar oTdaois mpos aAAjAovs, TOV
54

THE LIFE, 138-143

neck, I proceeded by another road, on which I
expected that no enemy would encounter me, to the
hippodrome ; where my sudden appearance, as I
flung myself on my face and rained tears upon the
ground, aroused universal compassion. Observing
the effect produced upon the people, I endeavoured
to create dissension among them before the soldiers
returned from my house. I admitted that, according
to their view of the matter, I was guilty, but craved
leave to inform them for what purpose I was reserving
the money obtained by the raid, before, if they so
ordered, I was put to death. The crowd were just
bidding me proceed, when the soldiers appeared and,
at sight of me, rushed forward to kill me. At the
people’s order, however, they stayed their hands ;
expecting, as soon as I had owned to having kept the
money for the king, to slay me as an avowed traitor.

(29) Thereupon, amid profound silence, I spoke as
follows : ““ My countrymen, if I deserve to die, I ask
no mercy; but, before my death, I desire to tel
you the truth. Knowing the lavish hospitality of
this city and that it is crowded with vast numbers of
persons who have left their homes and gladly come
to throw in their lot with ours, I proposed to provide
fortifications for it with the money, about which,
though it was to be expended on their erection, you
are now so indignant.” At this a shout was raised
by the Tarichaeans and their guests, who expressed
their gratitude and bade me not be disheartened.
The Galilaeans and Tiberians, however, still main-
tained their resentment, and a quarrel arose, one party

1 Probably misplaced.
2 yevnoouevoe con}. Niese.

wor
Or

He appeals
to the people
and hardly
escapes
alive.

JOSEPHUS

pev KoAdoEw ametAovvT wv H€, TO de KaTappovety.

144 emeld1) om emnyyeddpny Kal TiBepuad KOTO-

146

148

149

oKevdoew Teixyn Kal Tais dAAaus moAeow avTav rats
ava. yKatas, TLOTEVOOVTES UmEXeopovv EKGOTOS Els
Typ EavTOD. Kaya Tapa macav eAmiba Ovapuyav
TOV TpoELpnpLEvoy KwWovvov peta Tov didwy Kat
oTAiT@v €tKoow els THY oixtay bret pera.

(30) TlaAw & ot Anorai Kai THs oTAcEws aiTLoL,
detoayT Tes TEpl éavT@v pa) Sikas elompaxPGow br
E08 TOV TET PAYHEVOV, avadaBovtes efaxoatous

omXizas 7 TjKOv emi THY olkiay Evia duerpifov € eu py) -
COVTES avriy amayyeAetons dé poe Tis epodov
devyew pev amperes HYNOaENY (expwa. d€ 7rapa-
Padopevos xpjoacar Tl Kal TOAuN. Tpoordgas
otv amoKAeicat THs oiKias Tas Gvpas avros éml TO
dmEp@ov dvaBas TapeKdAovv elomrepipat Twas Anifo-
jevous Ta Xpnpara: mavocoba’ yap ouTws THS
opyijs avrous ere elomrepipavToy de Tov Opa-
cuTaTov avTayv,” paortew aikiodpevos TH eTepav
Te TOV es Sp ee KeXevous Kal KpEeyaoat
é€x tod tpaxijAov, tovotrov e€€€Badov mpos Tovs
efamooteiAavras. tovs 6 edAaBev exmAnéis Kat
doPos ov7e per rplos.. deloavTes ovV Kal avrot TavTa
melcecbar Et pevore, eikalov yap evoov exe HE
mXelous abTav,’ ets puyiy eppnoay. KAYO) TOLOUTW
OTPATHYHMATL xpynodpevos THY SevTépay émBovdiy

veduyov.

(31) IldAw 6€ tov dydov twes Hpebilov Tovs

1 Niese: tatvcacOat Mss.

2 Cod. R adds eis 76 wvyaitarov wapacipas THs oikias Kai:
probably a gloss from #. ii. 612.

3 So P: the rest add ozNizas.
56

THE LIFE, 143-149

threatening to have my blood, the other [exhorting
me] to disregard [these opponents].* But when I
further promised to provide fortifications for ‘Tiberias
and for any other of their cities which needed them,
they, on the strength of this undertaking, retired
to their several homes. Having thus, beyond all
expectation, escaped from the peril which I have
described, I returned to my house, accompanied by
my friends and twenty soldiers.

(30) I was not long left in peace. The brigands A secona

and the promoters of the disturbance, fearing that 910° te bum
they would be called to account by me for their house of
proceedings, again visited my residence, with six °°°??™*
hundred armed men, to set it on fire. Apprised of
their coming, and considering it undignified to fly,
I decided to risk a course requiring some courage.
Ordering the house-doors to be closed, I ascended to
the upper story and invited them to send some of
their number to receive the money,® thinking thus
to allay their anger. They sent in the most stalwart
among them, whereupon | had him soundly scourged,
ordered one of his hands to be severed and hung
about his neck and in that condition dismissed him
to his employers. Panic-stricken and in great alarm,
supposing that I had indoors a force outnumbering
their own, and fearing, if they remained, to meet
the same fate themselves, my opponents made off in
haste. Such was the stratagem by which I eluded
this second plot.

(31) The feelings of the masses were once again Further

aroused against me by certain persons who asserted Py rinscos

2 There is possibly a lacuna in the text.
> Viz. from the spoils taken by the highwaymen of
Dabaritta.
57

150

152

153

JOSEPHUS

GdiKOMevous TpOs [ME Bactducods peyltoTavas ovK
ogetiew chy A€yovres, a) peraPivat Oedovras els
Ta Tap avrots €0n, mpos ods owl) odopevor TA peice’
dréBaddcv re dappakéas eivar Aéyovtes Kat KwAvTAas
Tob ‘Pwyaiwy mepryevéobar.. tayv de 70 7AnGos
emeieto tais THY eyouévwv mpos xapw avtots
milavornow amatapevor. muddmevos b€ mept TOv-
Twv eyw mdaAw tov Shpov avedidacKkov py Set
dudKeoar Tovs KaTapuyovTas mpos avtouvs, Tov be
pAdapov Ths Twept Tav dapyudKwv aitias duécupov,
ovK av TocaUTas pupudoas oTparuT By ‘Papratous
Aéeywv tpédew, et 61a dappakéwv? jv viKady Tovs
mokepiovs. tatra Aéyovtos éuot mpos oAtyov pev
ézelfovto, maAw 8° avaywproavtes to THY TOVn-
pav eEnpebilovto Kata THY peyloTavwv, Kal ToTE
pe? omdrwv emt TH oikiay abtav thy ev Tapryéa
emHAGov ws avaipjoovtes. edevca 6 eye) mubd-
jeevos pq TOO pvoous TéNos AaBovros aveTiBatos
YEVI|T AL Tots Katapuyely els avTyV fedovow. map
eyevougy ovv ets THY TOV [LEyloTavey olxtay pera
TW €Tépwv, Kal KAeloas SLpvyd TE TOLnoas am?

abris emt thy Aiwvyy ayovoay peTaTrepibdpevos TE
mAotov Kal adv adtots €uBas emt THY pelopiov TAY
‘Inmynvav duerépaca, Kai dovs avtots THY TYLA
TOV immo, ov yap 7ovvnOqy avtovs emayayéobar
TOLaUTNS ‘yevouevns Tijs amodpacews, améhuoa
moa mapaxahecas 77 Tpoomecotcav avayKyy

154 yevvaiws eveyKeiv. atros te peydAws 7x0ounv

\ \ / > A ip >
Buacbeis TOUS mTpoopuyovTas exetvat 7oAw Els
THY moAepiav, O[LEWOV de vop.ioas Tapa ‘Pwpatots

1 Emended: rods (rod A) ‘Pwyaiouvs raparyevécOat Mss.
2 papuaxov PR. 3 én’ MSS.

THE LIFE, 149-154

that the noble vassals of the king, who had come to
me,@ ought not to live if they refused to conform to
the customs of those with whom they had sought
refuge; they also falsely accused them of being
sorcerers who made it impossible to defeat the
Romans. Deluded by specious assertions designed to
catch their ear, the people readily believed them to
be true. On hearing of this, I again? impressed upon
the community that such refugees ought to be free
from persecution ; and ridiculed the absurdity of the
charge of sorcery by remarking that the Romans
would not maintain so vast an army if they could
defeat their enemies by enchantments. My words
had a temporary effect ; but, after their departure,
their passions were again aroused against the nobles
by their villainous advisers, and on one occasion they
made an armed assault on their house in Tarichaeae,
intending to kill them. On being informed of this I
feared that, if so abominable a crime were committed,
the place would be rendered untenable as an asylum
for would-be refugees. So I went with some others
to the residence of the nobles, locked it up, made a
canal leading from the house ¢ to the lake, summoned
a boat, and, embarking with them, crossed over to
the frontiers of the district of Hippos.? I paid them
the price of their horses, which the conditions of our
flight made it impossible for me to bring, and so
took my leave, earnestly entreating them to bear
their hard fate with fortitude. I was myself deeply
distressed at being driven to expose these refugees
once more on enemy soil; but I thought it better

@ Of. § 112. > § 113.

¢ Presumably close to the water. ~

¢ A Greek town of Decapolis, just outside the frontier of
King Agrippa’s territory.

59

JOSEPHUS

amobaveiv abrovs, ef cupmécor, wadAdov 7 Kata
Ty env xwpav. ot 6 apa guecwfynoav- ovv-
eXwpycey yap avrots BaotAeds ‘Aypiamas | TO
HULApTHUEVa. Kal TA JLeV TEpL eKElvoUs TOOT EaxeE
TO TEAOS.
(32) Of b€ tiv Tv TiPeprewv 70AW KatotkobvTes
ypapovow TpOs TOV Baothea mapaxaobyres Téepibat
Ovvapy THY dvAatovoay avr av Ty xwpay DéAew
yap avT@ mpooribecbat. KaKelyep peev TAT €-

156 ypagoy. adiKojLevov d¢ He ™pos avrous TapeKddovy

7a. TetXy KaTacKkevalew avTois ws vmEeoxTnpNnV
TKN KOELoaY Oe Tas Tapixéas 7707), rererxioban.
KaTavevoas ovv eyo Kal mavTO. TO mpos TI)V OlKODO-
[lav TApACKEVAOG|LEVOS TOUS dpXureKTovas eKeAevov

157 satin pea. d€ TpiTHnV Te pay els Taptyeas

dmepxopmevov Lov, TIS TiBepudoos a dmexovous orddua
TpuaKovTa, cuvein Twas “Pwpyatey imzets ov TOp-
pwlev tis mOAcws CdoiToOpobyTas OPOivat, ot ddEav
Tapéaxov tiv Tapa Tod Paciléws Stvayw Kew.

158 evfews yoov eis pev TOV Baocurea peta mroAA@v

emalveny nolecay puvas, KaT e€ E[LOU de Bracdnpovs.
KaL em Lopapoy Tus amnyyerev pot THY Oudvouay

159 avTav, ws adioracbat Lov dueyvwnKacw. eyo O°

dKxovoas _erapax Oy peev opoopa: TOvs yap omhiras
ETVYOV eK TOV Tapixe@v emt Tas avrav OLKT}OELS
aderkws Oia TO TV emLotcav Auéepay caBPaTov
tmdpyew: od yap eBovAduny t70 Tob oTpaTwwTiKod
mAnfous evoxAcicbat tovs ev tats Tapiyéats.

e / ~ > > ~ / > \ ~ A A
160 OodKus yoov €v adrais Over piBov ovoe Tijs Teplt TO

TOpLa. prudaiis eTFOLOULTV Tpovovay, TrELpav Tapa
TOV eVOLKOUVT OV THs T™pos ie TLOTEWS AaBov

161 woAAdKis. povous 5 Exwv epi ewavTov éemTa TOV

60

THE LIFE, 154-161

that they should perish, if such destiny awaited them,
under Roman hands than within my own province.
After all they escaped, obtaining pardon for their
errors from King Agrippa. So ended this episode.

(32) The citizens of Tiberias now wrote® to the Revolt of
king, requesting him to send some troops to protect (ya"
their territory, as they desired to attach themselves declares for
to him. Such was their letter to him; while they oe
asked me, on my coming among them, to build walls
for them in fulfilment of my promise,’ having heard
that Tarichaeae had already been fortified. I agreed
and, having made all preparations for building,
ordered the foremen to take the work in hand.

Three days later, however, as I was on the road to
Tarichaeae, which is thirty furlongs distant from
Tiberias, some Roman cavalry happened to be seen
on the march not far from the town; this created an
impression that the king’s troops were approaching.
Instantly there was an outburst of shouts ; the king
was loudly applauded, curses were heaped upon my
head. I was informed of their intended defection
by one who ran off to me from the town. The news
filled me with alarm ; for I had dismissed my soldiers
from Tarichaeae to their homes because, the next day
being the Sabbath, I desired that the Tarichaeans
should be spared any annoyance from the presence of
the military. Indeed, whenever I had my quarters
there, I took no precautions even for my personal
security, having received so many proofs of the loyalty
of the inhabitants. My present company com-

@ With this narrative cf. B. ii. 632 ff. > § 144.

¢ An instance of lack of ordinary precautions has been
given in §§ 132 ff., on which occasion, however, little “‘loyalty”’
was shown !

61

JOSEPHUS

e ~ \ A / >] / “ /

oT7Aitay Kal Tous pidovs TTOpoOVV O mpagu. pLeTa-
meprecOa yap THY Epa Ovvapw dua TO Anyew
710n THY eveoT@oav Tipepay ovK edoxipaloy: ovde
yap apucopevns avThs cis TH emobaay oma,
aBety <hv>,* Kw@dvovtwy nas TOv vowov, Kav

162 weyaAn Tis emelyew avayen doKH. et de Tots
ral Kal Tots Tap avrots Eévous emu-
Tpepayue Ty TOAw duapmaCew, € Empey ob7x tkavovs
ETOMEVOUS, Tv 8 eae drrepfeow eEwpav [LaKpo-
TaTnv: dOyjcecar yap Kat tiv Tapa PBaoirtews
OvvayLw adikopevny, Kat extrecetoUa THs moAEws

163 Wdounv. _ €Bovdevopny ovv oTparny pare xpnoGat
TWiKaT avTav. Tapax pha 67) TOUS TLaTOTETOUS
tov didwy tais mUdAas TOV Tapiye@v emioTtyioas

1¢ Se , \ 9¢ 7 2Q/
dvddtovtas pet aodadelas Tovs e€tévau® OédAovras
Kal TOUS TpWTOUS THV olKwY TpooKaAEcdmeEVOS,
avT@v ekaotov éeKkédevoa KabeAKtoavta Aotov
eu Bavra OUVET AY O[LEVOV Tov KuPepyyityy emeobat

164 Lol mpos THY TiBeprewy Toh. Kal avros: de peta
Tov ditwy Kat Tav omhitav, ovs ednv émTa TOV
>
aptOpov eivar, euBas emAeov € emt TV TiBepidda.

165 (33) ) TeBeprets de Ty Tapa Tob Bao.réws Ova
ws eyvwoav ob7x WKovcayv avrots, mAciwy be THY
Atuvay méoav eedoavro 7A7p7) Setoartes mepl TH
modew Kat KatamAayevtes ws emiPatav mAnpets
> /

166 civau veas,® petaTievTar Tas yvw@pas. pipavtes
obv 7a. O7Aa LeTa yuvatkKOv Kal Taldwv UrnvtTialov,

\ > > / > > \ \ > /
Todas pert emraivwy eis enue dwvas aduevtes,
cixalov yap ov mpomemvoba pe THY Sidvotay avTav,

187 \ LA. / a] ~ 5A > \ be

67 kal mapexdAovy detoacbar tis moAews. eyw é

1 fv inserted by Holwerda.
2 So the editio princeps: é&etvac MSs.

62

THE LIFE, 161-167

prising only seven soldiers and some friends, I was
at a loss what to do. I was reluctant to recall my
disbanded force, because the day was already far
spent ; and even had they come, it would have been
impossible for them to bear arms on the morrow,
such action being forbidden by our laws,* however
urgent the apparent necessity. If, on the other
hand, I were to permit the Tarichaeans and their
resident aliens to sack Tiberias, I foresaw that their
numbers would be insufficient and action on my part
would be seriously delayed ; the king’s troops would
have entered ahead of me, and I expected to be
repulsed from the town. I determined, therefore,
to have recourse to a ruse. Without a moment’s
delay I posted the friends in whom I placed most
confidence at the gates of Tarichaeae, to keep a
strict watch on any persons desiring egress. I then
summoned the heads of families and ordered each of
them to launch a vessel, bring the steersman with
them, and follow me to Tiberias. I myself, with
my friends and the seven soldiers already mentioned,
then embarked and set sail for that city.

(33) The Tiberians, when they understood that no
troops from the king had arrived and saw the whole
lake alive with shipping, were alarmed for the city,
and, terrified in the belief that the vessels were fully
manned, changed their plans. Throwing down their
arms they came out, with wives and children, to
meet me, and, not imagining that I had got wind of
their intentions, showered encomiums upon me and
besought me to spare the city. On nearing Tiberias

@ j.¢. the oral law; cf. 1 Macc. ii. 34 ff.

3 Text doubtful: for eivac véas MW read eiev ai vies.
63

Josephus
quells the
revolt by
aruse: the
sham fleet.

JOSEPHUS

mAnatov yevojevos ayKupas [Lev ETL oppo TiS vis
exeAevov BaAéobae TOUS KvpepyaTas UTEP TOO pea)
KaTaonAa tots TiBepretow etvar ta mAoia Keva
~ ~ 5 >
Tav emipaTa@v ovra, 7Anovacas 6 avros ev TW
TAoiw KOT EWE LpopTy avr av THVv avowav,' Kal OTt
35 oUTws evyepels elev TAO7NS ducatas a dvev 7poda-
168 cews e€ictacbat THs mpds we TloTewWs. wpoAdyouvv
5° els ye* 70 Aowrov atrois cvyyvwaccbar BeBaiws,
el méepuwerav S€ka To TAfovs mpoeoTa@tTas. vU7-
akovodyvTwv 6 €Toluws Kal TepibdvTwy avdpas ous
~ >] / >) / > /
mpoetrov, eupibaoas amédvov eis Taptyéas duAayOn-
COJLEVOUS.
169 (34) To oTpaTnynpate Oe Toure THY Bovdny
TaAoav Kar” odtyous AaBow els TH Tpoeupy wevny
ToAWw Kal pet adTa@v Tovs mo\\ovs TOO O7jpuou
mpwtTovs avdpas ovK éAdtTovs éKkelvwy ovTas
cd / \ \ ~ e > >} e
170 Svevrepppapnv. To b€ wARMos, ws eldov ets otov
~ /
KOK@V aKovoL péyelos, mapexddovv pe TOV atTLov
A > >
Tis OTAGEWS TYysapy acta. KAetros 5° jv ovopa
>
171 roUT@ , Gpacds TE KOL Tporeris veavtas. eyw 6
dmoxretvat pev ovxX GatoVv TyoUpevos opodvdAoy
avépa, KoAacat 8° avayKnvy exwv, TOV TeEpl Eepe
Twi owpatodvAdkwvy Anovet mpocéra~a mpo-
/ / ~ / \ e / ~ ~
eMovre Kosar Tob KAcizov tiv érépay TOV yxeip@v.
172 detoavTos 56€ TOD KeAevabévTos eis ToGOdTO TARGOS
mpoeAbeiv provov, tHV SetAiay Tob oTpaTiwTov pA
\ / J ~ ~
Bovdnfeis Katadnrov yevéobar tots TiPepretdow,
Deak a , ‘co \ AS 39" ap
avrov Kirctrov dwvijcas Emel) Kal aéLos, elmo,
UTapYets dyuporepas Tas xetpas amoBaAeiv oUTws
axdpiotos «is ee yevdmevos, yevod cavTob
O7p.00L0s,,” pe) Kal ameilyjoas yelpova TYyswpiav
173 Urdaxns. Tod dé THY Erépay atT@ ovyxwphoat

64

THE LIFE, 167-173

I ordered the pilots to cast anchor at some distance
from the land, in order to conceal from the Tiberians
the absence of any marine force on board the vessels.
I myself approached the shore with one ship and
severely reprimanded the people for their folly and
readiness to abandon their allegiance to me without
any just excuse whatever. As to the future, however,
I promised that they might rely on my pardon if
they would send me ten of their leaders. Promptly
accepting this proposal they sent me the men whose
names I mentioned first ; these I put on board and
dispatched to Tarichaeae to be kept under arrest.
(34) By this ruse I made prisoners, in batches, of
the whole council, and had them conveyed to Tari-
chaeae, along with most of the leading commoners,
who numbered as many again. Seeing the wretched
plight to which they were reduced, the people now
urged me to take measures against the author of the
sedition, a rash and headstrong youth named Cleitus.
Deeming it impious to put a compatriot to death,
yet imperatively necessary to punish him, I ordered
Levi, one of my bodyguard, to step forward and cut
off one of his hands. The man, notwithstanding
these orders, was afraid to advance alone into such
a crowd, whereupon, wishing to screen the soldier’s
cowardice from the Tiberians, I called up Cleitus and
said: “‘ For such base ingratitude to me you deserve
to lose both hands. Act as your own executioner,
lest, if you refuse, a worse punishment befall you.”
To his urgent request to spare him one hand I

1 Emended (cf. ¢.g. §§ 323, 352): dyvo.ay Mss.
2 Niese: re MSS, 3 wl. Sjutos.

VOL. I F 65

Punishment
of the
ringleader.

JOSEPHUS

ToAAa deoprevov pods KaTevevoa. KaKeivos a-

GLLevos bmep TOU pea) Tas 6vo xelpas amoBaAety

AaB pedxarpav KOTTEL THV apioTepay eavTod.
,

Kal TOOTO THY OTACW eTAUEV.

174 (35) TiPeprets dé, ws els Tas Tapixeas aducopny,
yvovTes THY oTparnytay 7 Kat abt@v expN Tapa,
dmeBavpalov o ore Xepis Povey ETAVCE Tay ayvenpio -

175 GUY avTOV. eyo d€ TOUS EK THS ELPKTHS pera
Trepibdpevos TOU 7ArGous TOV TiBeprewy, nv Oe
Gv avTots ‘lodaros Kal O 7aATIp avrod [Icoros,
ouvoetz mvous eT Touodpny , Kal Tapa THV coTlacw
edeyov OTL Thy ‘Pwpalwr © Ovvapiw ovo" avros
ayvo® Tac@v d.adépovoar, ouyeny [LevTOL mepl

176 adTHs Sua tovs Anotds. Kat adrois b€ tadra

cuveBovAevov Tovey TOV eEmiTHOELOY TEPYLEvOvOL

Ka.Lpov Kal 7) Ovoavacxerew €“ol oTpaTny@:

pendevos yap avdrous ETEPOV duv7jcecbae padtes

emvetKoos OpLotns tvxetv. tov “lodatov dé Kal
dreulpvynoKov OTL mpocbev 7 we Tapayevécbar éx
tav ‘lepocodtpwv ot LadtAatoe tadeAdod tas
yetpas amoKoevay attod mpo Tod Todenov mAa-
oT@V avT@® ypappatwv KaKoupyiay émuadécartes,

Kal OTL peTa THY avaxywpnow THY Dirimzov

Tapadtrat zpos BaBvAwviovs oracialovres av-

éhovev Xapyra, cvyyevis 8 jv otros Tob DiXizmov,

17g kal ws “Incotv tov adeAdov atrod, avépa Tis
adeAdfjs “loverov, wyodpovws* KoAdcevav. Tatra
mapa THV éotiacw SiarexGeis Tots wept Tov “lobcarov
ewhev éxéAevoa mavtas THS dvAaKhs atoAvO Ava.

—
~I
I

i79 (36) Ilpo b€ tovtTwv cuvéBy tov *lakiwov DiA-
immov ateAfety ex Vdpada tod dpovpiov rovavrns

66

THE LIFE, 173-179

grudgingly consented ;* at which, to save himself
the loss of both, he gladly drew his sword and struck
off his left hand. His action brought the sedition to
an end.

(35) The Tiberians, discovering, on my arrival at The Tiberian
Tarichaeae, the trick which I had played upon them, Peuy*
were amazed at the manner in which If had checked
their arrogance without bloodshed. I now sent for
my Tiberian prisoners, among whom were Justus and
his father Pistus, and made them sup with me.
During the entertainment I remarked that I was
well aware myself of the unrivalled might of the
Roman arms, but, on account of the brigands, kept
my knowledge to myself. I advised them to do the
same, to bide their time and not to be intolerant of
my command, as they would not easily find another
leader as considerate as myself. I further reminded
Justus that, before I came from Jerusalem the
Galilaeans had cut off his brother’s hands on a charge
of forging letters prior to the outbreak of hostilities ;
also how the people of Gamala, after Philip’s depart-
ure, in an insurrection against the Babylonians, slew
Chares, Philip’s kinsman, and savagely murdered his
brother Jesus, husband of the sister of the man I was
addressing.” Such was the nature of my conversation
at table with Justus and his companions. In the
morning I gave orders that all my prisoners should

be discharged.

(36) Some time before the revolt of Tiberias,
Philip, son of Jacimus, had left the fortress of Gamala

“ The narrative, as here told, is confused and ridiculous ;
the parallel account in B. ii. 642 ff. is consistent.
> For the events referred to cf. 8§ 179, 186 below.

1 Naber: cwdpivws or cwppovos MSS.

07

JOSEPHUS

> 7 / / / /
180 aitias yevouevns. Didummos mufdpevos pefectavat
\ y e A ~ / > / /
uev Ovapov t70 Tob BactAdws ’Aypimma, diad0xov
d¢ adiyfar Mdédiov* Aixovoy avipa didov atta Kat
own 2 mara, ypader m™pos TOUTOV T Tas Kal éauTov
TUYAS amayyedAcwy Kal mapaKaday Ta Tap avrob
TeudlevTa ypdppata mpos tovs Baowdéas azo-
a \ s 2 , \ > \
1g] oretAar. Kat Modd.os* SbeEdpevos tas émtotodds
> / AN / \ / > b) ~
éxyap7y adddpa, owlecbar tov Didiazov €€ adbrav
emuyvous, Kal mpos Tovs Pactrdas ezeuie Ta
/ \ \ sf e \ A
192 ypdppata mept Bryputov ovras. 6 b€ Baatrevs
> A. / e »” ~ \ \ /
Aypimmas @s éyve bevd7 Thy Tepl Didimzov
dqpeyp YEVOMEVIY Aoyos yap ou ADev WS OTpAaTnyoin
tov *lovdatwv em TOV Tpos ‘Papatous TOAEpLov,
érepubev immets Tovs Tapaméeuovras tov Didurmov.
183 KaL TapayevojLevov sontloal te didodpoves Tots
e / £ / > / a \ /
te ‘Pwpaiwy jyepoow emedetkvuev OTe 67) DiAva7os
otT0s €oTw mept ov dieEHer Adyos ws ‘Pwpaiwv
GTOGTAYTOS. Kehever 6° abrov immets Twas ava-
AaBovra Oarrov ets Papada T0-bpovpLov mopevbivat,
Tous oikelouvs avT@ mavras exetlev efdfovra Kal
tovs BaBvAwviovs ets tHv Batravaiay mdAw aro-
184 KaTaoTicovTa. mapyyyeire 5€ Kat waoav mou-
cacbat mpovotay b7ép Tod py) yeveo$ar TWA vew-
TEplopLov Tapa Tov vanKoOwy. Didiwzos pev ovr,
ratrta Tob Pactdéws émoreiAavTos, Eamevde TroLy-
cwv a Tpocérakev.
185 (37) *Lwonzos 5° o® THS larpivns moAAovs
veaviokous Opaceis mpoTpesapevos atta ovvapa-
ofa Kat énmavactas tots ev Vapada mpodrois

1 Movédiov R; ef. §§ 61, 114.
2 Movodcos R. 3 6’ 6 Naber: 6é mss.

68

THE LIFE, 180-185

under the following circumstances.? On hearing
that Varus had been deposed by King Agrippa and j;
that his old friend and comrade, Modius Aequus,
had come as his successor, Philip wrote to the latter,
relating his recent experiences and requesting him
to forward to the king and queen the letters which
he had previously transmitted.? Modius, delighted
at receiving an epistle which assured him of Philip’s
escape, dispatched the letters to their majesties, who
were then in the neighbourhood of Berytus.6 King
Agrippa, on learning that the current rumour con-
cerning Philip was false—it was commonly said that
he had taken command of the Jews for the war
with the Romans—sent a body of horse to escort
him to Berytus. On his arrival, he gave him a warm
greeting and presented him to the Roman officers
as the identical Philip about whom reports were
circulating that he had revolted from Rome. He
then instructed him to lose no time in returning
with a body of cavalry to the fortress of Gamala, to
bring all his friends out of that place, and to reinstate
the Babylonians in Batanaea? ; charging him at the
same time to take every precaution to prevent
insurrection on the part of his subjects. These
royal commands Philip hastened to execute.

(37) [Not long after this] ¢ Josephus, the midwife’s
son, induced a number of adventurous youths to join
him, and, assaulting the magistrates’ of Gamala,

* This digression gives the sequel to the history narrated
in §§ 46-61 above.

> Cf. § 48. Beira

4 On the origin of the colony of Babylonian Jews in
Batanaea see note on § 54 above.

¢ There is no note of time in the Greek ; the sequence of
events may be inferred from § 177. f ** Head-men.”’

69

Philip ben-
Jacimus

joins

Agrippa.

Gamala
revolts from
Agrippa.

186

187

188

189

190

JOSEPHUS

exeilev attovs adictacbar tod Paciwéws Kat
avadaPetv Ta OmAa, ws dia TOUTWY TH eevbepiav
amoAnoméevous. Kat Twas pev €Piaoayto, Tovs
d€ p11) Guvapeckopevovs at’Tav Tats yvwpats
avyjpovv. KTelWwovor b€ Kat Xdpyra, Kal per
avToU Twa TOV ovyyevOv “Incoby Kai “lovorou bé
Tod TiPeprews adeAdov* avetAov, kabas 4dn mpo-
el7opev. ypadovat b€ Kal mpds pe TapaKkadobytes
mépibat Kal dvvayw attots omAiT@y Kal Tovs ava-
oTyoovTas atT@v 7H mode Telyn. Kaya mpos
oveéTepov avteimov av j€iwoav. adioratrar be
Tod Baotréws Kat 7) VavdAavitis ywpa péxpe Kons
Lohvpns. Ledevkeia b€ Kal Lwyavy) dvoet Ko wats
oxupwTarats dKodopunoa TelXy, Tds TE KaTa THY
avw VadtAaiav Kkdpas, Kat mavu TETpUIdELS ovoas,
erelxioa. mapa Anatus: ovopara 5° avrats “Taped
“Apnpab "Ayapapy. woxvpwoa de Kal TAS EV TH
KaTW PadAaia, ToAeus pev Tapiyéas TrBepiada
Lézdwpw, Kapas be “ApBhAwy o77jAatov, Byp-
covpat Ledrapnv “lwrdmata Kadapaé , TKepos
Xwyavat adat Kat 7d ‘TraBdprov Gpos. Ets
TavTas Kal otrov ameléuny moAdbv Kat OmAa mpds
aoddAevav TV peTa TabTa.

~ ~ >] ~
(38) *Iwavvyn 6€ 7H Tod Anovet TO KOT ej00
putoos mpoonvéeTo Papéws Pépovte THY eq ev-
Tpayiav. 7pobepevos OvV TAVTWS EKTOOWV [LE TOL -
cacbat TH ev adtod matpidu Tots Tucyadous Kata-
/ / A > \ \ / \ \
oxevaler Telyn, Tov adeAdov b€ Liwwva Kal Tov
~ / > / > 2 ¢ ~ \
Tob Lucevva “lwvabyvy <pef >? omdAiTav epi
éxatov eis ‘lepoodAvpa mépymer mpos Tov Tob

1 Most ss. read ddeAgiv. * Inserted by Niese.

70

THE LIFE, 185-190

brought pressure to bear on them to revolt from
the king and take up arms, with the prospect of
thereby regaining their independence. Some they
forced into compliance; those who declined to
acquiesce in their views they put to death. Among
others, as already mentioned, they slew Chares and
one of his kinsmen, Jesus, and the brother of Justus
of Tiberias. To me they wrote, asking me to send
them troops and workmen to repair the town walls ;
neither of these requests did I refuse. The region
of Gaulanitis, as far as the village of Solyma, like-
wise revolted from the king. I erected walls at
Seleucia and Sogane, villages with very strong
natural defences, and provided similar protection for
certain villages in Upper Galilee, also in very rugged
surroundings, named Jamnia, Ameroth,? and Acha-
rabe. In Lower Galilee I fortified the cities of
Tarichaeae, Tiberias, and Sepphoris, and the villages
of the Cave of Arbela, Beersubae, Selame, Jotapata,
Kapharath, }Kémus, Soganae, Papha°’t and Mount
Tabor. These places I stocked with ample supplies
of corn and arms for their future security.

(38) Meanwhile, the hatred borne me by John,
son of Levi, who was aggrieved at my success, was
growing more intense, and he determined at all costs
to have me removed. Accordingly, after fortifying
his native town of Gischala, he dispatched his brother
Simon and Jonathan, son of Sisenna, with about a
hundred armed men, to Jerusalem, to Simon, son of

“ There is some confusion here. In §§ 177 f. only two
persons are named: Chares, kinsman of Philip, and Jesus,
brother of Chares and brother-in-law of Justus.

2 Or Meroth (cf. B.1i..573).

¢ ‘Text corrupt (cf. B. ibid.).

~
—

Josephus
fortifies
Galilee.

“

Attempt of
John of
Gischala

to have
Josephus
superseded.

JOSEPHUS

TapadujAov Lipwva, tapaxadécovtas abtov metcat
TO Kowov TOV ‘lepocodupuray THY apy aeho-
puevous ee TOV DPadiAatav avTa@ pnpicactat THV

191 €€ovalay rovTwv. 6 5é Lipwy obtos jv moAews
pev ‘TepocoAdpwv, yevous be opodpa Aapmpod,
Tijs d€ Dapicaiwv aipécews, Ol TEpl TA TAaTpLA
VO HY doKxobow tav adAdwv axpyBeta Suadépew.

192 jv 8° ovToS av7p aAnpys ouvecews Kal Aoytopod
Ovvdyrevos TE TpaypaTa KaK@s KElpweva ppovicer
TH EavToo Swplacacbat, piros Te mradaos TO
‘ladyyy KGL oun Ons, mpos éue O€ TOTE Siaddpws

193 cixev. deEdprevos ouv THY mapaKAnow emrewHev
Tovs apxvepets “Avavov kai “Incotv tov Tod Tapada
Twas TE TOV THs. avras oTdcews exeivols” EKKOTITEW
pe Pvopevov Kat per) Trepudety emt peKLOTOV avéy-
bévra d0€ns, ovvoicew avtots Aéywv et THS Dade
Aatas adaipebetyy. per) peMew de mapedAer Tous
mept tov “Avavov, pi) Kat dlacas yr Oven peta.

194 7oAAfs e7éAOw TH mOAEL SvVapews. 6 ev Uipwv
Tatta ovveBovAevev, 6 b€ apyrepeds “Avavos od
pad.ov elvar TO Epyov amédawev: moAAovs yap TeV
dpxvepewr KGL TOD 7AxBous TpocoT@Tas papTupety
oT KaAaS eyo) oTparnye, troveiobar S€ KaTHyopiav
avdpos Kal? ob prdev Héyew StvavTar dikatov
davAwyv epyov civac.

195 (39) Lipwv 8 ws HKovoey tatra mapa Tod
“Avavov, oww7av pev éexelvovs j€iwoey pnd eis
moAAovs exdhépew Tovs Adyous abttOv: mpovoncecbar”
yap avtos edackev Wa OGrrTov petaoTabeinv €K THs
PadAaias. mpockadecdpevos 6€ Tov adeddov Tob

1 Bekker: ris atrav crdcews éxeivovs MSS.
2 Niese: mpovojcacbat MSS.

~)

tw

THE LIFE, 190-195

Gamaliel, to entreat him to induce the national
assembly of Jerusalem to deprive me of the command
of Galilee and to vote for his appointment to the
post. This Simon was a native of Jerusalem, of
a very illustrious family, and of the sect of the
Pharisees, who have the reputation of being un-
rivalled experts in their country’s laws.¢ A man highly
gifted with intelligence and judgement, he could by
sheer genius retrieve an unfortunate situation in
affairs of state. He was John’s old and intimate friend,
and, at the time, was at variance with me. On receiv-
ing this application he exerted himself to persuade
the high-priests Ananus and Jesus, son of Gamalas,
and some others of their party to clip my sprouting
wings and not suffer me to mount to the pinnacle of
fame. He observed that my removal from Galilee
would be to their advantage, and urged them to act
without delay, for fear that I should get wind of their
plans and march with a large army upon Jerusalem.
Such was Simon’s advice. In reply, Ananus, the
high-priest, represented the difficulties of the action
suggested, in view of the testimonials from many of
the chief priests and leaders of the people to my
capacity as a general; adding that to accuse a
man against whom no just charge could be brought
was a dishonourable proceeding.

(39) On hearing this speech of Ananus, Simon
implored the embassy to keep to themselves and not
divulge what had passed at the conference ; asserting
that he would see to it that I was speedily super-
seded in Galilee. Then calling up John’s brother

@ Or *‘in the rules of their fathers.”” The voucma are the
traditional rules (Halakoth, etc.) which grew up round the
Law (vépos).

to

196

197

~

198

199

200 7

JOSEPHUS

’Twavvov mpooeragev me TrEw Swpeas Tots mepl TOV
”Avavov: Taxa yap ovTws édy TeEloew avrous
poetabéobar. Tas yvopas. KOL Téhos empatev 0
Nipwy 6 mpovbero: 6 yap “Avavos Kat ot adv atT@
Tots xpypacw dsadGapevtes ovytievtar THS Vare-
aias exBadetv pe, pndevos adrAov THY Kata THY
mow TOUTO YYOTKOVTOS.. Kat 67) €d0€ev avrots
TE ULTEW dvopas KOTA yevos pev dvaepovras, Hh
Ta.dela 0 opotous. joav & abvtT@v ot pev OqpoTuKot
dvo, "Teovd bys KaL ‘Avavias, PDapicator TIV atpeow,
ao: tpttos “lalapos* tepariKod yevous, Papioatos
Kal avros, que 6 €€ apyrepéewv vewTaTos
éxelvwv. tovtTovs e€kéAevov dpucopLevovs els TO
TARG0s TOv Taduatwyv mvbécba map’ adbtdv tiv
airiay 6v iv ewe didodow: et d€ datev btu 7OAEws
elnv THs lepocodvpon, Kal avrovs &€& éKElvwv
Aéyew _bmdpxew Tous Téooapas, el be Sia THY
euTeiplay TOV vouwv, pnd adttovs ayvoety en
Ta TaTpia ddoKkew, et 8 ad dia THY Lepwovvyy
déyouey ayarav pe, Kat at’t@v amoxpivecbar dvo0
lepets Umapyew.
(40) Tat@ daobduevor rots wept tov “lwvabny
ses peupiddas apyuptov duddacw avtois é€k
mpootav Xphparev. evel 6€ twa LadAaiov
Pte ‘Inoobv ovopa, Tepi avroy Ta€w €€aKko-
ciwy omdutav éxyew, emdnpobdvta tots ‘lepoao-
AUpows TOTE, peTaTepisdpevor TODTOV Kal TpLOV
unvav picbov dovtes exédevov emecbat Tots meEpt
tov “lwvdbyv melapyotvta atrots, Kat Tav

1 So (or "Iwagapos) § 324 etc.: the mss. here have Tofopos
(T'égapos).

74

THE LIFE, 195-200

he instructed him to send presents to Ananus and

his friends, as a likely method of inducing them to
change their minds. Indeed Simon eventually
achieved his purpose“; for, as the result of bribery, ‘The plot
Ananus and his party agreed to expel me from ‘°°’
Galilee, while every one else in the city remained
ignorant of the plot. ‘The scheme agreed upon was

to send a deputation comprising persons of different The deputa-
classes of society but of equal standing in education. eee
Two of them, Jonathan and Ananias, were from the

lower ranks and adherents of the Pharisees; the

third, Jozar, also a Pharisee, came of a priestly
family ; the youngest, Simon, was descended from

high priests. Their instructions were to approach

the Galilaeans and ascertain the reason for their
devotion to me. If they attributed it to my being

a native of Jerusalem, they were to reply that so

were all four of them; if to my expert knowledge

of their laws, they should retort that neither were

they ignorant of the customs of their fathers ;_ if,

again, they asserted that their affection was due to

my priestly office, they should answer that two of

them were likewise priests.

(40) After thus prompting Jonathan and_ his
colleagues, they presented them with forty thousand
pieces of silver® out of the public funds; and, on
hearing that a Galilaean, named Jesus, was staying
in Jerusalem, who had with him a company of six
hundred men under arms, they sent for him, gave
him three months’ pay and directed him to
accompany the party and obey their orders. They

2 Cf. the shorter account in B. ii. 627-9.
® If denarii are meant, the sum would be about £1200.
Perhaps a smaller silver coin is intended.

15

201

202

203

204

205

206

JOSEPHUS

~ \ / > / / > Pr
moAut@v b€ TpiaKoolots avdpaow ddovtTes apyvpLov
eis tpodiv Tav Aw mpocéragav axodovbeiv Tots
> a \ \ \
mpeapeow. TevolévTwy ovv avT@v Kal Tpos THV
” b] / > / e \ \ >
é€odov ettpemicbevtwy eEjecav ot mept Tov ‘lw-
> A
vabynv obv tovTos, éemaydpevor Kal Tov adeApov
roe / \ e / e / / > \
Tob “lwavvov Kat omAitas éxatov, AaBovtes evtoAas
~ / A
Tapa TOV TrepiavTay, el pev Exwv Katabetny Ta
oma, Cavra Tepe els THY ‘lepocoAvpur ay Tod,
el O aVT UT aT OOLLTY dmoxretva pndev dedvoTas*
avTav yap elvat TO TpooTaypa. eyeypapercav de
Kat T@ “lwavvyn mpos Tov Kart ej00 mOA€pLov
e Pf ~ /
érounalecbar, tots te Lémdwpw Kai Tafapa
Kato.kovow Kat Tifepredow mpocétatrov oavup-
paxlav TO “lwavyn wéptrew.
~ / ~ \ / > ~
(41) Tatra por tot martpos ypdibavtos, ée&eize
d€ zpos avrov “Inoods 6 tot Tapadd, r&v ev adra
7H Bovdy yevopeve eis, diros @v Kal ovv7 Ons
epol, opodpa Tmepuydynoa Tous TE moNiras OUTWS
TEpl ee yevojevovs ayaptiorous, emuyvovs dud
plovov dvarpebivat pe Tmpootdéar, Kal TG TOV
TaTépa bua TOV ypaypatrwy oAAd pe mapaKkadety
5 / A > / ~ \ yA /
adixéalar mpos atvrov: toleivy yap edn Yeaoacbar
TOV VLOV 7pO TOD TedevTioa. TAvTO a) m™pos TOUS
pidous cizrov Kal OTL peTa. Tpirny npepayv KaTa-
Avra THY Xwpav avTay els THV marpioa Tropev-
oouuny himy 8 dmavtas Tovs aKkovoavTas*
KATEOXE, mapeKdXovy TE kAatovres pen) éeycaradumetv
avtovs amoAovpévous ef THs ens oTpatynytias
amoorepyfetev. od Karavevovtos S€ pov Tais
ikeTelats avta@v, adda Tepl THS €avTou dpov-
tilovtos oawrTypias, detcavtes of TadAtAatoe pr
> ~ ~
ameMfovros evxatadpovynto. Tots Anorats yévowTo,

76

THE LIFE, 200-206

further requisitioned three hundred citizens to
follow the deputies, providing money for the main-
tenance of the whole number. The consent of these
recruits being obtained and their preparations for the
journey completed, the party of Jonathan set out
with them ; John’s brother and a hundred regulars
also accompanied them. They had orders, in the
event of my volunteering to lay down my arms, to
send me alive to Jerusalem, but if I offered any
_resistance to kill me regardless of consequences,
having the weight of their masters’ commands
behind them. They had also written to John to be
prepared for an attack upon me, and were issuing
orders to Sepphoris, Gabara, and Tiberias to send
assistance to John.

(41) My information reached me in a letter from Josephus
my father, to whom the news was confided by Jesus, ee
son of Gamalas, an intimate friend of mine, who had
been present at the conference. I was deeply
distressed, both by the base ingratitude of my
fellow-citizens, whose jealousy, as I could see, had
prompted the order to put me to death, and also by
the earnest request in my father’s letter that I
would come to him, as he longed to see his son
before his death. I told my friends exactly what
had happened and of my intention, in three days’
time, to quit the district and go home. All who
heard me were overcome with grief and besought
me, with tears, not to abandon them to the ruin
which awaited them if deprived of my leadership.
To these entreaties, out of concern for my own safety,
I refused to yield ; whereupon the Galilaeans, fearing
that my withdrawal would leave them an easy prey

! kaxovcovtas P, adxotcavta RA, dxotovras MW.

(|

i)
[m=

208

209

210

JOSEPHUS

, > \ / 4 \
TELLTIOVOW EUS THY TaAtAatav GQ7ACGV TOUS O71) [/La-

vobvras TiHVv eujy yvwpyny wept THs amaddayis.

\ \ \ vA I ¢ ”
7 woAAot b€ Kat TavTaydbev avv7nyOycav, ws jKOVGAY,

[Leva YOV ALK OV KL TEKVOY, od 700w, doKa* wor, TO

mpos ee peahrov 7) TQ) TEpt avr @v déer TovTO
mpatTovTes’ eo yap TOpapLevovTos metoecBau
KaKOV ovdev drreAdpBavov. WKOV OvV mavTEs els
TO péya medlov ev @ diéTpiBov: “Acwyis eoTw
OVOLA AUTO.

(42) Ava 6€ THs vuKTOs exelvns Bavpdovov oiov
évetpov eHeacdpnv. eel yap els KoiTHY ETpaTrOpNY
dua ta ypadévta AvTovpevos Kal TEeTApaypevos,
és0fa twa éyew emiotavTa prow: ““Tatoae THV
ubvyny, @ ovtos, aAy@v, mavTos 8 amaAAacaov
ddoBov: 7a yap AvTobvTa GE péeytoTOV ToLAGEL Kat
év 7aow eVTUXEOTATOV, Katopharcers oe ov Lovov
7abTa, aAXa, Kat moAAa eTepa. py Kapve o7),
pep) co 8 ore Kal ‘Pwpatois det oe toAcujoa.”’
Tobtov 67) TOV OVvELpoV Jeacdpevos dvaviorapac

KaTapnvar 7 mpobupovpevos els TO medlov. mpos be
Ty eu ow wav TO 7AiGos TOV TaAtAaiwr,
qoav 6 ev avrots yuvaires TE KGL mates, emt
oTopa pubavtes é€avTovs Kat daKpvovTes tKETEVOV
per) odds eyeatadurety Tots mroAepsiots, pd ameNbeiv
edoavra Thv xwpayv adtav evdPpiopa Tots €xO pois
e€oomevnv. ws be Tats Oenceow | otk emevlov,

KaTyVvayKalov opKos pévewy Tap €avTois, €Aodo-
poovTo Te TD On ED ToAAa TOV ‘lepooodvpur av ws
cipyvevecbar TH Xwpav avr av ovK E€@VTL.

(43) Tatra 67) Kal émaKovwy adT@v Kat Brérwv
tod TAjGous tiv KaTidevav exAdabnv mpos EAcov,
1 Goxe? R.

78

THE LIFE, 206-212

to the brigands, sent messengers throughout Galilee

Ate of
Galilaeans

to announce my intended departure. On hearing of ¢5 jj

this, large numbers assembled from all quarters, with
their wives and children, influenced, I imagine, as
much by alarm for themselves as by affection for
myself ; being convinced that while I remained at
my post no harm would befall them. All flocked to
the great plain, called the plain of Asochis,* in
which my quarters lay.

(42) That night I beheld a marvellous vision in my
dreams. I had retired to my couch, grieved and
distraught by the tidings in the letter, when I thought
that there stood by me one who said: “ Cease, man,
from thy sorrow of heart, let go all fear. That
which grieves thee now will promote thee to great-
ness and felicity in all things.’ Not in these present
trials only, but in many besides, will fortune attend
thee. Fret not thyself then. Remember that thou
must even battle with the Romans.” Cheered by this
dream-vision I arose, ready to descend into the plain.
On my appearance, the whole crowd of Galilaeans,
which included women and children, flung themselves
on their faces and with tears implored me not to
abandon them to their enemies nor, by my departure,
leave their country exposed to the insolence of their
foes. Finding entreaties unavailing, they sought
with adjurations to coerce me to stay with them ;
bitterly inveighing against the people of Jerusalem
for not allowing their country to remain in peace.

(43) With these cries in my ears and the sight of
the dejected crowd before my eyes, my resolution
broke down and I was moved to compassion ; I felt

* Sahel el Buttauf, running E. and W., in the break in the
hills between Jotapata on the north and Nazareth on the
south. ® Or perhaps “ above all men.’

79

support.

His dream.

JOSEPHUS

aévov eivar vopilwv tbrép tocovtov mAjfous Kat
mpodrjAous Kwdvvous tvropevew. Katavedw 87)
pevew, Kal mevtakicytAiouvs €€ atra@v omAitas
nkew KeAevoas exovTas éavTois Tpodas emt Tas

213 OLK TELS dvadjnKka tovs GAAous. ézret b€ of TEVTAKLG-
yiAvor mapeyévovto, TovTovs avaraBav Kal Tpic-
yirlovs Tods adv euavT® oTpatiitas, immeis
oydonkovTa, Tv mopelay eis XaBwrlw Kwopny,
ILroAepwatdos jueBoprov ovoay, eToincauny, KaKeEl
Tas duvdpers ouvetyov ae OKNTTOMEVOS

214 emt TOV apos IAdKidov 7oAcpov. apiKeTo om odTos
peta SUo omeip@v melod orpatevpmatos Kal imméwv
iAns pas bo Keoriov TadAdov Teupbets, iv
e-mpnon) Tas KWpas TOV DadAatev at 7Anotov
7oav [TroAepatdos. BaddAopeévov 8° exetvov Xdpasa
apo Ths rokcpwadwr woAews TiPear Kayw OTpaTo-
TEdOV, THS KHpNS doov €EjKOVTA OTADLoUS aTTOGYWV.

215 7ToAAdKis prev obv Tas SuVaELS TpOnyayopeVv ws
ets paynv, mAdov 8 ovdév axpoBodicpav émpaéa-
Lev" O yap ITAd«vdos cowmep eyivwoKev omevoovTa
je mpos pany avTos katamAyrropevos bmeareA-
Neto THs pevToL IroAepaidos ovK exwpilero.

216 (44) Kara todrov b€ Tov Kaupov dpucopevos
‘levabns peTa TOV oupmpecBewy, dv edapev ex
TOV ‘lepoooAvpwy b7o Tav wept Lipwwva Kat
"Avavov tov apytepéa memépbar, AaBety <pe>* Ov
evédpas émeBovrevev" pavep@s yap emxeipety ovK

217 €roAua. ypager b€ Tos. jue TOLAUTHYV emLaToAqy"
“"Twvabyns Kat ot adv abT@ meupbevres b70 TOV
Tepocodvpurav "lwonmw Xaipew. pets b70 Tav
év ‘Iepocodvpois mpwTwv, aKovodvTwY TOV aro

1 ins. ed. princeps, Om. MSS.

80

THE LIFE, 212-217

that it was right to face even manifest perils for so Josephus
vast a multitude. So I consented to remain ; and, Consents to
giving orders that five thousand of them were to Galilee.
join me in arms, bringing their own provisions, I
dismissed the rest to their homes. When the five
thousand arrived, I set out with them, the three
thousand infantry already with me and eighty
horse, and marched to Chabolo,? a village on the
frontiers of Ptolemais, where I kept my forces
together, feigning to be making preparations for
an engagement with Placidus. The latter had been
sent by Cestius Gallus, with two cohorts of infantry
and a squadron of horse, to burn the Galilaean villages
in the neighbourhood of Ptolemais. While he was
entrenching himself in front of that city, I on my
side encamped about sixty furlongs from the village
of Chabolo. On several occasions we led out our
forces, as for battle, but did not proceed beyond
skirmishes, because Placidus, in proportion as he
saw my eagerness for a combat, became alarmed and
declined it. He did not, however, quit his post at
Ptolemais.

(44) At this juncture Jonathan arrived with his Arrival of
fellow-envoys, who, as I said, had been sent from ee
Jerusalem by Simon and Ananus the high-priest. in Galilee:

Not venturing to attack me openly, he laid a plot to ee
entrap me, writing me the following letter : desephue:

“Jonathan and his fellow deputies from
Jerusalem to Josephus, greeting. The Jerusalem
authorities, having heard that John of Gischala

2 Cabul (Kabil), half-way between the Plain of Asochis
(§ 207 above) and Ptolemais (Acre).

VoL. 1 G 8]

218

219

220

221

222

223

224

JOSEPHUS

Ticxyddwy *lwavvnv em BeBovrevicevan Gol mo\Aaxts,
emeuhOypev emimAn€ovtes abT@ Kal TapawvécovTes
eis TO Aouroy braKovew ot. Bovrevoacbas de
ovv col Oédovres Tepl TOV KowH TpaKTewy Tapa-
Kkadobpev 7 WKew Oarrov mpos pas Le) pera ToAAav*
ovde ‘yap 7 Kop dvvait av otpatiwtav mAnGos
emiocEacbar. Tada, 6 éypadov Tpoodok@vres
Ovoiv Oarepov, 7 OTL xewpis omhwv dpucopevov pos
avtovs e€ovow droxelpiov 7 7oMovs é7a7 0 LevoV
Kpwovar moAguov. Kev O€ LOL THY emuaToAqy
immevs Kopilay, Opacvs ddAws veavias TOV Tra.pa.
Bao.ret more OT PATEVTApLEVEnV™ nv Oo apa VUKTOS
7307 devTepa, Kal? av erbyXaVOV peta TOV didwyv
kat tev THs VadiAatas TmpurTon EOTLEDMLEVOS.
obros om), mpocayyetAavtTos olKerou pou nKEeW TWO
imma ‘lovdaiov, etoxdn bets éuod = KeAevoavTos
jomdoaro pev ovo" odws, Ty emuaToany d€ 77po-
TewWas, “cauryv,’ eimev, “ot €€ ‘lepocoAvpoy
TKOVTES TeToppact Gol. ypade on TAXLOTO. Kal
ou: Kat yap eel yopLal Tmpos avrous broarpepew.
ol pev ovv KATAKELLEVOL THY TOO OTpAaTLWTOV
TOALay eGavpacay, eyo dé kabléleabar mapexdAovy
Kal ovvoeumvetv jp. dpyncapevov de TV pev
emuaToAny peta. xetpas eixov ws edefauny, T™pos
de Tous didovs TEepl mpaypLatwv eTEpa THY opidtay
eTOLOUnY . wet’ od TroAARV O° Gpay efavaoras Kal
TOUS [ev dAAous amoAvoas ent KOLTNDY, Téooapas
d€ pou jeovov TOV avayKatwy pirov mpoopetvau
xehevoas Kal T@ TaLdL TpooTaas olvov EToyLaoat,
Ta émaroAny avarrvéas pun devos euBérrovros Kak
avTis TAXD ouveis THY TOV Yeypaporey emivouay,
T7daAw adrny éonunvapnv. Kal ws U7 TpoaveyvwKws,
82

THE LIFE, 217-224

has frequently plotted against you, have commis-
sioned us to reprove him and to admonish him in
future to show you proper respect. Wishing to
confer with you on a concerted line of action, we
request you to come to us with all speed, and with
but few attendants, as this village could not accom-
modate a large military force.”

In so writing they expected one of two things to
happen: either I would come unprotected and they
would have me at their mercy, or, should I bring a
large retinue, they would denounce me as a public
enemy. The letter was brought to me by a trooper,
an insolent young fellow who had formerly served in
the king’s army. It was the second hour of the
night, and I was dining with my friends and the
chief men of Galilee. My servant announcing the
arrival of a Jewish horseman, this fellow, being called
in by my orders, gave me no salute whatever, but
reached out the letter and said: ‘“ The party who
have come from Jerusalem have sent you this.
Write your reply immediately, as I am in a hurry to
return to them.’’ My guests were astonished at
the soldier’s audacity ; I, for my part, invited him
to sit down and join us at supper. He declined. I
kept the letter in my hands, as I had received it, and
conversed with my friends on other subjects. Not
long after I rose and, dismissing the others to their
repose, directed four only of my closest friends to
stay and ordered my servant to set on wine. Then,
when no one was looking, I unfolded the letter, took
in at a glance the writers’ design and sealed it up
again. Holding it in my hands as though I had not

83

aoe

226

228

JOSEPHUS

GAAd peTa xelpas avriy Exwv, mpoceraga Ta
OTparLsTy Opaxpias elKooucy> epoduov Sob jvat.
Tob be AaBovros Kal xepw exew djoavros cuvels
TV atoxpoKepderay avrod KaL WS TaUTy pahora
eoTw aAwaytos, “ arr’ et ouput jpiv, Eon,

“ Gehjcevas, cee KaTGa. Kvabov Opaxpny pay.
6 8 dopevos Ua7jKovaey, Kal moAbv TOV oivov
mpoohepopevos vmEep Tod TAdov AaBeiv To apyvpLov
Kat peOvabels otKETL TA ATOppyTA oTéyew edUvvaTO,
aA’ edpalev ovK EpwrepLevos THY TE ouveckeva-
opevnv emBovdiy KaL ws Karepnpuopevos ein
Oavarov Tap avrots. TatT daKovoas dyTuypagen
Tov Tpdmov TobTov: “"lwonmos "Iwvabyn Kat Tots
atv atT®@ yalpew. eppwyévovs tyds eis Ty
PadAatay TK EW mubopevos 7jOopuae, padvora. S°
OTt Suv} copa pane Si dpi Thv Tov evade
Tpaypatwv emyeAcvay els TiHV maTpida Topev-
Givat: tTodTo yap Kat wdAa zrovetv 7OeAov. det
ev ovv p71) wovov ets ZaAwl apayevéobar we mpos
bpds, adda moppw Kai pndé KeAevodvTwy, ovy-
yuupns Se Tvxewv a&i® py Svvduevos TobTO
Toljoat, Tapadvrdcowy’ ev XaBwdAa Adkdov eis
tiv LVadAatay avabivat bv évvoias Exovta. HKETE
ovv vpeis mpos pe THY EmiaToAnY avayvovTes.
eppwabe.”’

(45) Tatra ypapas dovs TH aTpaTiitn dépew
ouveg ere pupa. TpidKovra tov TadtAaiwv doKysen-
Tdtous, v7oleevos abtots aomdcacBa pev éexet-
vous, etepov de pundev Aéyew. era€a b€ Kal Kal?

1 Niese: rapadu\dow sic P, rapadu\doow yap the rest.

* The standard silver coin, roughly a franc.
84

THE LIFE, 224-228

yet read it, I ordered twenty drachmas to be presented
to the soldier for travelling expenses. He accepted
the money and thanked me for it. Noting his
cupidity as offering the surest means of gulling him,
I said, “ If you will consent to drink with us, you
shall receive a drachma® for every cup.” He readily
assented and, in order to win more money, indulged
so freely in the wine that he became intoxicated and
unable to keep his secrets any longer to himself. He
told me, without being asked, of the plot that had
been hatched and how I had been sentenced to death
by his employers. On hearing this I wrote the
following reply :

“Josephus to Jonathan and his colleagues,
greeting. I am delighted to hear that you have
reached Galilee in good health; more especially
because I shall now be able to hand over to you
the charge of affairs here and return home, as I
have long wished to do. I ought certainly to
have gone, not merely to Xaloth,? but further,
to wait upon you, even without your instructions ;
I must, however, request you to excuse me for
my inability to do so, as I am here at Chabolo,
keeping watch on Placidus, who is meditating
an incursion up country into Galilee. Do you,
Eheretere, on receipt of this letter, come and
visit me. Fare you well.”

(45) Having written this letter and handed it to the
soldier, I sent him off, accompanied by thirty
Galilaeans of the highest repute, whom I instructed
to pay their respects to the deputies, but to say not
a word more. ‘To each of them I attached a soldier

» A village in the Great Plain, on the southern frontier of
Galilee, elsewhere called Exaloth (B. iii. 39).

85

JOSEPHUS

7 >} ~ ~ € ~ a ,

EKaoTOV avT@V TLOTaV OTALT@v Eva TapadvAdéovra,
~ ~ > =

py Tis Tots weuPletow va Ewod mpos Tovs TepL

tov “lwvdbnv opiAia yevntar. Kal ot prev érro-

229 pevOjoay. ot be wept TOV "lwvdbnv TNS TpwrTns

230

231

232

233

Telpas dpuapTovTes erepay emuaroAgy pot Towavray
ézepibav: ““"lwvabys Kat ot ovv at7@ *lwonmw
/ \ ~
Yaipery. BO ai re Got xwpis omAiT@y eis
e aA
Tpitnvy Tapayevectar mpos mds ets VaPapwé
/ ~
KOUNV, Wa OvaKovowjiev Tov pos “lwavyny
>? ~
eyKAq udev cou YEyOvoTa”. TadTa. ypabavres
Kat domacd|Levoe TOUS DadiAatous ous TeTOMpew*
ee eis “ladav Kany peyloray ovoay TOV
ev 7H Taddaia, retxeow oxupwrarny Kal ToAA@y
OlKYnTOpwY peoTHV. vmnvTialev d€ TO TARBOS ad-
TOUS META YUVALK@VY Kal TEKVWY Kal KaTEeBowY
Kerevovtes amievar Kat p17) Ploveiv adrois ayabod
Tob oTpatnyod. mapnpebilovro de Tats puvais ol
\
TEept TOV ‘lwvabny, Kai Pavepooy pev THY opyny
ovK éToAUwy, OvK aguocavres 5’ atrovs amo-
Kpicews els Tas GAAas Kwpas ETOpevovTO. OpoLat
~ \ /
om OravT wv avrois 7 Tapa TavTwWY at Karaforcers
peT aT reloew adrous Bowvrwy ovdeva, Epi Too per)
oTpaTnyov exew ‘leonzov. dmpaKrot dé Tapa
tovTwy ameABdvTes ot rept tov “lwvabnv eis
/ / ~ > ~ / /,
Léerdwpw peyiorny Tav ev 7TH LVadriAaia odw
> ~ ¢ > > ~ + \ ¢
adixvobvrau: ot 6 evtedfev avlpwaor mpos ‘Pw-
~ > /
patovs Tals yvwpats amoPAémovTes éeKelvois ev
e / > \ \ the, > / ri > ) /
bmnvrwy, ewe de ovt emyvovv ovr efPArAacdypovv.
\ \ ~ > > A \ / 2 c
mapa d€ Lemdwpit@v ets “Acwyw Kxatafartes,” ot
~ / A > ~
évredlev mapamAnciws tots “ladyvois KateBowv
1 Niese: reréugacw MSS., rérouda ed. pr.
2 «aTaS8dav7wy Should perhaps be read.
86

THE LIFE, 228-233

whom I could trust, te watch them and see that no
conversation took place between my emissaries and
the other party ; and so they set off. Foiled in their
first attempt, Jonathan and his friends sent me
another letter as follows :

“Jonathan and his colleagues to Josephus,
greeting. We charge you in three days’ time to
join us, without military escort, at the village of
Gabaroth,* that we may give a hearing to your
accusations against John.”

Having written this letter and taken leave of the
Galilaeans whom I had sent, they went on to Japha,?
the largest village in Galilee, very strongly fortified
and containing a dense population. There they
were met by a crowd, including women and children,
who in abusive language bade them be off and not
grudge them their excellent general. Irritated
though they were by these outcries, Jonathan and
his colleagues did not dare to show their displeasure,
and, not deigning to reply, proceeded to the other
villages on their route. But on all sides they were
met by similar denunciations, the people loudly
protesting that none should induce them to alter their
determination to have Josephus for their general.
Unsuccessful in the villages the delegates withdrew
to Sepphoris, the largest city in Galilee. Here the
inhabitants, who inclined to the side of the Romans,
went to meet them ; refraining, however, from either
praise or censure of myself. From Sepphoris they
descended to Asochis, which gave them a noisy
reception similar to that which had greeted them at

@ Elsewhere called Gabara; some six miles N.E. of
Josephus’s quarters at Cabul.
® Doubtless Japhia ( Ya@fa), a few miles S.W. of Nazareth.

87

Popular
demonstra-
tions in
favour of
Josephus.

JOSEPHUS

av’T@v’ of b€ THY Opynv ovKETL KaTAaDXOVTES KE-
Aevovaw Tois pet abt@v omAitais TUmTEw EvAots
Tovs KataBpo@vras. kata Vafapa de yevopévous
bravridler peta Tproxiriwy omAutav 6 *lwavvys.

234 eyo 8 €k THS emLaToAns 707 CUVELKWS OTL dveyvwo-
Kao mpos pe moAeuetv, avactas amo XaPwAwy
pLeTa TpLaxiAtav omhurav, KaTAAUTOV ev TO
oTparomedw TOV TLOTOTATOV TOV prov, eis *Iew-
TaTaTa TApeyevouyy, mAyjoiov att@v etvat Bov-
Adpevos gov | a0 reaoapdiovra GTAOlwY, Kal

935 ypadw mpos avrous Tade* “El TavTWS jE TPOS
bpas eAbeiy BovAecbe, dvakdctat Kat Técoapes KATA
TIP Dadtratay €low ToAeus KGL KGa. TOUTWV
els nV DeAjoere Tapayevycopar xwopis PaBdpev
Kal DioxdAwy: 7 pev yap mar pis éotw *lwavvou,
7 O€ GUpLpLaAXOS avr @ Kat pian.”

236 ©6(46) Taira ra Ypappara. AaBovres of wept Tov
‘Leva qv OUKETL [ev dyTvypapovow, cuvedpiov be
TaVv diAwv kabicaytes Kal TOV ‘ledvyqy Tapa
haBdvres eBovdevovro TWO. TpOTrOV eTLXELPTTWOL joe.

237 Kal “lwavvy prev ed0Ket ypapew ™pos maoas ras ev
7h TadtAata woAets Kal KWUAS, EivaL yap ev exdory
TavTws eva yotv Kai devrepov Siadopov éepol, Kat
Kadely tovTouvs ws emt modAduov. exéAeve Te?
TéuTEw TO SOypLa TOTO Kal els THY “lepocoAvpuTaV
7ToAw, Wa Kaketvou yvovTes: b70 TOV PadtAatiwv
Kexptovar pe moA€p.Lov kal avTol pnpicovra
yevopevov yap ToUTOU Kal TOvs EvvOiKa@s ExXovTds
poe TadAtAatous eyKatanrctbew epy poBnevras.

238 TaUTA ovpBovdevoartos ’lwavvov opodpa Kal TOUS

239 dAXous Tpecey TA AcxbevTa. mept 5 Wpav Tips

1 Niese: éxe\evero méuTmew P, réurew 6 éxédeve the rest.

88

THE LIFE, 233-239

Japha. Unable longer to restrain their wrath, they
ordered their military escort to beat the rioters with
cudgels. On their arrival at Gabara they were met
by John with three thousand men in arms. Having
already understood from their letter that they were
determined to attack me, I set out from Chabolo,
with a force three thousand strong, leaving my most
trusted friend in command of the camp ; and, being
anxious to be near them, removed to Jotapata,
where I was about forty furlongs away. I then
wrote to them as follows :

“If you seriously desire me to come to you,
there are two hundred and four cities and
villages in Galilee. I will come to whichever of
these you may select, Gabara and Géischala
excepted ; the latter being John’s native place
and the former in league and alliance with him.”’

(46) On receipt of this letter Jonathan and _ his Plots of the
colleagues, abandoning further correspondence, sum- eee aud
moned a meeting of their friends, John included, measures of
and deliberated how they should proceed against me. eee
John was of opinion that they should write to every
city and village in Galilee, in each of which there
would certainly be found at least one or two ad-
versaries of mine, and call out these persons as
against an enemy. He further recommended that a
copy of this resolution should be sent to Jerusalem,
in order that the citizens, on learning that I had
been declared an enemy by the Galilaeans, might be
induced to pass a similar vote. In that event, he
added, even my Galilaean partisans would abandon
me in alarm. John’s advice was highly approved by
the rest of the council. About the third hour of the

89

JOSEPHUS

~ = ~ f
VUKTOS TpITHV Els ypuHow KE wor TadTA, LVakxatov
T@V adv avtois Twos adTo“oAnGaVTOS TpOs PE Kal
Thy emixelpnow ab’t@v amayyetAav7os: odKkéte 87)

DAV) det UTEPT 7Tibecbar TOV KaLpov a€Lov de Kpwas

241

242

243

244

"ldxwBov omdityy TOV TEpi Ewe TmLOTOV* Kehedo
duaKoatous omhiras aBovta dpovpetv Tas azo
PaBapuwv eis 77Hv VadAatay efddovs, Kal Tous
mapiovtas aovAAapPdvovta mpos ewe Tepe, pa-
Aiera 5é€ Tovs peTa ypaypaTtwv adAtcKopévous.
‘lepepiay 6€ Kai adtov éx t&v didwy pov pel?
é€axociwv omhit@v eis tiv weOdpiov TAS VadtAatas
evepisa tas amo tavTys eis THY ‘lepocoAvpuTa@v
moAw odovs mapadvAdgovta, mpooraypya dovs
KaKElV TOUS pEeT eTLGTOA@Y OdevovTas ovAdap-
Bdvew, Kat Tovs pev avdpas ev deopots emt TOoToV
dvAarrew, Ta O€ ypappata pos ene SiaTéurrew.

(47) Tatra tots meumopévors evtetAdjevos Vadt-
Aatots dunyyetda Kedevow eis THY ETLODGaV dva.-
AaBovras Ta OmAa Kat TpLOv TPEp@v Tpopry eis
Pafapa6 KOEN mapayevectat 7 7™pos je. TOV de
TeEpl ejue omAur@v jotpas TéTTapas velwas TOUS
TLOTOTATOUS AVTOV TEpL THV TOD GwWyaTos PuAaKnY
éraéa, Ta€idpyous avtois émuoTtioas Kal dpovrilew
Kerevous UTEep TOD pdéva oTpaTworny dyv@orov
avrois cuvavapiyvucdae. 7H «8 emvovon rept
me p aT IV wpav ev Pafapw6 VEVOLEVOS evplaKw
may TO TEdLoVv TO TPO Tis KOUNS omhur av mAijpes
TOV EK Tijs TadtAatas emi tiv ouppaxtay TApovTwy,
ws avtots tapnyyéAKkew: modvs b€ Kat addos éx
Tov Kwua@v OxAos cuverpexev. Emel b€ KaTAOTAS
eis atrtovs Aéyew jpEapnv, eBowv amavrTes ev-
EepyeTyV Kal OwTHpa THs xwpas adt@v Kadobrres.

90

THE LIFE, 239-244

night news of these proceedings was brought to me
by Sacchaeus, one of their party who deserted and
reported their design to me, adding that there was
no time to be lost. So, selecting James, a faithful
soldier of my bodyguard, as a fit person, I ordered
him to take two hundred men and guard the routes
leading from Gabara into Galilee, and to arrest all
who passed, especially any caught with letters upon
them, and to send them to me. [I also dispatched
Jeremiah, another of my friends, with six hundred
men to the frontier of Galilee, to watch the roads
leading from the province to Jerusalem, with similar
orders to arrest all found travelling with dispatches ;
such persons were to be kept in chains on the spot,
the letters he was to forward to me.

(47) Having given these orders, I sent directions to
the Galilaeans to join me on the following day at the
village of Gabaroth, with their arms and three days’
provisions. I then divided my troops into four
companies, formed a bodyguard for myself of those
whom I most trusted, and appointed officers to take
command, charging them to see that no soldier who
was unknown to them mixed with their men. Reach-
ing Gabaroth about the fifth hour on the following
day, I found the whole plain in front of the village
covered with armed men, who, in obedience to my
orders, had rallied to my aid from Galilee ; while
another large crowd was hurrying in from the villages.
When I stood up and was beginning to speak, they
all greeted me with acclamations, calling me the
benefactor and saviour of their country. I thanked

l rigT@v MSS.

9]

Josephus
meets the
embassy at
Gabaroth.
Fresh de-
monstra-
tions in his
favour.

245

246

247

~

248

249

250

JOSEPHUS

Kayo yapw avrots exe oporoyncas ovveBovAcvov
mpos pndéva Le1TE ToAcpety jeijre apTayh podbvew
Tas xetpas,” aAAa cknvoby KaTa TO medtov dpkov-
pevous Tots eavT av édodios: Gédew yap epacKkov
Tas Tapaxyas ywpis dovwv KataoTéAdew. ovveBy
5° ab&ypepov ets Tas bm epo0 Kkataotabeicas TOV
day pvdakas TOUS Tapa TOU ‘lwvafov meuplevras

ETA TOV emLoT ToAGY epmecelv. Kal Ol [LEV avopes
epuddxoycar emt TOV TOTO, Ws TapyyyelAa, Tots
6€ ypdppaow EVTUXOV Bes Pracpnpiav Kal
wevopatwv, ovdevi TadTa dpdoas oppav em’ adbrovs
Svevoovpyy.

(48) ’Axovcartes de Ol TeEpt TOV "lwvdbny epi
Tis iis api€ews Tous idlous mavTas dvaAaBovres
Kal TOV ‘Ladvyy o UTEYWPTNTAV ets tiv *lyood otkiay:
Bapis S° Hv avry peyadn Kal ovdev akpo7toAews

amodeovea. Kpviavtes ovv Adyov omurav ev
abTH Kat Tas aAAas amoKhetoavt tes OUpas, plav de
Gvol€avTes, TpocedoKwV HKEW eK THS O00 [Ee TPOS
avtovs domacdpevov. Kal 67) Siddacw evtodAas
Tois omAlrais, emevdav Tapayévwpar, povov €to-
eMeiv edcat tovs addous ametpEavtas* ovTws yap
GovTd pe yevijcecbar padiws adtrois vmoxeipiov.
edevobnoav S€ THs eAmidos: eye yap THY emLPovAnv
mpoataboevos, ws €K THS ferolers) TApEeyevouny,

atadvcas avtiukpus attav Kabeview eoxnmTopny.
Kal ot mept tov "lwvabyv trodapPavovtes ovTws
avaravecbat pe KabuTvwyévov wpynoay KaTa-
Bavres eis TO medlov® petaretVew abTovs ws Epod
KaK@S oTparnyoovTos. TavayT ia d€ atrots ouv-
émecev’ opbevrev yap evOds € eyeveTo Bon Tapa TOV
TadtAalwyt mpos eué tov otpatyyov etvoias a€ia,
92

THE LIFE, 244-250

them and advised them neither to attack anyone nor
to sully their hands with rapine, but to encamp in the
plain and be content with their rations, as my desire
was to quell these disturbances without bloodshed.

It happened, on that very day, that Jonathan’s
couriers, carrying dispatches, fell into the hands
of my sentries posted to guard the roads. The
prisoners were, in accordance with my directions,
detained on the spot; the letters I perused and,
finding them full of slander and lies, decided, without
mentioning a word of them to anyone, to advance to
meet my foes.

(48) Jonathan, hearing of my coming, retired, with
all his own followers and John, to the mansion of
Jesus, which was a great castle, as imposing as a
citadel. Here they concealed an armed ambuscade,
and, locking all but one of the doors, they waited
for me to come, after my journey, and pay my saluta-
tions. In fact, they gave orders to the soldiers to
admit me only, on my arrival, and to exclude my
attendants, hoping thus to have me easily at their
mercy. In these expectations they were dis-
appointed ; for I, discovering their plot, at the end
of my march took up my quarters immediately oppo-
site them and pretended to be asleep. Jonathan
and his friends, imagining that I was actually resting
and asleep, hastened down to the plain, to create
disaffection on the ground of my inefficiency as a
general. The result was quite the reverse ; for, no
sooner had they appeared, than the Galilaeans raised
a shout as hearty as their loyalty for me, their

1 So R: the rest have ywpas.
2 So P: the rest have xcaracre?har.
3 r7j00s MW. 4 Probably 77s should be inserted.

93

JOSEPHUS

KaTapeurbiy Té emovotvTo THY epi Tov “lwvabnyy,
OTL Tapetow ovdEeV prev avTOL KaKOV TpoTreTrOVOOTES,
avatpépovres b€ TA EKELYWY TPAyLaTA. Kal Tap-
exeAevovTo amléva pu) yap av mote weTameroOjvat

251 mpootdarny erepov avt euod AaPeiv. TovTwy am-
ayyehbevtww pow mpoedbety eis wécous ovK WKVNCA.

KkaTéBawvov ovv evlews ws abrovs,' tL Aéyovow ot
TEpl TOV “Tevatqv AKOVTOILEVOS. mpoehBovros b€
prov. KpOTOS Tapa TavTOS rob An Gous edOUs HV Kat
per’ edpn pay emuBoncers yapw eéxew opodoyotvTwv
TH EH oTpaTnyia.

252 (49) Tatra o ol Tept Tov “lwvabyv dxcovovTes
epoPyOncay pa Kal KWOvYEvowow amobavety, em
avrovs Oppnodvtay TaV PadiAato Kara THV Tpos
ewe ydpw. Spacpov ody émevdovy: py dSuvnbévres
dé ameMciv, mpoopeivar yap atrovs jéiwoa, KaT-

253 nbets Tomepeway evoTnOapevory T@ hoyw. m™poo-
Ta€as obv TO pnev 7An bee Tas edbnpias KaTaoxetv,
kal tov étAurGv ods TLOTOTATOUS Tats odots
emloTiaas UTEp ToD dpovpeiv p17) ampoodoKyTws
nptvy 0 “lwavyns émiméon, mapawéoas Se Kat Tots
VartAatou avadaBeiv 7a o7rAa, 7) pos THY Ehodov
T@v ToAELiwy, €ay yevntal tis aidvidvos, Tapa-

254 y8Gow, mp@tov THs émuctoAjs Tovs mept Tov
"lwvdbnv trepipvyncKov, dv Tpotov ypayerav bro
ToD Kowod Tov ‘lepocodvpitdvy meméudbar d1a-
Avaovrés nov Tas mpos TOV "lwavyny didroverkias, ws

255 Tapakarécerav TE re TPOS adTOUS adiKkéobar. Kal
Tatra dueEvwv THY ETLaTOANY Eis LETOUS TPOUTELWOV,
iva pndev apvycacbas duvnfdow eAeyyovTwy avdtovs

256 TOV ypaypdTwv. “Kai pny,’ ednv, “"lwvdén

1 @s atrov’s R: the rest avrés, ** to hear with my own ears.”

94

THE LIFE, 250-256

general, and reproached Jonathan’s party for coming,
unprovoked, upon the scene to throw the province
into disorder. They bade them be off, declaring
their fixed determination never to receive another
governor in my place. Informed of these proceed-
ings I no longer hesitated to show myself, but
instantly went down to them to hear what Jonathan
was saying. My appearance was the signal for
universal applause, and I was hailed with encomiums
and expressions of gratitude for my services as
commander.

(49) Jonathan and his friends, on hearing these Josephus
demonstrations, fearing that the Galilaeans, out of pee L
devotion to me, might make a rush upon them,
became alarmed for their lives. They accordingly
meditated flight ; but on my requiring them to stay,
were unable to escape and stood there shame-
facedly while I spoke. After bidding the people
restrain their applause, I posted the most trusted
of my soldiers on the roads to secure us against any
surprise attack from John, and advised the Galilaeans
to pick up their arms, in order to avoid confusion in
the event of a sudden assault of the enemy. I then
began by reminding Jonathan and his colleagues of
their letter, how they had written that they had
been commissioned by the general assembly at
Jerusalem to settle my quarrels with John and how
they had desired me to visit them. While relating
these facts I held out the letter for all to see, to
prevent any possibility of denial, the document being
there to convict them. ‘“‘ Moreover, Jonathan and

* The text is corrupt. That printed above follows cod. R,
which alone supplies the finite verb.

95

JOSEPHUS

bpets TE of cuptpéacPers, et pos “lwavvyy Kpwo-
juevos bmp Tob Tapacrhoae TOV €[LavTOD Biov dvo
Twas 7) Tpets jedprupas kadovs Kayabovs TYAYOV,
O7Aov ws avayKny av €lxXETE mpoeteTacavTes Kal
Tous tovTwv Biovs amaddagar pe THY eyKAnpdray.
257 Ww’ otv yv@TeE Kahas mem pax a pol TA KATA THY
TadtAatav, Tpeis ev paptupas oAlyous elvat vopila
T@ KaAds PeBiwKdt1, TovUTovs b€ mavTas byiv 6i-
258 Owl. Tapa ToUTwY obv TUDecbe Tiva TpdTOV EBiwoa.,
el eTa TAONS GEVOTHTOS Kal TAaOnS apeThs evOdde
meToNTevpar. Kal 61) OpKilw buds, ® TVadAator,
pndev emuxptvisacbar tis adnbeias, Aéyew
TOUTWY ws SiKaOTa@Y El TL LT) KAA@S TEeTpAaKTaL.
259 ~=—(50) Tatr’? &rt héyovtos Kowal Tropa TAVT OV
eyivovTo puvat kadowyTav evepyeTay jee Kal
CwWThpa, Kal Tept pev TOV TeTpaypevwr euapTv-
povv, mept d€ TOV mpaxOnoopévwy mapexadovv-
mavtes 6 wpvuov avufpiorovs pev . exew Tas
yuvatkas, AeduT whoa b€ pnderore pe dev on
260 €“od. jLeTa TOOTO dvo tTav ematoAdv, as ol
KaTaoraberres dm €00 dpovpot pede b70
T@V TEpl TOV Tevabyy éXovtes ameoTdAKecay mpos
éué, mapaveyivwoKov tots TadtAatou, modAAdv
Pracdnprav 7*Arjpeus Kal Karapevdouevas OTL
Tupavviou padov 7 7 oTparnyia Xp@pa Kat avT@v:
261 €repd te moAAa zpos Tovrols eveyéy panto me
Tmapahurovr ey dvaraxevTov bevdodAoyias. epyv 6
eyo 7 mpos To TAOS Ta ypapwara AaBetv dovTwy
EKOVOLWS TOV KopueCovTenv ov yap éBovdopny
Ladrods |* Ta Tept Tas dpovpas Tovs €evayvTious
eldévar, pu) SetcavtTes TOD ypadew amooT@ow.
1 Bekker omits.

96

THE LIFE, 256-261

you, his colleagues,’’ I proceeded, “had my case
against John been tried and had I produced some
two or three excellent men as witnesses to my
behaviour, it is evident that you would have been
compelled, after inquiries into their character, to
acquit me of the charges brought against me. Now,
in order to convince you of the propricty of my
conduct in Galilee, I consider three witnesses too
few for one who has lived an honourable life, and I
present you with all these here present. Ask them
what my life has been, and whether in my official
capacity here [I have acted with perfect dignity,
perfect integrity. And you, Galilaeans, I adjure
to conceal nothing of the truth, but to declare in the
presence of these men, as before judges in court,
whether I have done anything amiss.”

(50) Before I had finished speaking, there was a
chorus of voices from all sides calling me benefactor
and saviour. They bore testimony to my past
conduct and exhorted me upon my course in future ;
and they all swore that the honour of their women-
folk had been preserved and that they had never
received a single injury from me. I then read aloud
to the Galilaeans two of the letters dispatched by
Jonathan, which had been intercepted and forwarded
to me by the scouts whom I had picketed on the
roads. These were full of abuse and maligned me
as acting the part of a tyrant rather than a general,
with much else beside, including every variety of
shameless falsehood. I told the people that these
dispatches had been voluntarily surrendered to me
by the bearers, because I did not wish my opponents
to know of the scouts’ share in the matter, lest they
should be deterred from writing again.

=

VOL. I H 97

262

264

266

JOSEPHUS

(51) Tatr? axotcav ro mAnO0s odddpa map-
o€uvbev emt TOV ‘Twvabyny wpya Kal TOUS ovv avT@
oupmapovTas ws dvaplepodyres: KaV ere: paXELoay
TO Epyov; El pe) TOUS pev LadrtAaiouvs emavoa Tis
Opyts, 7 TOtS TEpt 7 TOV ‘Tevabny 5° edyv ovyywooKkew
TOV 707n TETpaypLeveanv, EL weAdAoLEV jueTavorcel KOL
mopevbevtes eis THY TaTpiOa A€youev Tots TEpbace
TaAnOA mept tTav euot memoATevpevwv. TadT’
elmwv améAvov avtovs KaiToL YVacKo ore pe dev
Qv vréaxynVvTo Toujcovow. To TAROos 8 eis opy7y
efexateTo KaT avuTa@v Kape mapexddouy € ETLTpeTTEW
avTots TyLeopycacba TOUS Ta TOLAUTA ToAujoavTas.
TaVvTotos [Lev OV eywopny 7 melOwv avrovs detcacbar
TOV avop@v: madcav yap noew otaow oA€Opiov
ovoay TOU Kowh cup.déepovtos* TO Oe 7AqGos eoxev
TH KAT avr av opyiy GperdBAyrov, Kal TAVTES
Oppnoav emt Tay OlKlay eV 7) KAaTHYOVTO ¢ ot Tepe TOV
‘Tevabyy. eyo d€ cuvopOy Tiv Opunv obcay avTayv
avemloxeTov avamndjaas éd immov éxéAevoa Tots
TAnbecw mpos Lavyavynv KOMI evecban, DPaBdpav
améxovcav elxoat oTdoua.. Kat TOLOUTY oTparnyy-
[atl Xpnoapevos TapeaXov €uav7T@ To p71 SoKetv
€udvAtov ToA€ pov KOTapXew.

(52) "Ez met d€ TeEpl Tas" XMwyaveas eyevouny,
eTLOTIIOGS TO 7AqGos Kal Tapawecer Xpnocapevos
mepl TOU p17, mpos Tas opyas Kal Tatr é av-
NKEOTOLS TYLWplals oێws pepecbar, KEeAEvw Tovs
Kal? Tuxiav 707) mpoBeBnkoras KaL T™pwrous Tap
avTois €KaTov avdpas ws Topevaopevous® els THY
‘lepocodvpitaey modw ebrperilecbar, wéppw ron-

1 ros Hudson.
2 Bekker: TOPEVOMEVOUS MSS,

98

THE LIFE, 262-266

(51) The Galilaeans, on hearing these calumnies, 21d pardons

were so much exasperated that they were starting
to kill Jonathan and his companions ; and they would
have effected their purpose had I not repressed their
indignation. To Jonathan and his colleagues I
promised pardon for the past on condition that they
showed their contrition and returned home and gave
a true report of my public life to those who had sent
them. With that I let them go, well though I knew,
that they would fulfil none of their promises. The
people, however, burning with rage against them,
entreated my permission to punish those who had
been guilty of such effrontery. I tried by all means
to induce them to spare the men, knowing that
party quarrels are invariably fatal to the common
weal. Popular feeling was, however, too deep-
seated to be affected, and they all rushed towards
the house in which Jonathan and his friends had
their quarters. Perceiving that their passions were
now beyond restraint, I sprang to the saddle,
ordering the crowd to follow me to the village of
Sogane, twenty furlongs distant from Gabara. By
this manceuvre I guarded myself against the
imputation of initiating a civil war.

(52) On approaching Sogane @ I called a halt, and
advised the people not to let themselves be so
impetuously carried away by their passions, especially
where the consequences would be fatal.? I then
directed a hundred of their leading men, well
advanced in years, to make ready for a Journey to
Jerusalem in order to lodge a complaint before the

2 Most mss. here have ‘* Soganeae.”’

> Literally, ‘‘ especially in the case of irremediable

punishments,” 7.e. (probably) those which they wished to
inflict.
99

them con-
ditionally.

Flies to
Sogane to
avoid re-
sponsibility
for civil war.

Josephus
sends
counter-
embassy to
Jerusalem.

267

2

2

bo

2

bo

268

69

71

JOSEPHUS

~ / ~

comevous emt Tod Sipov TOV THY xwpav diaoTa-

aw ce ae > ~ 3? 0 ce \
ovalovrwy. “Kat éav emixAacldaow,’ edny, “ pos
tovs Adyous tu@v, tapaxadécate TO Kowov ypaibat
mpos ee weve KeAevovtas emt 7H TadtAaia, tovs
6bé mepl Tov "Lwvabnv avaxapely exeiUev..’ Tatras
avr Tots Tas drrobjKas dovs, EVappooaLeveny TE
TAXEWS exelvwv, HLEpa TpiITH peTA THY eKKAnOLaY
THY dmroaroAny Sea Sur ouprepibas omAitas
jevTakoclous. eypawa b€ Kal Tots &v Lapapeta
dihous mpovorcacba Tob aopary yeverbar THY
Topetav avrots: 70) yap v7r0 ‘Parators nye 7
Lapdpeva Kal TavT OS ede TOUS TAD BovAopévous
amedety 60 exelvns mopevecbau: Tpialv yap jépass
> \ / ” 4 > ¢ /
amo LTadtAatas eveotw ov7ws ets ‘lepocodAvpa

~ 2)
Katadtcat. ovprapémeuiba b€ Tovs mpéaBews Kayo)
/ ~ ~ / 4 , > /

[expe TOV 77S F aAratas opwr, pvdakas emLaT HOS
7ats odois UTEP Too pen) padiws TW pabetv am
addattopévous. Kat Tatra mpaéas ev “ladous TH

Suatpipyy émovovpyy.

3) Ot bé wept tov “lwyvabyv Ovapaprovres Tis
Kat eéo0 mpakews ‘ledvyqy améAvaayv ets Ta
/ > \ > >]
Ticyaka, adroit 8 ets trv TiPeprewy moAw memo-
pevvto Anbecfat mpocdoK@vtes adriv tbroxeiptov,
éevo1) Kal “Incots 6 KaTa TOV KaLpov TOUTOV
‘apxwyv |* éyeypader mpos adtovs metoew errayyed-
/ \ ~ ’ / e / \
Aopevos TO mAnGos EedMdvtas trodexyecPar Kat
avtots €Adofar mpooreOjvar. éxeivor prev ovv emt
/ > / = ~ > / /
rovavTais €Amiow amndAfov, amayyeAAer Sé€ por
=~ / \ / a“ ” ~
Tratra Lidas d1a ypappatwv, ov ednv ras TrPe-
piddos eémyseAntiy KatadeAouTevar, Kal omevdew
j€lov. Kaya Taxéws bTaKoVoas avT@ Kal Tapa-
100

~~
v Or

THE LIFE, 266-272

people against those who were splitting the country
into factions. ‘“‘ If,’ I continued, “ they are affected
by what you say, use your influence with the assembly
to send written orders directing me to remain in
Galilee and Jonathan and his colleagues to withdraw.”
Having given these instructions, and their arrange-
ments being quickly made, on the third day after
the meeting I sent them off, with an escort of five
hundred men-at-arms. I further wrote to my friends
in Samaria to provide for their safe convoy through
that district; for Samaria was now under Roman
rule and, for rapid travel, it was essential to take
that route, by which Jerusalem may be reached in
three days from Galilee. I accompanied the dele-
gates myself as far as the frontier of Galilee, posting
scouts on the roads to screen their departure. This
task accomplished, I settled at Japha.@

(53) Foiled in their designs upon me, Jonathan Jonathan’s
and his colleagues, leaving John to return to Gischala, 27"
had proceeded to Tiberias, expecting to receive its Tiberias |
submission ; for Jesus, at that time its chief magis-
trate, had written to them, promising that he would
persuade the inhabitants to welcome them, if they
came, and to decide to join their party. On the
strength of these expectations they set out. News
of these proceedings reached me in a letter from
Silas, urging me to lose no time in coming; I had
left him, as I have mentioned already,® in charge of
Tiberias. Responding instantly to his advice I went,

@ See § 230 with note. > § 89.

1 om. dpywv P.

LO]

JOSEPHUS

, , > , , >

yevopevos eis Klvdvvov amwdAcias KatéoTyv &€&
> J

273 aitias TOLOUTIS. ot TEpl TOV Lwvabyvy VEVOLEVOL
mapa tots TiPepretow Kat modAdovs meioavtes
a. TooThval jou dtadopous ovTas, ws qxovoay TH
ep mapovalay, detoavres TEpl EAUT@V 7)KOV mpos
epe, Kat aoTacdpevo, pakapilew eAeyov ovTws
TeEpt TI PadiAatay dvacTpagerra, ovv7decbat TE

274 Ola TYAS Ayoweévw* KOGpOV yap éavT@yv elvar THY
> A Q / A ' e “A / /
éunv do€av edacav, ws av didacKkdAwy Té pov
yevonevwy Kal moAiTa@v GvTwy, SiKaLoTépay TE THs
"lwavvov tiv éeujy mpos avtovs diAlav brapyew
eheyor, Kal omevoew bev es THY oiKetav ameMbew,
TE pULEveLy om ews? dmoxetplov TOV ‘ledvyny Ej40l

’

275 ToLjowow. Kat TadTa Aéyovres e771) [LOOOY TOUS
dpikwoeaTaTous OpKous Tap Hiv, dv ovs amoteiv
od Gepurov Fyovpnv. Kat 67 tapaxadotow pe TH

kardAvow adAaxyod zoujcacbat dua TO THY emoboay
TipEpav <ivau odBBarov: oxActobar b€ py Seiv ba
attayv THY TOAW TOV TiBeprewy epackor.

276 (54) Kaya prndev trovorjoas és tas Tapiyaias
amjAbov, Katadizav Guws ev TH TOAEL TOS TOAU-

\ e ~ /

TpaypovncovrTas Tl TEpt HUa@v A€yowro. dia maOnS
A ~ e ~ ~ 5 A ~ >) ,
dé THs 0608 ths amo Tapiyatav eis TiPepidda

/ if > > /
depovons eTEOTIOG 7 moMovs, iva, [LoL du aAAjAwy
onpalvwow amep av Tapa Tov ev TH mOAeL KaTa-

277 AadOtwv mUOwrTar. KaTa THY émiotcay ovV
TLE pav siigdspuie te TavTes Els THV TpocEvy7V,

/ ” \ \ y+ > /
peyloTrov oiKna Kat moAvy oydov éemdéEacbar
/ > \ \ eS 2 / ~ A
duvapevov. eicehdwv b€ 6 “lwvabyns davepds pev
\ ~ > / b] > / / ” \
TEpl THs aToaTacews ovK eTOAua A€yew, Edy Se
1 § éws Dind.: 6€ ws mss.

@ Greek “ us.”’

THE LIFE, 272-277

but at the peril of my life, as will appear from the
following circumstances.

Jonathan and his party having, during their stay
at Tiberias, induced a number of aggrieved persons
to desert me, on hearing of my arrival were alarmed
about their own safety, and came and paid me their
salutations. They congratulated me on my exem-
plary conduct of affairs in Galilee and professed to be
delighted at the honour in which I was held, remark-
ing that my reputation was a tribute to themselves,
as my fellow-citizens to whom I owed my instruction.
They added that they had more reason to be on
friendly terms with me than with John; and that,
though anxious to return home, they were waiting
until they had delivered him into my hands. As they
corroborated these assertions by the most awe-
inspiring oaths known to us, I felt that it would be
impious to disbelieve them. They ended by request-
ing me to take up my quarters elsewhere, as the
next day was the sabbath, on which, they professed,
they ought not to put the city to inconvenience.

(54) Suspecting nothing, I departed for Tarichaeae.
I left, however, some of my party in the city to
discover what was said about me ®; and all along the
road from Tarichaeae to Tiberias I posted a number
of others to pass down the line to me any information
obtained from those in the town. The next day
there was a general assembly in the Prayer-house,?
a huge building, capable of accommodating a large
crowd. Jonathan, who entered with the rest, while
not venturing to speak openly of defection, said that

>’ Proseuche, ‘oratory,’ another name for synagogue;
Ceracts:xvi- lS, 16s Juy./Sat. ii. 296... ‘The (distinction
sometimes drawn between the two words seems untenable
(Schiirer).

103

Meeting in
the Prayer-
house at
Tiberias,

LN)

2

bo

81

¢
79 U7

JOSEPHUS

oTparnyob KpelrTovos xpetav tiv moAw adbrov
exe. ‘Ingots 5° 6 apKey ovdev door etAdjLevos
dvadavoov ein ev: “ dyuewvov co7, o moAtrat,
Técoapow Tuas avopaow dmakovew 7 Evi, Kal
Kata yevos AapTpots Kal Kata ovvEeow OvK adoéous’’*
medeikvue O€ TOUS wept “lwvdbyv. tatr eimovTa
tov “Inooty éxjver mapeAbav *lototos Kai Twas
€K TOU d7)f[L0v cuvetrefev. OvK 1)PECKETO d€ Tots
Acxbeiow TO 7AjGos Kal 7aVvTwWS av Els oTadow
EXPO, el pea tiv oavvodov déAvcev e7reAGotca
EKTH wpa, Kal” HV Tots cdBBaow cprarorrovetobau
VOMYLOV EOTW Tlv. KGL Ol TEPL TOV "Twvabyy ets
Tv émutcoav trepbeuevor tiv Bovdny anieocav
ATpAKTOL.

Edéds 82 pow tottwv anmayyeAatwv mpwt
-- ry Pp

deyvov els THY TiPéprewv Tohw agixecbar.
Kal Th émiovon mepi [mpwrny]' wpav TKOv a7r0
TOV Tapixacav, kataAapBaven de ouvayopevov
7107 TO mAjBos els Ty 7 7 pocEevxyy” eb O78 Hy
avrots 7) avvodos ovK eyivwoKov ot ovAdeyopevot.
ot de wept tov “lwvdbyv ampocdoK7tws Oeacdpevot
pe TapovTa OverapaxOycav: ei emwoovow dia-
Sofa Aoyov OTL ‘Papaton t immets ev TH pefopten
Topp TPLEKOVTA GTAdLWY azo Tis 70 ews, KAT.
ToTrov Aeyopevov ‘Opovoray, elolv ewpapevor. Kal
mpocayyeAevtwy Tottwr €€ troPodfs mapexadovv
of mept Tov “lwyabyy pea) mepudety to Tov Trode-
plow Aenharouperyy avrav TY yiv. tatra 8
edeyov 6 évvolas €xovtes epe Tpopacer 77s
Katevevyovons Bonfeias peTaoT} avr TES AVTOL THV
moAw é€xOpayv ot KaTacKevaca.

1 xpwitnvy MW: ri the other m3s.: Niese conj. rpi7qv.

104

THE LIFE, 277-282

their city required a better general. Jesus, the
magistrate, however, had no such scruple and said
bluntly, “ Citizens, it is better for us to take our
orders from four men than from one, men, too, of
illustrious birth and intellectual distinction,” indicat-
ing Jonathan and his colleagues. Justus next came
forward, and, by his approval of the previous speaker,
aided in converting some of the people to his views.
The majority, however, were not convinced by these
speeches, and a riot would inevitably have ensued,
had not the arrival of the sixth hour, at which it is
our custom on the Sabbath to take our midday meal,
broken off the meeting. Jonathan and his friends,
accordingly, adjourned the council to the following
day and retired without effecting their object.

These proceedings being at once reported to me,
I decided to visit Tiberias early on the morrow.
Arriving there about the first hour? next day, I
found the people already assembling in the Prayer-
house, although they had no idea why they were being
convened. Seriously perturbed by my unexpected
appearance, Jonathan and his party conceived the
idea of spreading a report that some Roman cavalry
had been descried on the frontier, at a place called
Homonoia,® at a distance of thirty furlongs from the
city. A fictitious message arriving to this effect,
Jonathan exhorted me not to remain idle while their
country was being plundered by the enemy. ‘Their
object in this was to get me away, on the pretext of
an urgent call for my services, and to alienate the
city from me in my absence.

2.05.1 A.M.

’ =** Concord.” Probably Umm Janieh on the Jordan (the
frontier between Galilee and Decapolis), some two miles south
of ‘l'arichaeae and seven miles from ‘Tiberias.

105

The meeting
adjourned :
unexpected
arrival of
Josephus.

283

284

286

287

288

289

JOSEPHUS

(55) Eyo dé Kaliep €lOWs adr av TO evOvunpa
Opus bm7jKOVGe, pe) d0€av Tapdoxe tots TuPe-
picdow ov TpovoovpLevos avTav Tijs daopahetas.
e€nOov otv, Kal yevomevos KaTa TOV TOTOV, ws
otd iyvos ToXepiwv edpov, brootpédw ovvtTovws
odevoas, Kat KaTaAauBavw tiv te BovdAny macav
cuveAnAviviay Kat Tov SnpoTiKov OxAoVv, TroLovpeE-
vous Te moAAjnVY KaTyyopiay jou TOUS TeEpL TOV
"lwvdbnv, ws Tob pev tov moAceuov émeAadpvvew
avrots dpredobvTos, ev Tpupats de dudyovTos.
Tatra d€ A€yovtes mpovdepov éemicToAas Técoapas
ws amo Tov ev TH peDopia THs TadAaias yeypap-
peévas mpos avtovs em Bonfevay Kew Tapa
kahovTwy, ‘Papatev yap dvvapyw pede t imméwv
TE Kal ele els TpiTHV Tpepav 7 TV yobpav abtav
denAarteiv, emLamrevoew TE Kal un meprodpbjvar
dcopevwv. tadr aKxovcavtes ot TiBepiets, AEéyew
aAnbn Sdd€avtes attovs, KataPojcets emo.obvTo,
pn Kabélecbat pe detv A€yovtes, GAN’ azedOetv
emiKoupnoovtTa Tots ouoelvéow abta@v. mpos TabT’
eyo), ouviKa yap TH emivotayv TOV Tept TOV Lwvabny,
tmaKkovcecbar ev eony ETOLMLWS Kal YwWpls ava-
Bodjs Opuncew 7 mpos TOV OAc pov emnyyeAduny,
ouveBovAevov 5° ops, emel TO ypdppar Ta KATO
Téooapas TOTOUS ‘Pwpatous onpatver mpooBanetv,
eis TmeVTE potpas dueAovras TH dvvapw exdoTy
TOUT UW eTLOT HOA TOUS mepl tov *lwvabyv Kat Tous
eraipous avTob: mpérew yap avdpacw ayabois py
jeovov ovpBovdevew, adn. KaL Xpetas emevyovons
nyovpevous Bonbeiv: éyw yap TAnV pas jolpas ovK
epyy adnyetobar dvvaTos eiva. opoopa T@ TAGE
OvVI}pecev 7) p47) UpLBovAta, KAKELVOUS ODV ivdyKalov
106

THE LIFE, 283-289

(55) Though well aware of their design, I complied,
to avoid giving the Tiberians ground for thinking me
careless of their safety. I set out, accordingly, but
discovering, on reaching the spot, no trace of an
enemy, I returned post haste, and found the whole
of the council and populace in conclave, and Jonathan
and his associates making a violent tirade against me,
as one who lived in luxury and neglected to alleviate
their share of the burden of the war. In support of
these assertions they produced four letters purporting
to have been addressed to them by persons on the
Galilee frontier, imploring them to come to their aid,
as a Roman force of cavalry and infantry was intend-
ing in three days’ time to ravage their territory,
with entreaties to hasten to their relief and not to
abandon them to their fate. On hearing these
statements, which they believed to be authentic, the
Tiberians began loudly to denounce me for sitting
there when I ought to have gone to the assistance of
their countrymen. Fully alive to Jonathan's designs,
I replied that I was quite ready to act on their
instructions, and promised to start without delay for
the scene of action. At the same time I advised
them, as the letters indicated an impending Roman
attack on four points, to form their troops into five
divisions and to put these severally under the
command of Jonathan and his companions. It
became brave men (I urged) to give not merely
advice but practical assistance by assuming the lead
in an emergency ; and it was impossible for me to
take command of more than a single division. My
suggestion was warmly endorsed by the people, who
now put compulsion on my opponents also to take

107

290

291

292 7

293

294

JOSEPHUS

émt tov moAepov ée&tévar. Tots 8 ovTe peTpiws

cuvexvOnoav at yvOpar py KaTEepyaocapevois a

devon Pyncav, €uod Tots emixyeipyacw atT@v avTt-
,

OTPATHYiTaVTOS.

(56) Eis 8€ tis €€ atra@v *Avavias tovvopa,
ToVvnpos avip Kal KaKODpyos, elanyetto Tots 7Aj-
feat mavdnuet vnotetay eis TV emiovcav TH De®
mpolécba, Kal Kata THY abtiy wpav éxédevev els
TOV adrov TOTOV dvorAous TapEwar, T@ ed havepov
TOLNOOVTAS OTL L7) TiS. map’ €Kelvov royydvovtes
Bon Betas may o7tAov axXpnorov evar vopiCovow.
Tatra & éAeyev od bt edodPevav, GAN’ imép rod
AaBety dvomAdv pe Kat todvs éeuovs. Kaya Ov
dvdyreny bmnjKOVOV, p41) O0Ew KaTappovety THs TEpt
TH evoeBevav droOnKNs. os ovv dvexwpncapev
eml TA EQUTOV, ot peev mepl tov “lwvdbyv ypadovor
7@ “lwavvy, mpos abrovs ewlev adixécbar KeAevov-
Tes pe Gowv av otpatiwwrav duvynby: Ajecba
yap evOUs pe’ bTOYXELpLoV Kal TOLAGEW amrep* exer Ov
evy7ns. SeEdpevos be THY emaToAny exeivos ba-
oKOVEW eweMev. eyw d€ THs emLovans Tipépas dvo
TOV TeEpl ee cwparopuAdKcey, TOUS KAT avdpelayv
SoKiLwWTATOUS Kal Kara mlorw BeBatous, KeAeva
Evdidia Kpvibavtas bro tas éobATas é€uol cuptpo-
eMciv, Ww’ ef yévo.to mapa TeV eXOpav em iBeats
dpvveeBa.. Juspara O° eAaBov avTos KAL peas Lpav

vrelwodpuny ws oldv T Hv abaveotata, Kal HAPov
els TH Tpooevyyy.

(57) Tods pév ody ody ewot mavtas éxkdetoar
mpooéetatev “Inaots 6 dpywv, adtos yap tats Ovpais
edetoTrKer, ovov 6 ee era TOV dhidwy eiceAOety

1 ciOis ue Re: ef éué the rest. 2 R: ézep the rest.
108

THE LIFE, 289-294

the field. The failure of their scheme through this
counter-manceuvre on my part caused them no little
embarrassment.

(56) One of their number, however, a depraved and
mischievous man named Ananias, proposed to the
assembly that a public fast should be announced, in
God’s name, for the following day, recommending
that they should reassemble at the same place and
hour, without arms, in order to attest before God
their conviction that without his aid no armour could
availthem. This he said, not from motives of piety,
but in order to catch me and my friends in this
defenceless condition. I felt bound to acquiesce,
for fear of being thought contemptuous of a pious
suggestion. As soon, therefore, as we had retired to
our homes, Jonathan’s party wrote instructions to
John to come to them next morning with as large a
force as he could muster, as he might have me at
once at his mercy and do what he chose with me.
On receipt of this letter John prepared to act accord-
ingly. For my part, on the following day I ordered
two of my bodyguard, of the most approved valour
and staunch loyalty, to accompany me, with daggers
concealed under their dress, for self-defence in the
event of an assault on the part of our foes. I wore
a breastplate myself and, with a sword so girt on as
to be as little conspicuous as possible, entered the
Prayer-house.

(57) Orders having been given by Jesus, the chief
magistrate,* who kept a watch on the door himself,
to exclude all my companions, he allowed only me

* § 271; possibly also a “ruler of the synagogue.”
109

A further
meeting :
plot to seize
Josephus.

JOSEPHUS

” 7 >] = ~ \ / / \
295 elacev. On O HOV TA VOULYLA TOLOVVTwWY Kal
mpos evyas TparrojLevooy avaoras 6 lnaobs wept Trav
Anplevra € EK TOU eum pnapod TAS BaowrtkAs adds
oKevav <Kal> TOU aorpov apyuplov emvuvOdvero Lov,
Tapa Tive Tuyxaver KELLEVG. Tabra, om édeyev
dvatpipew TOV ypovov Bovdopevos, € Ews av oO ‘lway-
296 VNS TapayevynTa. Kayo TavTO. KazeéAAav exew
edynv Kal Tovs déxa mputous TiPeprewy: ‘avaxpwe
5 > / 1”? > ce > 7 a) ~ \ 3 £€
avtos,’”’ elzov, “ot pevdoua. THv dE Tap €av-
Tots etvar Aeyovtwyv, “ot 8 etkoow, a cimmev, “Xpucot
ous édaBes mwAjoas Twa oTabuov aonpov, Tt
yeyovacw ; Kal tovtous ednv dedwxevar m™peé-
ofeow attav éddd.ov meudbetow ets “lepoodAvpa.
~ > / ~
mpos TadTa ot pev Tept Tov “lwvabyv od Kadds
éhdacav meTounKevar pre OdvTA Tots mpéacBeow Tov
e . A >) ~ a / \ ~ /
298 perabov eae mee SOL mapokvvOevros d€ Tob 7Xx-
fous é€ emt TOUTOLS, evonoav yap TOv avOpwirwv TH
Tovnptay, cuvels eyw oTaow péAAovcay efanrecbau
Kat mpoce€epeicat uGAdov BovAdpevos Tov SHpov
ce \ > / ce 3 > w \ > ~ ”)
emt tovs avOpumovs, “adn et ye pr plas,
> A ~ ~ A
eimov, ‘‘ émpaéa dovs Tov puabov ex TOU Kowod Tots
~ / >
mpéapeow tuav, tavecbe yadeTraivovTes* eyw yap
TovUs €lKOGL ypuaots abTos amoTicw.”
~ ~ > , 7 ¢ \ \ A > /
299 (58) Tatr’ elmovtos of pev epi tov “lwvabnv
~ ~ > ~
novxyacav, 0 be SHpos ete padAdov Kat avTayv
, \ ” / a Cae,
Tapwévvin davepav epyw OeLKVUpLEV nV TIV GOuKOV
: \ =e ,
300 mpos ee dvopeveray. cuviowy de THY pet aBoAny
avT av ‘Inoots TOV puev OF Lov exeAevev dvaxepety,
mpoopetvar de THV PovdAny HEiwoev: od yap dvvacbat

29

sl

1 airés R: avrovs the rest.
2 goyw dex. PR: émidecxvupéevwy AMW.

110

THE LIFE, 295-300

and my [two]? friends to enter. We were proceeding Josephus
with the ordinary service and engaged in prayer, (uestioned.
when Jesus rose and began to question me about ,
the furniture and uncoined silver which had been
confiscated after the conflagration of the royal
palace,’ asking who had the keeping of them. He

raised this point merely in order to occupy the time

until John’s arrival. I replied that they were all

in the hands of Capella and the ten head-men of
Tiberias. “ Ask them yourself; ’’ I said, “ I am not
lying.” On their admitting that the property was

in their custody, “ Well,” continued Jesus, “ what

has become of the twenty pieces of gold which you
realized from the sale of a quantity of bullion?” I
answered that I had given these, for travelling
expenses, to their deputies who had been sent to
Jerusalem; on which Jonathan and his friends
remarked that I had acted wrongly in paying the
deputies out of public money. This statement
exasperated the people, who now detected the malice

of these men ; and I, seeing a quarrel impending, and
anxious still further to excite the general indignation
against them, said, “ Well, if I did wrong in paying

your deputies out of public money, you need have

no further cause for resentment; I will pay the
twenty pieces of gold myself.”

(58) This rejoinder silenced Jonathan’s party, He barely
while the feelings of the people were roused stil] ;scapes™i®
further against them by this open exhibition’ of
groundless animosity against me. Perceiving their
altered mood, Jesus ordered the people to withdraw,
requesting the council to remain, as it was impossible

* See § 293 (with § 303 below). Jesus apparently excluded
the further escort, if any, but allowed the two to pass.
> Cf. §§ 66-69.
111

JOSEPHUS

\ / 7 \
fopvBovpevous epi TpaypaTay TowvTwy THV

301 €€éraow movetab ae. Too de Orjpuov Bo@yros 7)

Katanretbew map” avrots ewe [Lovoy, WKeV TLS ayyen-
Awv Kptda tots wept tov “Inooby “lwavvyy pera
~ e ~ / \ e \ \ > /
T@v oTAitav mAnodlew. Kal ot wept Tov “lwvabny
OvKETL _KaTaoxovTes avTovs, Taxa Kat 700 beod
mpovoodvTos THS eis cwrnpias, Pn, yap av ye-
voHevov TOUTOV TavTWS UT TOD *Lwavvov Ou-

302 edfapnv, ““matoacbe,”’ edn, “a TiBeptets, THY
Curnow elKoat Xpvoay everey dua ToUToUS pev yap
ovK a&.os €oTw ‘lwonmos amofavetvy, oTe be TUpay-

ca > /
vetv emeOUpunoev K at TO TOV Padsdateoy 7 Ax Aoyous
amTaTyoas THY apxiy avT@ KaTexTHoaTO. TadTa
Aéyovtos eds por Tas yelpas éeméBadov"’ avaipetv?
a >] >

303 7° éeip@vTo. wes 5° eidov of adv esol TO ywopevor,
OTACGLEVOL TAS paxXaipas Kal Talew* ametAjoavTEs
ef PialowrTo, Tod Te Sipov Hifovs apapévov Kat

4N pea | \ > / e / > / /
BadAew exit Tov “lwvabnv opujoavtos, éEapmalovat
€ THs TOV ToAcpIwv Bias.

304 (59) *Ezet 6€ mpoeAaw dAlyov travridlew Eped-
Aov tov *lwavvyy idvta* peta TOV OmALTa@v, beioas
> ~ A > / \ ~ / > \ \
éxeivov pev e€exdwa, 61a otevw7od bé Twos emt THY

/ \ \ / / > \ > \
Aipvynv cwheis Kat wAotov AaBopmevos, éuBas ets Tas
/
Tapiyatas dvereparwbynv ampocdoKntws Tov Kiv-

305 d / / / > > \ \
duvov dtadvywv. eTaméutopal T evO0s TOUS Tpw-
tevovtas TOv VadtAaiwy Kat dpdlw tov Tpomov @

n ~ \
mapactovonlets tao Tv mept Tov “lwvdbyv Kat
\ ~ >] 5 / > ] >] ~ /
tous TiBepuets wap’ oAtyov rap’ adra@v d:adbapetny.

> / ~ sya

306 dpy.afev 8° emt TovTos TOV TadtAaiwy 76 wAnGos

/ \
mapeKeAcveTo jLoe pnKeTe pueAAew Tov mpos avTOUS
1 vl. éréBadXor. 2 adoxew PR.

3 traicew Cobet.

THE LIFE, 300-306

to investigate such matters in a tumultuous assembly.
The people were just crying out that they would not
leave me alone with them, when a messenger arrived
and whispered to Jesus that John was approaching
with his troops. Thereupon Jonathan, throwing off
all restraint—the providence of God _ perhaps,
co-operating to save me; for, but for this turn of
events, I should undoubtedly have been murdered
by John—exclaimed : “ Have done with this inquiry,
men of Tiberias, about twenty pieces of gold. It is
not for them that Josephus deserves to die, but for
aspiring to make himself a despot and gaining a
position of absolute power by deceitful speeches to
the people of Galilee.”’ As he said these words, he
and his party laid hands on me and attempted to kill
me: My companions, seeing what was happening,
drew their swords and threatened to use them, if
recourse were had to violence; and, while the
people were starting to hurl at Jonathan the stones
which they had picked up, hurried me out of reach
of the ferocity of my enemies.

(59) I had not proceeded far when I found myself
nearly facing John, advancing with his troops. I
turned from him in alarm, and, escaping by a narrow
passage to the lake, seized a boat, embarked and
crossed to Tarichaeae, having, beyond all expectation,
come safe out of this perilous situation. I at once
summoned the leading Galilaeans and described
how, in violation of the pledges received from
Jonathan and the Tiberians, I had so nearly been
murdered by them. Indignant at this treatment, the
Galilaeans urged me to hesitate no longer to make

4 +@ Iwdvyvy mpoordyvte R3 but the accus. is normal in

Josephus.
VOL. I I 113

to Tarich-
aeae.

307

308

309

310

311

312

JOSEPHUS

moAejov exdhépew, GAN emitpémew adbtots éModcow
éxt tov “Iwavvynv apdnv abrov adavioa: Kat Tovs
mepl TOV ‘Teovaqy. emetyov 5° Ouws avrovs eyo
KaLTTEp ovTws opy-Couevous, TmepyLevew avrovs
Kehevuy € ews pabwpev ti ot tendhbevres bar adr av
els THY ‘lepocoAvpitav woAw amayyeAotow: peta
Ths eKewwv yap yvwuns Ta SoKodvTa mpakew
avtovs édnv. Kal Tatr eimav emevoa. tote 81
Kat lwavyys, ob AaBovons adrod TéAos THs evedpas,
avelevyvuev eis TA Vicyada.

(60) Mer’? od zoddas & udpas adixvobvrar
mdAw ovs éréuapev Kat aniyyedAov obddpa Tov
O7jjuov émt Tovs mept Tov “Avavov Kat TOV Lipwva
TOV TOU Papadeov TapugvvOar, OTL YwWpis yrespans
ToD KOWod mepipavres els THV DPadAatay EKTTECELV
jue ravens |" Tapeokevacay. epacay 0 ot i mpéoPeus
OTL Kal Tas olkias avr av O /Onpos Opunoe ep
mumpavan. edepov b€ Kal ypeppara bu dv ot TOV
‘lepocoAvpuray 7 ™parot, moAAa Tob O7jpuov denbevtos
avTav, Epuol peer av ths VadtAaias a apxny éBeBatovy,
Tots mept Tov “lwvabynv de Tpoaeracaov ets THY
olkelav drrooTpepew Oacaov. evTUXwV ovv Tats
emtoToAats «is “ApPnAa KOPN aduKouny, eva
ovvodov Tav aAratov TounodjLevos exeAevoa Tous
mpeaBers dunyetoBau THY €mt TOLS TET PAY |LEVOUS b70
TOV mepl TOV ‘Teva ny Opyiy Kal pcomovnpiay,
Kal ws Kup@oevay Eo THs Xwpas avTav THV

mpooraaiay, Ta TE TpOos TOvS mepl Tov ‘Tlevabyy
yeypappeva rept atadAayfs, mpos ovs 67 Kal THY
emaToAny elews Sdrevrepapnv, toAuTpaypwovacas
Tov Kop.icavTa KeAevoas Ti Trovety 4eAAoVoW.

114

THE LIFE, 306-312

war upon them, and to permit them to proceed

against John and utterly exterminate him and

Jonathan and his party. Furious as they were, I

was yet able to restrain them ; advising them to hold

their hands until we heard the report of the delegates .
whom they had sent to Jerusalem, without whose

concurrence no action should be taken. This advice

had its effect upon them. John, having failed to

accomplish his plot, now returned to Gischala.

(60) Not many days later our delegates returned petum of
and reported that popular indignation had been Josephus
deeply roused against Ananus and Simon, son Gl Gate
Gamaliel, for having, without the sanction of the eine
general assembly, sent emissaries to Galilee to
‘ procure my expulsion from the province ; they added
that the people had even set off to burn down their
houses. They also brought letters, whereby the
leading men of Jerusalem, at the urgent request of
the people, confirmed me in my command of Galilee,
and ordered Jonathan and his colleagues to return
home forthwith. After reading these instructions,

I repaired to the village of Arbela,* where I convened
a meeting of the Galilaeans and instructed the
delegates to tell them of the anger and detestation
aroused at Jerusalem by the conduct of Jonathan
and his colleagues, of the ratification of my appoint-
ment as governor of their province, and of the written
orders to my rivals to quit. These I at once dis-
patched to the latter, giving orders to the bearer to
take pains to discover how they intended to proceed.

@ Irbid, N.W. of Tiberias.

1 Inserted only in R.
YS

JOSEPHUS

313 (61) Acfdpevor om exetvou ry emaToAny KGL Ta-
paxbevres ovr jueTplos Jere UTTOVTAL TOV ‘lway-
ae Kal TOUS éx THs BovAfs tv TiBeprewy tovs

TpwrevovTas PaBapwv, Bovdny TE mporifeaow
ee kehevovtes Tl TpaKTéov €oTW avTots.

314 TrBepredou pev ovv dvrexeobat pLaAAov ed0KeL TOV
Tpayparov: od dety yap edacav éyKataAeitecbau
Thy moAw avr av dag €KELVOLS mpoorebemerny,
iMws TE pd Eo jeMovros attav adbéEcobau:
ToOTO yap ws mewnKoTos ELoo KarepevdovTo.

315 6 6€ “lwavyns od povov ToUTOUS OVVNPETKETO, [Kat |?
mropevOjvat de ovveBovdevev avTa@v Tovs dvo KaTIyo-
pycovTas pov mpos TO 7AnGbos, ore pe) KaAas TA
KaTa THV DahiAatav dt0lKO, Kal metoew padiws
avrovs <on Oud TE TO aoe Kat TaVvTOos Aj Gous

316 eUTpeTT @s* EXOVTOS. b0favT0s ovv TOU ‘Tedvvov
KpatloTny eLEVVOXEVAL yuwpnv, edo€e dvo pev
amueva* 7 mpos Tous ‘lepocoAvpiras, ‘Tlevabny Kal
*Avaviav, Tovs étépous b€ SUo pevovtas ev TH TuPe-
pudde KaTaAurety. ouveTyayovTo dé dudakijs Evexa
Ths €avT@v omAiTas EKTOV.

317 (62) TuBeprets be TO. jLev Telyy Tpovvonoay
acdahojvat, Tovs evolKous dé KeAevovow ava-
AaBeiv 7a O7Aa, Kat Tapa *lwavvov dé jereTrepmifavro
OTpATLUT aS ovK oAiyous CUPMAXTTOVTAS, el den-
Gelev, aUTOIS TA TpOS ELE. my d¢ 6 “lwavyns ev

318 Pioyddows. ot TOWWUV Tept TOV ‘Tevabny avalev-
Fave ES dro Tijs DiBepuddos, WS HKOV Els AaBapurra.
Kopay év Tals é€ayatvais TiS P aAv\atas Keyev ny ev
TO peydhe medley, mept peony vUKTA Tots ej.ots
draw €umimrovaw, ov Kal Kedevoavtes atbTovs

1 So Josephus usually writes: ovxi mss.

116

THE LIFE, 313-318

(61) Profoundly agitated by the receipt of this Counter-
letter, my opponents summoned John and the orthe
Tiberian councillors and the leading men of Gabara, thik eee
and called a meeting to consider what action they
should take. The Tiberians were of opinion that they
should tighten their hold on the government, since
their own city, having once gone over to them, ought
not to be abandoned to its fate, particularly as I did
not intend to leave them unmolested—falsely implying
that I had made sucha threat. John not only agreed
to this, but further advised that two of their number
should proceed to Jerusalem, to accuse me before
the people of maladministration of the province of
Galilee ; adding that their high rank and the usual
fickleness of a crowd would facilitate the task of
persuasion. John’s proposal being voted the best,
it was resolved that two of the envoys, Jonathan and
Ananias, should go off to Jerusalem, leaving the Two of the
other two behind them at Tiberias. The emissaries (ont to
took with them an armed escort of a hundred men, Jerusalem

(62) The ‘Tiberians now took precautionary
measures to secure their fortifications, ordered the
inhabitants to be ready in arms, and requisitioned
from John, who was back at Gischala, a large force
to assist them against me, should the need arise.
Meanwhile, Jonathan’s party had left Tiberias and
reached the village of Dabaritta, situated on the
confines of Galilee in the Great Plain.“ Here, about ave arrested
midnight, they fell into the hands of my guards, as
who ordered them to lay down their arms and kept svards.

@ Cf. § 126 above.

2 cod. P: omitted by the rest. 3 ettpémtus R.
4 So ed. pr.: ametva MSS.

117

JOSEPHUS

7a, omAa katabecba edvAacoov ev Seapots emt

319 TOTOv, Kalas adbtots evreraduny. ypader d€ mpos
ewe Tadra dnddy Aevis, & tH dvdakny Temt-
oTevKew. Trapadimayv otv nyépas b¥0 Kal pndev
eyvmKeval mpooToinodpevos, mépibas mpos Tovs
TiBeptets avveBovAevov adrois ta O7Aa Katabepe-
vous amodvew tovs avlpumous eis Thy éavTa@v.

320 of d€, dd€av yap elyov [tovs |* wept Tov “lwvabnyy eis
7G, ‘lepooodvpa 7107 Ovarremropedoban, Bracypous
eTOLTAYTO Tas amoKpigets. per) Katamhay yels o°

321 €yw KaTaoTpaTnyely avToUs émevoouv. mpos peV
otv tovs moXitas e€amrew moAeov odK évoplov
evoefes elvat, BovAdpevos 6 attovs amoomdcat TOV
TiBeprewr, upiovs omAitas Tovs apitorous émAdEas
els Tpets prolpas SuetAov, Kal TovTOUS pev adava@s
ev “Abaaus® _Tpooeraka Aox@vras TEpyLEvE,

399 xAtous 5° eis eTepay KQLNV, opewny Lev O[Loiws,
améxovcay d€ THs TiBepuddos Téocapas oTadious,
Elon yayov nee éxelvous emevoay AdBwow
onpetov «v0ds KataPatvew. avttos b€ THs KwENS

323 mpoeAGav év mpovTTw Kkabelopyy. ot Oe TiBeprets
op@vres eeTpexov ouvex@s Kal 7oha KaTEKEPTO-
jeovy" TooavTH youv adpootyvy KaTéayev avrous
wore TOUTAVTES eUTpem KAWWHV mpovlecar Kal
mepl avTHV lOTAPLEVOL wOvpovTo pee peTa TaLoLas
Kal yéhwtos. dueTiBeunv 8 eye tiv puynv 7déws
THV avotav adta@v éemiPrEeTTWV.

324 (63) BovdAdpevos dé du’ evédpas AaBetv tov Xi-
pwva Kal ovv atTt@ “lélapov, wépbas mpos abrovs
mapekdAovv oAiyov Ths 7oOAcws TOppw peta Pidwv

1

tovs ed. p7.: MSS. omit.
2 Mss. dwuats Or kwuats. This emendation, I venture to

118

THE LIFE, 318-324

them, in chains, on the spot, in accordance with my
instructions. The news was reported to me in
writing by Levi, to whom I had entrusted the
command of the outpost. I then let two days elapse
and, feigning ignorance of these events, sent to the
Tiberians, advising them to lay down their arms and
dismiss the envoys to their home. They, imagining
that Jonathan and his colleague had by now reached
Jerusalem, sent me an abusive reply. Nothing
daunted, I laid my plans to outwit them. To open
a campaign upon my fellow-citizens® I regarded as
impious ; my object was to entice them away from
the Tiberians. I accordingly selected ten thousand
of my finest troops, and, forming them in three
divisions, gave them orders to remain concealed in
ambush in Adamah. A thousand more I posted in
another village in the hills, four furlongs distant from
Tiberias, with instructions to come down as soon as
they received a signal. I then advanced and took
up a position in the open in front of the village.
Seeing this, the Tiberians used constantly to sally
out of the town and indulge freely in mockery of me.
Indeed, so far did they carry their foolery, that they
prepared and laid out a bier, and, standing round it,
mourned for me with jests and laughter. I was
myself amused at the spectacle of their mad
behaviour.

(63) Desiring to lay a trap to catch Simon and
Jozar,® I now sent them an invitation to come out a
short distance from the city, with numerous friends

« The two envoys from Jerusalem left at Tiberias, § 316.
JER

think, seems convincing. A place-name is needed, and
Adamah (Ddmieh), some six miles S.W. of Tiberias, in the
hills, meets the requirements. 3 ue omitted by PRA.

119

A third
envoy
entrapped.

327

~

328

WwW
~

330

JOSEPHUS

ToA\AGy TOV TapadvAakovtwy atrovs édfeiv: Bov-
Aecbar yap edynv KataPas oeicacbar mpos avtovs
Kal dvavetpacbar THY 7 mpooractav ths TadtAaias.
Lipwv pev ovv bid <Te> veoTnTa’ Kal ™mpos éAmida”
Képdous aman bets ovK KV nTEV eMeiv, 6 b€ ‘Tela-
pos evédpav v dromTevoas ELewer. eee O7). TOV
Yinwva peta dilwy tov tapadvAaccovtwy avtov
bdravTicas joTalouny te dirdodpovws Kat yapw
exe wyoddyovy avaBdavTt. pet od TroAd S€ cup-
TEpLTAaT@v ws KATA [LOvas TL Bovdcpevos el7relv,
emrel TOppwTepw TOV pilav amnyayov jLegov
apapevos ayayetv els THV KPENV Tots peT emo
diros €dwKa, Tous omhiras d€ KkaTtaBhvar kehevoas
mpooeBa\ov pet adT@v TH TiBepudou. paxns d€
yevopev7)s apLpor epubev KapTEpas Kal ogov ovme
Tov TiPepréewy vikwvTwr, medevyetoay yap ot map’
7 p@v omAiTat, TO yo pevov (Owv Kal TOUS [eT
epavTob Rhee gers viK@vTas. 710 tous TiPepuets
els THV mOAW ovvedin€ga. eTepav de Ovvap
elo7euibas® dua Tips Atwr7js 7 power Taga THY TpPwWTHV
AaBotow oixiay € ELT pHoar. TovTov YEVOpLEVOU vopst-
oavres ot TiBeptets etAnpbar KATO. Kparos avr ay
THv TOAW v7r0 gopou pimrovow Ta oda, peta,
yuvatk@v b€ Kal TéKvwV tKéTEVOV eee THs

2 / pee San \ \ \ / >
2d mToAews ele date EYW de Sd sad Tas dengets emuKAa-

obets TOUS peev oTpariras THS OpLAs emeOXOY,
attos 6€, Kal yap eomepa KatéAafev, pera TOV
omAiT@v amo Tis moAvopKias broorpésas TeEpt THY
Tob cwpatos Peparetay éywopunv. Kadéoas dé émt
THY €oTiacw Tov Lipwva Tapenvlovpnv tept TOV

1

Te veornra, text emended: orevérnra P, vedrnra RMW,
Te dvowwy A,

120

THE LIFE, 324-330

to protect them, explaining that I was anxious to
come down and make terms with them with a view
to a division of the supreme command of Galilee.
Simon, owing to his years and expectations of per-
sonal profit, was deluded and came without hesita-
tion; Jozar, suspecting a plot, remained behind.
Simon, accordingly, came up country with his escort
of friends ; I met him, gave him a friendly greeting,
and thanked him for coming. Not long after, walk-
ing beside him as though I desired to speak with
him in private, I drew him a considerable distance
from his party, and then seized him round the waist
and handed him over to the friends who attended
me, to be conducted to the village. I then ordered
down my troops and proceeded with them to the
assault of Tiberias. A stubbornly contested en-
gagement ensued, and the Tiberians, owing to the
flight of our men, had the battle almost in their
hands, when, seeing the situation of affairs, I cheered
on the troops that were with me and drove the
Tiberians, now on the verge of victory, back into the
town. I had also dispatched another contingent to
enter the city by way of the lake, with orders to set
fire to the first house which they took. This being
successfully done, the Tiberians, supposing that their
city had been carried by storm, threw down their
arms in alarm, and, with their wives and children,
implored me to spare it. Moved by their entreaties,
I restrained the fury of the soldiers, and, as dusk had
now fallen, abandoned the assault together with my
troops, and retired for refreshment. I invited Simon
to dine with me and consoled him for his fate,
2 vl. édridcs mpos being then adverbial.
3 eioméuwar PRA.

Josephus
attacks
Tiberias : its
submission.

JOSEPHUS

? e / \ >] / >) ~ \
yeyovotwy, bT7iaxvoupnv Te dovs Eedddia atdT@ Kal
Tois ovv atT@ Tapaméubew eis ‘lepoodAvpa pera

7
maons aoaretas.
\ \ \ >) ~ 4 YA /
331 (64) Kara 6é THY ETLOVOaY NLEpav jLUpLOUS
> / e / e > A s A
eTayopuevos omAitas WKov els THY TiBepiada, Kal
petatrepaevos els TO oaTddtov Tovs TmpwToUS
attav Tod Aj ous exeAcvoa dpalew ottwes elev
> ~ 5 ,
332 aiTloL THS amooTdcews. evderEapevwy Sé Tods
>

avopas, ekelvous prev dedepevous els THY lwramarny
/ > / \ \ \ \ >] vA A
ToAw e€émeuya, Tovs b€ wept Tov “lwvdbyv Kat

/ 4 a ~ A \ 2. / \

Avaviav Avcas TOV beapav Kat dovs ébddca pera
e \ e ~
Lipwvos Kal “lwldpov Kat omditav Twevrakociwy,
a / $ 4 >) / 5 A
ot mapadvAdgovaw adtrovs, e&émeuysa eis Ta
/
333 ‘lepoooAvpa. TiBepeets d€ madAw mpooeMovres
ovyywaoKew avTots mapexdAovv Tept TOV mem pay -
evo, eravopfurceatat Tas draprias Th pera,
TavTa mpos ee mote. A€yovtes’ Ta 8 eK THS
dvapTayns TEeplocevoavTa G@cat jLe TOLS amtoAéoa-
334 ow ed€ovTO. Kaya Tois ExoVvoW TpocéTaTTOV Eis
/ / / 5 / \ 4 ~
pecov TavTa pepew: amrevovvTwr bé€ expt roAAod,
~ \ ~
feacdpevos TWa THY TeEpL E“e OTpaTLwTav AapTrpo-
~ /
Tépav Tov auvifous TEepiKeievoyv oToAny émvbounv
m7o0ev Exou. elmrovtos bێ Ex THs KaTA TOAW apmayis,
e€KELVOV [bev mAnyats exoAaca, Tots de adAdAots
o / /
amacw nmelAnoa petlw TYyswpiay emiOyocew py
KopLicacw Eels TOvULdavEes Coa NpTaKeLcav. ToAADY
d€ ovveveybevtwr' Exaotw Tov TiBeprewy to ém-
yvwobev arédwxa.

33:

Qt

336 = (65) Teyoves oe evradba TIS Ounyncews Bov-
Aopat ™pos *lodarov, Kal avrov THY TEpt TOUT WY
Tpaypatelav yeypabota, mpds Te Tovs aAXovs Tods
£22

ee

———

I ee

THE LIFE, 330-336

promising him and his companions a safe escort, with
supplies for the journey, to Jerusalem.

(64) On the following day I entered Tiberias with
an army of ten thousand men, and summoning the
leading citizens to the stadium, commanded them to
give me the names of the authors of the revolt. The
information being supplied, I dispatched the in-
criminated individuals, in chains, to the town of
Jotapata. Jonathan and Ananias I released and,
providing them with supplies, sent them off together
with Simon and Jozar and five hundred soldiers to
escort them to Jerusalem. The Tiberians now ap-
proached me again and implored my forgiveness
for their conduct, promising to make amends for the
errors of the past by their loyalty in future. They
besought me at the same time to recover what still
remained of the plunder for those who had lost their
property. I accordingly ordered all the possessors to
produce everything. As there was considerable delay
in obeying these orders I, observing that one of
my soldiers was wearing an unusually magnificent
garment, asked him whence he obtained it. On his
replying “ From the sack of the city,” I punished
him with the lash, and threatened the rest with
severer penalties if they failed to surrender their
spoils. A mass of property being thus collected, I
restored to each individual what he recognized as
his own.

(65) Having reached this point in my narrative, I
propose to address a few words to Justus, who has pro-
dueed his own account of these affairs, and to others

1 P: cuvaxévtwr the rest.

The envoys
dismissed to
Jerusalem.

Digression
on Justus of
Tiberias,

a rival
historian of
the war.

37

338

339

340

341

342

JOSEPHUS

toTopiay prev ypadew UTLTXVOUJLEVOUS, mept d€ THY
aAyGevay oAvywpous Kal Ov exOpav 7 xapw TO
pedo ovK EV PETOJLEVOUS, pupa dueAOety |. zpar-
TOVOL [Lev yap OOLOV TL TOS TEpL cup Borate
mAaora ypappara ovv7etar,7@ S€ pdeptay o Ojos
TYyLeaplay éxelvois Sedrevar Katadbpovotor Tijs adn -
feias. “lodatos yotv ovyypadew Tas epi TobTov?
emiyelpiaas mpaters Tov TOAEov, UEp TOU SoKety
diAdmovos elvar €uod pev Kateevotar, nAnfevoe
d€ ode TEpl THS TaTpidos. OUev, amoAoyyjaacbar
yap viv avdyeqy exw KataibevdopapTupovpievos,
Ep@ Ta [EXPL vov TETLIT NUEVA. Kal [7 Pavpaoy
Tes ore pn mara mept TOUTWV edn Awan: TO yap
toroplav dvaypddovr! TO poev dAnGevew dvayKatov,
efeotw 6 opus per) TLKP@S Tas TWOv Tovnplas
edeyxew, ov da TH mpos ekelvous yapw adda bia
THY avToo jeTploryra.

Ids otv, wa d& zpos adrov ws Tapovra, ‘lobore,
dewor Tare ovyypadéen, TotTo yap avxets TEpl GeE-
avTov, atTLoL YEyOvapLev eyo te kat I ahAator TH
TaTplot cov THs mpos ‘Pwyaiovs Kat mpos Tov
Baoilda ordcews; mpoTepov yap 7% Ee THS
TadtAatas orparnyov b70 Tob Kowod Tay “lepoao-
Avpit@v yetpotovnbfvar, od Kat wavtes TuBeprets
od povov avetAndate Ta O7Aa, adda Kal Tas Ev TH
Lupia d€ka ores evoAeeite. od yody Tas Kwpmas
atTt@v évérpyoas Kal 6 Gos olKeTNS el THS Tapa-
Ta€ews exelvns Emecev. Tatra dé odK eyw éeyw
pLovos, GAAa Kat ev tots Otecmactavotd Tod atvro-

1 The bracketed words occur in A only.
2 W: the rest rovrwr.

* Probably an official record in Latin based on the field-
124

THE LIFE, 336-342

who, while professing to write history, care little
for truth, and, either from spite or partiality, have
no scruples about falsehood. The procedure of such
persons resembles indeed that of forgers of contracts,
but, having no corresponding penalty to fear, they
ean afford to disdain veracity. Justus, for instance,
having taken upon himself to record the history of
this war, has, in order to gain credit for industrious
research, not only maligned me, but even failed to
tell the truth about his native place. Being, there-
fore, now compelled to defend myself against these
false allegations, I shall allude to matters about
which I have hitherto kept silence. My omission to
make such a statement at an earlier date should not
occasion surprise. For, while veracity is incumbent
upon a historian, he is none the less at liberty to
refrain from harsh scrutiny of the misdeeds of
individuals, not from any partiality for the offenders,
but because of his own moderation.

How, then, Justus—if I may address him as though
he were present—how, most clever of historians, as
you boast yourself to be, can I and the Galilaeans be
held responsible for the insurrection of your native
city against the Romans and against the king ; seeing
that, before I was elected by the general assembly
at Jerusalem to the command of Galilee, you and all
the citizens of Tiberias had not only resorted to arms,
but were actually at war with the towns of the Syrian
Decapolis ? It was you who burnt their villages,
and your domestic fell in the engagement on that
occasion. This is no unsupported assertion of my
own. The facts are recorded in the Commentaries #

notes of Vespasian. Cf. § 358, and the Commentaries of
Julius Caesar on the Gallic War.

125

Justus, not
Josephus,
responsible
for the
revolt of
Tiberias
from Rome.

JOSEPHUS

7
Kpatopos vTopvipacWw OvTwWS yéypamTat, Kal TiVa
tpomov ev Ilrodcwaids Otveoractavotd KateBoynoav
ot Tav b€ka TOAEwY EvoiKOL, TYLWpiay UrocyelVv

343 GE TOV alTLov a&.odvTes. Kal deduixets av diKny
Oveozactavod KehevoarTos, El By Baotreds “Ay pir
mas AaBwv e€ovciay amoKteivat ce, moAda Tis
adehois Bepevixns denDetons, ovK dverov Oede-

B44 peevov emt moAvy xpovov epvdager. Kal at pera
tatra b€ moduretai cov cada&s éudavilovow Tov Te

/ \ A A 7 \ \ / ¢ /
Biov tov GAAov Kat Ot ov Ti TaTpiba “Pwyaiwv
améoTyoas’ @V Ta TEKLHpLA Kayw SyAdow pET
oXLyov.

345 BovdAopuar & etzety Kat mpos tovs aAdouvs TiPe-
pleis oAtya 61a Gé Kal TapacTioa Tois evTvyxd-
vew péAdAovew Tats toropias oT pHte diAopw@paroe

/ ~ / ~ > ~ /

346 pte hiAoBao.reis yeyovate. tTav ev 7H VadtAata

/ ¢ ! J \ y \ ¢ \
ToAewy at péyrotar Lémdwpis Kat TiPepias 7 o7

’ a) = > \ / \ > be
matpis, @ “lotore. adda Lewdwpis pev ev TH
pecaitatw THs VadwAaias Keywevn Kat TEpt avTaV
KOLOS exovoa ToAAds, Kat TL KGL Opacvvecbae
dvvapevy Tpos ‘Papaious, elep 0edncev, eUXEpOs,
leyvnKuta TH pos Tovs deomoTas € epupLevew TLOTEL

tA

Kae THS mOAews atTav eێxAevce Kal oTpaTeEv-
cacbat twa t&v Todkitav “lovdatois éexwdAvoev.
ey \ \ \ \ Ca : = > > , s

347 Omws 6€ Kal TA TpOs Has aodareis elev, HraTHGGV

pe Telxeow att@v tiv moAw oxvp@oar mpo-

/ \ \ / / ~ ~ >
Tpeparres, Kal Tapa Keortov PaAdou ToD TOV eV
7H Lupia’ Pwpatkv traypatov TYEHOVEVOVTOS ppov-
pay EKOVTES edefav7o, KaTappovngavres eH08 TOTE
péya Svuvapévov Kal maow bi éexaAj€ews ovtos.

348 7roAtopKoupevns TE THS peyloTns U@v ToAcews

126

THE LIFE, 342-348

of the Emperor Vespasian, which further relate how
insistently the inhabitants of Decapolis pressed
Vespasian, when at Ptolemais, to punish you, as the
culprit. And punished you would have been under
his orders, had not King Agrippa, though empowered
to put you to death, at the urgent entreaty of his
sister Berenice, commuted the death penalty to a
long term of imprisonment. Moreover, your sub-
sequent public life is a sure index of character and
proves that it was you who caused the revolt of your
native city from Rome. Proofs of these statements
I shall adduce presently.

I have, however, a few words which I would address,
on your account, to the other inhabitants of Tiberias,
in order to demonstrate to future readers of this
history © that you and your fellow-citizens were
friendly neither to the Romans nor to the king. Of
the cities of Galilee the largest are Sepphoris and
Tiberias — your native Tiberias, Justus. Now,
Sepphoris, situated in the heart of Galilee, surrounded
by numerous villages, and in a position, without any
difficulty, had she been so inclined, to make a bold
stand against the Romans, nevertheless decided to
remain loyal to her masters, excluded me from the
town, and forbade any of her citizens to take service
with the Jews. Moreover, in order to secure them-
selves against me, they inveigled me into fortifying
the city with walls, and then voluntarily admitted a
garrison provided by Cestius Gallus, commander-in-
chief of the Roman legions in Syria; flouting me at
a time when I exercised great power and was
universally held in awe. Again, when Jerusalem,

« Literally ‘‘ the histories,’’ perhaps meaning “ our (rival)
histories.”’ a

127

Contrast
between
pro-Roman
Sepphoris

A.D. 70.

349

35

vo
Or

0

JOSEPHUS

“Tepocodktpwv KGL TOU KOWOU TaYTWYV tepoo KWOU-
~ ~ /
vevovTos ev TH TV ToAEeuiwy eEovoia yevéobat,
cuppaxiay ovK ezeyibav, p71) BovAdpwevor Sdoxetv
\ ¢ / a ~ e \ A 7 S
Kata “Pwyatwy oda Aafetv. 7 S€ of) TaTpis, @
oy fe , Bag a , 2 \/ \
lodare, Keyevyn ev’ TH Vevvnoapizidl? Ayn Kat
/
améxovoa “Im7ov pev ordéia TpidKovta, Taddapwv
\ e J, / \ yy \ € A
de e€jKkovta, UKvlomdAews 6€ elKoow Kal ExaToV
~ e / ~ ~ \ / 5 /
Ths Um7nKOoov Pactre?, wndeutds b€ wOAEws “lovdatwv
TOPAKELLEVIS, €L nOedev THV Tpos ‘Pwpatovs mioTw
/ Se
durat7ew, padiws edvvato. Kal yap moAds rE
~ \ or” > ~ 5 >) € A ,
Ojos Kal OmAwy nbmopeite. GAX’, ws oad djs,
aittos vpiv® éya Tote. peta Tabdra Se Tis, @
> ~ ~ J
lodore; mpo yap THs ‘lepocodtpwyv modopKias
oldas to ‘Pwyatous éue yevopmevov, kat lwrdrara
KOTO itos Andbévr Spud. ToAAG Av
ra Kpatos Andbévra dpovpia te 7oAAG, woAvv TE
» iat.
TadtAaiwv 6yAov Kata THV PAXNV TECOVTA. TOT
> >] ~ ~ ~ = ’ A
ovv Expy buds mavTos amnAAaypévous TOU du ee
/ ta / ~ ~
doBov pipat te Ta OrAa Kal TapacTjoa TH TE
r ~ A c / o \ , c / LAA’
Baotret Kat ‘Pwpatois dre 67) OVX EKOVTES 4
5 /
avayKacbertes emt TOV TpPOS AVTOVS WPELNTATE moAe-
~ he
pov. vpets b€ Kal Teplewetvate Odeomactavov,
5 ~ ,
Ews avTOs adiKdopmevos peTA TAaONS THs Suvapews
/ ~ / \ / A / A
mpocéAfo. tots telyeow, Kat ToTe bia doPov Ta
<4 r ‘8 A 4. \ Us “A e ~ e SA nA
omAa KaTefecbe*: Kai TavTws av tua@v 7 TOALs HAW
/ ~ ~ A A
KATA KpaTos, et pu TO Baorret Seopevw Kat THV
1 émi Cobet. 2 Tevynoapidi: PR.

3 Niese: mss. Zunv (perhaps rightly) or tuar.
nv \p i
* Hudson: xaraééc@a Mss.

* ** This only means that Scythopolis was on the side of
Agrippa and the Romans.”’ It was “ an independent town

128

THE LIFE, 348-352

our capital, was besieged, and the Temple, which
was common to us all, was in danger of falling into
the enemy’s hands, they sent no assistance, wishing
to avoid all suspicion of having borne arms against
the Romans.

Your native city, Justus, on the contrary, situated and anti-
on the lake of Gennesaret, and distant from Hippos Pera
thirty furlongs, from Gadara sixty and from Scytho-
polis, which was under the king’s jurisdiction,* one
hundred and twenty, with no Jewish city in the
vicinity, might easily, had it so desired, have kept
faith with the Romans. You were a populous com-
munity and well supplied with arms. But, you
maintain, it was I who was responsible for your
revolt at that time. Well, who was responsible,
Justus, later on? For you are aware that before
the siege of Jerusalem I was taken prisoner by the
Romans, that Jotapata and many other fortresses
had been carried by storm, and that a large number
of Galilaeans had fallen in battle. That was the
proper occasion for you, when you had _ nothing
whatever to fear from me, to abandon hostilities and
to convince the king and the Romans that it was not
your own free will but compulsion which drove you
into war against them. Instead, you waited until
Vespasian arrived in person, with his whole army,
beneath your walls ; and then, at last, in alarm, you
did lay down your arms. But your city would
undoubtedly have been taken by storm, had not

under Roman supremacy,’’ and never, apparently, in the
possession of any of the Herods. Schiirer, H.J.P., div. ii.,
Wold. p: 112. “You had pro-Roman towns at hand to
protect you”’ is the argument. Josephus is here hard put
to it to answer Justus, since, for all his temporizing, he did
take the lead against the Romans in the opening campaign.

VOin: I K 129

353 7

354 *

355

306

~I

JOSEPHUS

dvo.av tu@v TapaiTovpevw avvexwpyncev Oveoma-
cuavos. ovK eye) Tolvuy airLos, GAN’ tpets ot

mrohepuKd dpovicayres. 7 od pepvnabe oT. ToCav-
TAKS DLOV eyKparis EVO [LEVOS ovéeva dep Gerpa,
otacidlovtes 8 tyets mpos aAArjAovs, od bia THY
mpos ‘Pwyatovs Kai tov PaciAéa evvorav, dia de
Thy dueTepay avTav Tovypiay, exaTov oydo7KovTa
mevtTe TOV TOIT@Y ameKTElvaTE, KATA TOV KaLpOV
exetvov €u“od moAvpKovpévov év “lwramatous vio
Pwpaiwy; ti 6’; odyl Kal Kata Thy Ttav ‘lepo-
coAvpit@v moAvopKtav dvaxiAvor TiBeprew e€-
nraocbnoav, ot pev TETTUWKOTES ol 6€ Anpbevres
aixparwror; aAAd ov moAé€L0s od yeyoveva b7)-
Gets, OTL mpos Baotréa tor’ Edvyes. Kal TobTo be
bua Tov €€ € euod ddPov pnt Ge TETOUKEVAL. Kayo)
pev mTovnpos, ws Aéyeis* 6 dé Bactdreds ° Aypimmas 0
THv wuynv cou ovyxwpiaas o70 Oveoracavod
Oavetv Kkataxpilevre, 6 ToaoUToLS Swpnodprevos
Xpnpaow, ge everev VaoTepov ois pev cdn/0€,
TooaUTaKIs d€ duyeiv TH mar pio. mpooeTakev Kat

amobavety 6€ xehevoas ama€é TH ddehbi Bepevixn
ae denbeion 7 THY OT owrnpiay exaplcato ; kat
peta TooatTa dé cov KaKoupynjara Tag ém-
oroAGy Go. muoTEVoUs, Ws Kal Tavraus etpe paou-
oupyov, amijAace THs Obews. adda wept pev TOUTwWY
eAéyyew em axpiBes €d.

Oavpalew 8 Eevoi or THY ony avaiderav, Ort
TOAMGS déyew amdvTwv TOV TV TpaypaTetav
TavTyy yeypadhotwv avros apewov e&nyyeAKévat,
pyre Ta mpaxlevta Kata THV Vadiralay émusrdpevos,

2 Or “ your native place.”
150

THE LIFE, 352-357

Vespasian yielded to the king’s intercession to
condone your folly. The responsibility therefore
rests not with me, but with you, Tiberians, and your
passion for war. Have you forgotten how, often as I
had you in my power, I put not one of you to death ;
whereas you in your party quarrels, not from any
loyalty to the Romans and the king, but of your
own malice, slew one hundred and eighty-five of
your fellow-citizens at the time when I was besieged
in Jotapata by the Romans? Again, were there
not two thousand Tiberians found at the siege of
Jerusalem, of whom some fell and others were taken
prisoners ?

But you, Justus, will urge that you at least were Relations
no enemy [of Rome], because in those early days pee
you sought refuge with the king. I reply that it Agrippa.
was fear of me which drove you to do so. I too,
then, you assert, was a knave. Well, how do
you account for your treatment by King Agrippa,
to whom you owed your life, when condemned to
death by Vespasian, and all that wealth which he
lavished upon you? Why did he subsequently twice
put you in irons and as often command you to quit
the country,“ and once order you to execution, when
he spared your life only at the earnest entreaty of his
sister Berenice ? And when, after all your knavish
tricks, he had appointed you his private secretary,
he detected you once more in fraudulent practices
and banished you from his sight. But I forbear to
scrutinize these matters too closely.

I cannot, however, but wonder at your impudence Justus’s
° ° : . belated and
in daring to assert that your narrative is to be pre- erroneous
ferred to that of all who have written on this subject, History of

. ; . : 1e War
when you neither knew what happened in Galilee—

131

JOSEPHUS

7s yap ev Byput® Tore Tapa Baowre?, un? doa

ezaov ‘Papator ext THs “lwramatwv mohvopkias
; édpacav nuas tapakoAovlyjoas, un? ooa Kat
€[LauTov empaga ToAvopKoUpLevos dvv7beis mvbecbae
TavTES yap ot dmayyetAavres av depGapyoay emt

358 THs mapatagews exeivns. add’ tows Ta KaTa THY
‘TepocoAvpuita@v 7 mpaxlevra per TO. axpyBetas orjcets
ovyyeypapevat. Kal 7s oiov TE; OUTE yap TO
mohepe TApETUXES oUTEe TA Katoapos aveyvws
UTOMVIPLATA. JLeyLOTOV be TEK|LT|pLov" Tots “yap |*
Kaicapos bropyypacw evayTiav TeTOlnoaL TV

359 ypadyv. et dé Oappets dewov amavTwy ovyyeypa-
pevar, Oud 7 TU Coro Oveoracvavot Kat Titov ta&v
avroxparopuv Tod TrOA€LOVv yevopevenv” Kal i Bacwréws

“Aypia Ta TEpLoVTOS ETL Kal T@V EK YyévouS avrod
TAVTOW, dvd pav Tis “EAAqvueijs Tavoelas emt
mAetorov TKOVTOW, THY ioroptav otK Eedepes eis

360 [kecoVv; po yap elKooW €TOV <ixes Yeypappevny
Kal Tap €looTwY epeMes Tijs axpiBetas THY
paptuplay amodépecbar. viv 8, 67 éxetvour pev
obKéeT elo pe” Hyudv, eAeyxOjvat 8° od vopiles,
TeOdppykas.

361 Od pry eyo coe Tov adrov TpoTrov TeEpl Tijs
éuavtod ypadas edevca, add’ adrois emédwKa Tots
abtoxpatopo. Ta BiBAia povov od THY Epywv ETL
BAeropéevwy: avvijdew yap euavtT@ TeTnpynKoTe THV

~ > / / ad Te / /
THs aAnbetas Tapddoow, ed 7 waptuptas TevEeoOar

362 TpocdoKioas ov Sujpaprov. Kal aAAous dé troMois
evOds e7édWKa THY loToplay, WY Eviol Kal Tapa-
TeTevyetoav TO ToACuw, Kabamep Baotreds “Aypiz-

1 ins. R: the rest omit.
2 rod mon. yev.|‘7Gv Tov TOEuov KaTepyacauevwv R,

132

THE LIFE, 357-362

for you were then at Berytus ¢ with the king—nor
acquainted yourself with all that the Romans endured
or inflicted upon us at the siege of Jotapata; nor
was it in your power to ascertain the part which I
myself played in the siege, since all possible inform-
ants perished in that conflict. Perhaps, however,
you will say that you have accurately narrated the
events which took place at Jerusalem. How, pray,
can that be, seeing that neither were you a combatant
nor had you perused the Commentaries of Caesar,? as
is abundantly proved by your contradictory account ?
But, if you are so confident that your history excels
all others, why did you not publish it in the lifetime
of the Emperors Vespasian and Titus, who conducted
the war, and while King Agrippa and all his family,
persons thoroughly conversant with Hellenic culture,
were still among us? You had it written twenty
years ago, and might then have obtained the evidence
of eyewitnesses to your accuracy. But not until now,
when those persons are no longer with us and you after
think you cannot be confuted, have you ventured to “1°
publish it.

I had no such apprehensions concerning my work. contrasted
No; I presented the volumes to the Emperors them- a roan
selves, when the events had hardly passed out of sight,
conscious as I was that I had preserved the true
story. I expected to receive testimony to my
accuracy, and was not disappointed. ‘To many others
also I immediately presented my History, some of
whom had taken part in the war, such as King

? Beirut. > 4.e. Titus; ef. § 342 (note).

133

JOSEPHUS

963 Tas Kal TWes al’Tod THY ovyyer@v. oO pev yap
attoxpatwp Tiros [ovtws|* é€k povwyv abtav
eBovaAnby tiv yv@ow tots avlpwros mapadodvar
Tav mpakewv, wore xapdéas 7H é€avTod yxeupl TA

364 BiBrta dnpLoot@oat mpoceTakev’ 6 oe Bactreds
"Aypinmas €€jKxovta dvo yéypadev émuotoAas TH
tis adnletas wapadoce paptupa@v. av 67) Kat dvo
tmétaéa Kat BovAnbevte co. Ta yeypappéeva yvavar

/ > > ~
TApPEOTLV e€ QUT WY*

365 ‘* BactAevs ’Aypinzma as ‘lwonre TD diAtatw
yaipew. rdroTta SunADov TIP BiBdrov,” Kat pou zoAv
empeAeor pov edofas Tov Taira ovyyparbdvr oy
nKpibwkevar. méuTe O€ por Kat tas Aoumds.
Eppwao.

366 “‘Baoweds *Aypinzas “Iwonmw td diAtatTw
yalpew. €€ wv eypaipas ovdepuas €oikas ypyCew
dvdacKaAlas UTEP Too pabety 7 jpas oAous apynbev.
_ OTav [LevTOU _owvTUxTS 408, Kal avtos oe moAda
KAaTHX}OW TOV ayvoovupevwy.

ie > a a , >
367 “Eyot 6€* azapricfetons tis totopias adAn-
/ 5 >] 7, > \ \ > / > ~
eia,® od KoAaketwrv, ovde yap éeméBadrev atta,
ovde etpwvEvopLevos, ws ov dices, Topp yap Hv
exeivos TOLAUTYS kaxonGetas, adda TIP ay Gevav
eapTuper, Kabazep mavTEs ot Tats toroptats
evTVYXAVOVTES. aAAa 7a prev mpos “lotorov avay-
Kkalav AaBdovta tiv mapéxBacw® péxpe tovTwr
injpv |" Aedéxbao.
1 om. PR. 2 BvBdov PA.
3 RAMW add @iArare.
* Text doubtful: R oirws 6é wor: Niese marks a lacuna.

5 Doubtful: Hudson suggests ’Aypir7as.
6 rapabecw PR. 7 P:; the rest omit.

134

THE LIFE, 363-367

Agrippa and certain of his relatives. Indeed, so
anxious was the Emperor Titus that my volumes
should be the sole authority from which the world
should learn the facts, that he affixed his own
signature to them and gave orders for their publica-
tion; while King Agrippa wrote sixty-two letters
testifying to the truth of the record. ‘Two of these I
subjoin, from which you may, if you will, learn the
nature of his communications :

“ King Agrippa to dearest Josephus, greeting. I
have perused the book with the greatest pleasure.
You seem to me to have written with much greater
care and accuracy than any who have dealt with
the subject. Send me the remaining volumes.
Farewell.”

“King Agrippa to dearest Josephus, greeting.
From what you have written you appear to stand
in no need of instruction, to enable us all to learn
(everything from you) from the beginning.* But
when you meet me, I will myself by word of
mouth inform you of much that is not generally
known.”

And, on the completion of my History, not in
flattery, which was contrary to his nature, nor yet,
as you® no doubt will say, in irony, for he was far
above such malignity, but in all sincerity, he, in
common with all readers of my volumes, bore witness
to their accuracy. But here let me close this digres-
sion on Justus which he has forced upon me.

* The king’s alleged “‘ culture ” here fails him ; the Greek
is vulgar and obscure. For judas deus, “ us all,” perhaps we
should read judas d\ws, “us completely.”

> 4.e. Justus, whom he again addresses.

1393

368

369

370

371

372

373

JOSEPHUS

(66) Avournoas 0 éyw Ta KaTa THY TiBepudoa.
Kat kabicas Tov dirwy avvédpiov €BovAevomnv mepl
TOV mpos ‘ledveny a7paxOnoopéevwy. e00KEL pev
ovv maou Tots Poleaiae omXcavTa mavTas am-
eMeiv emi tov “lwavvyy Kat AaBetv zap’ adbrob Sixas
ws m™aons Tis oTdaews aitlov YEyoveros. ovK
Tpeckopny 5 eye Tats yropats avT@v Tpoalpeow
exw Tas Tapaxas xuwpls @ovov KaTaGT TéAew.
obev 67) TapyvEeca maou etoeveyacba 7 povovay
U7ep Tob yuavau Ta ovopara T@V U7 TO ‘lwdvyy
OVvTw. Touncavrey 8° éxeivav yvovs éya) ToUs
dvOparous oiTwes oa e€eOnka Tpoypapy.a., dua
TovTov mioTw Kal de€vav mporetvarv Tots pera,
‘Lwdvvov Gedrjoacw Aafeiy peTavolay, Kal TuEepa@v
elkoou Xpovov Tpoerewa. tots BovAevoacbat Bedrovow
mepl TOV eauTois oupdepovTwv. jmetAovy b€, et
ay pupovow Ta o7Aa, KATATpHoELY avTa@v Tas ol-
KTOELS KAL Oqpootedcew Tas ovotas. tTatta de
akovoavTes of avOpwror Kat Tapaxbevres ov Tt
petptas KataAetovow pev tov “lwavynv, Ta O°
omAa pupavres Tov 7 pos jue TeTpaKvoxtArot TOV
apiBov ¢ ovTes. povot b€ TH “lwavyyn wapéwewayr ot
moXtrau* Kat E€vou Twes ek THS Tupiwy wntpoToAews
ws xtAor Kal TEVTAKOOLOL. ‘lwdvvys pev ovv OUTW
KaTaotparnyifeis 0 bm euod 70 Aourov ev TH TaTpide
mepihoPos é€ ewewev.

(67) Kara ztotrov dé Tov Karpov Lembuptrav
Dappicavres dvadapBavovow omAa., memouores TH
Te TOV TELX@V OXUPOTHTL Kal 7 Tpos €TEpols OVTA
pee opay. mepTrovaL oy) mpos Kéorvov Padov,
Lupias & nv ovTOS HyELwr, wapaxahobvres 7)
avtov jKew Oarrov mapadnibopevov abttav TH
136

THE LIFE, 368-373

(66) Having settled the affairs of Tiberias, I called ce of

a meeting of my friends, to deliberate on the measures geserted by
to be taken against John. The Galilaeans were most of his
unanimously of opinion that I should arm them all, +
march against him and punish him as the author of
all these disturbances. This opinion I was unable
to share, being determined to quell these disorders
without bloodshed. I, accordingly, advised them to
do their utmost to discover the names of John’s
followers This they did, and I, on learning who
these men were, issued a proclamation tendering
pledges of security to any of John’s adherents who
were prepared to change their policy. I allowed
twenty days’ grace for deliberation as to the course
most conducive to their own interests ; threatening,
on the other hand, unless they abandoned their arms,
to burn their houses to the ground and confiscate
their property. On hearing this they were in the
utmost alarm, deserted John, flung down their
arms, and joined me, to the number of four thousand.
John was left with no more than his fellow-citizens
and some fifteen hundred foreigners from the Tyrian
metropolis. Thus outmanceuvred by me, he re-
mained thenceforth, completely cowed, in his native
town.

(67) About this time the Sepphorites, emboldened Sepphoris,
by the strength of their walls and my pre-occupation Pees
with other affairs, ventured to take up arms.? They pabus 2
accordingly sent a request to Cestius Gallus, the Foceni aera
governor of Syria, either to come himself without 2¢!y de-

E : stroyed by
delay and take over their city, or to send them a his soldiers.

@ The narrative, broken off at § 335, is here resumed.
Cf. B. ii. 622-625. > Of. B. ii. 645 f.

1 So, surely rightly, MW: 6m\trar PRA.

icy

374

376

378

379

380

JOSEPHUS

moAw 7) me pafsae TOUS Ppouprjcovras. 6 d€ Taddos
edevoeobar pev bméaxeTo, OTE SE Ov duecdbycev.
Kaya Tabta Tvbdpevos, avadaBav rods adv €pol
oTpaTwwrTas Kal oppnoas emi tovs Lembwpitas
ciAov adTa@v Kara KpaTos TI TOAw. AaBopevor
5 adoppijs ot TadwAaiou Kat mapeivar Tod picous
TOV Karpov ob Bovanbevres, elyov yap amexOGs Kat
mpos TavTyy Thy TOAW, Wpynoav ws apdnv apavi-
GovTes TavTas ovv Tots é7roiKoLS. elodpapovres
ovy eveTtiuTpacav avr@v Tas oiklas epnpLous
katahapBavovres: ot yap avépwrrot detoavres els
THY axpoToAw ouvedvyov Sunpmalov dé mavTa
Kal TpoTrov ovdEeva Tophjcews KATA TOV OMoPvAwy
mapeAuTavov. tatr eyw Oeacduevos apddpa
Over eOqy dyvapas Kal Tavec%ar TpoceTaTTov avrots,
DTrOpLLYTKOY ort Towabra Spav opodvdAovs ovK
coTw Govov. emrel 5 ovTe TmapaKkaAodvTos ovre
TpooTdcaovTos _TKOvOV, evica d€ TO _pioos Tas
TApalWeaEls, TOUS TLATOTATOUS TAY Trepl EmEe PlAwvy
exéAevoa Siadodvat Aoyous os ‘Papatev peta
peydAns Sdvvduews KaTa TO eTEpOV JLépos Tis
ToAews etoBeBAnKoru. Tatra. 5 emolouv Umep
Tob Tis oqpens eumecovans emloxelv prev" TOV
TadiAaiwy tds opuds, duac@oar de Tay TOV
Lembupitav moAw. Kal Telos Tpovxwpyse TO
OTpariyn pa: Tis yap ayyeXtas dxovoavTes epoBy-
Oyoav trép abTav Kat KataAurovres Tas dpmayas
Epevyov, padiora 6 ézret Kae TOV oTparnyov
EWpwv TavTa mowodvra: ™pos yap TO TLOTOV THS
PyNs eOKNT TONY OjLoltws avrois dvariBeoban.
emousptTat dé wap éAmida tiv éavTdv bro Tob
€uod codicpatos éowbynoar.
138

THE LIFE, 374-380

garrison. Gallus promised to come, but named no
date. Apprised of these negotiations, I marched
with such troops as I had against Sepphoris and took
the city by assault. The Galilaeans, seizing this
opportunity, too good to be missed, of venting their
hatred on one of the cities which they detested,
rushed forward, with the intention of exterminating
the population, aliens and all. Plunging into the
town they set fire to the houses, which they found
deserted, the terrified inhabitants having fled in a
body to the citadel. They looted everything, sparing
their countrymen no conceivable form of devastation.
I was deeply distressed by this spectacle and ordered
them to desist, reminding them that such treatment
of one’s compatriots was impious. As, however, they
refused to listen to either remonstration or command,
my exhortations being overborne by their hatred, I
instructed some of my friends around me, on whom
I could fully rely, to circulate a report that the
Romans had made their way into another quarter
of the city with a large force. I did this in order
that, when the rumour reached their ears, I might
check the fury of the Galilaeans and so save Sepphoris.
The ruse was eventually successful; for on hearing the
news they were in terror of their lives, and abandoned
their spoils and fled. They were the more impelled to
do so, when they saw me, their general, setting
them the example ; for, in order to lend colour to
the rumour, I pretended to share their alarm. Thus
were the Sepphorites, beyond their own expectations,
saved by this device of mine from destruction.

1 Hudson: pe mss.

159

JOSEPHUS

38] (68) Kat TiBepeas dé Tap” oAtyov avnpTaan
v0 PadtAaiov TOLAUT |S airias vToTEcOvaT|S. T@v
ex ths PBovdjs ot mp@to. ypadovor mpos Tov
Baoitéa rapaxadodvtes adixécbar mpos adtrovs

382 TapaAnwsopmevov TI mol. bméaxeTo 8 O Baou-
devs epxeoOau Kal Tas emLaToAas dvTuypager Kal
TOV wept TOV KOLT@VGA TW, Kptome pev TOUVOLLG.,
To 6€ yévos ‘lovéaiw, ieee Tpos TOUS TiBeprets

383 déepew. TOUTOV Kopicayt a Ta ypdppara yrepl-
caves ot TadtAaiou Kat ovAAaBovres ayovow ém
ewe? TO 6€ wav TARBOs, Ws HKovoEev, TapoEvvOev

384 ed? O7Aa TpeTETaL. ouvaxlevres be moAAot wavTa-
yobev* Kara THY emoboay Tov els “Aowyw ody,
eva 81 THv KatadAvow ezo.ovpnv, KaTaPonoes TE
cpodpa emoidvTo mpodoTw azoKadobyTes THY
TiBepuada kat Paowléws odidnv, emitpémew Te
n&tovv avrois KaTapaow apdqy apavican Kal
yap mpos tovs Tifepiets eiyov amexP@s ws mpos
TOUS Lem bupiras.

93, (69) *E Eyo | 6 aKovcas 17 Opouv TWa. Tpomrov
efapracw TI TiBepuaoa THS DPadiAatwv opyijs.
apvyjcacba: yap obK eduvapny tay) VEYpapevar Tous
TiBeprets Kkahobvras TOV Baovéa- Treyxov yap at
Tap €kelvov Tpos abtovs avtvypadat THv adnfecav.

386 ovvVoUs ovV ToAAny YEVOLEVOS wpay, Ort poev
nounkacw, eimov, “ TiPepieis oida Kayw, THY
7ohw 8° atbr&v tyds ob Kwdvow biaprdcar. det d
ones Kal pera Kploews Ta THAKAadTA TpaTTeEW.
ov yap peovor TiBepuets Tpooora Tis eAevbepias
n@v yeyovaow, adda rool Kal Tov ev PahiAaig

387 SOKLLWTATWV. Tpoopelvare 57) [Expl Tovs airtous
akpipOs expdlw, Kal TOTE TavTas UToYELplous

140

THE LIFE, 381-387

(68) Tiberias, likewise, had a narrow escape from
being sacked by the Galilaeans. The occasion was as
follows. The leading councillors had written to the
king, inviting him to come and take over their city.
The king promised to come, writing a letter in reply,
which he handed to a Jew named Crispus, a groom
of the bedchamber, to convey to the Tiberians. On
his arrival with the letter he was recognized by the
Galilaeans, who arrested him and brought him to
me. The news created general indignation and all
were up in arms. On the following day large numbers
flocked together from all quarters to the town of
Asochis ® where I was then residing, loudly denounc-
ing the Tiberians as traitors and friendly to the king,
and requiring permission to go down and exterminate
their city. For they had the same detestation for the
Tiberians as for the inhabitants of Sepphoris.

Tiberias,
making
overtures to
Agrippa, is
in similar
danger.

(69) On hearing this uproar, I was at a loss to How

discover means of rescuing Tiberias from the rage of
the Galilaeans. I could not deny that the Tiberians
had sent a written invitation to the king; for his
letter in answer to them proved this to be a fact.
So, after long and anxious reflection I said: “ That
the Tiberians have done wrong I am well aware, nor
shall I forbid you to sack their city. Yet even such
things must be done with discretion. The Tiberians
are not the only persons who have betrayed our
country’s independence ; many of the most eminent
men in Galilee have done the same. Wait, therefore,
until I have discovered exactly who are guilty, and

2 Of. §§ 207, 233.

1 tod\\axd0ev PMW.
14]

Josephus
saved it.

JOSEPHUS

i=4 \ ‘<4 >] / >) / , >”, a >
388 e€eTe Kal Ocouvs ldia ema€ar Suvicecbe.” Tadr
el7WV ETELGA TO m7AnGos KaL TAVOG[LEVOL THS opyns
dieAVOnoav. tov mapa PBacréws be meuplevta
djoa KeAetcas, pret od" moAAas TuEepas ET TWA
TOV é“avTod yper@v emelyovoav oxnibdpevos eK-
Onpeetv TNS Baowrelas, KaAé€cas TOV Kpiozov AdOpa
mpoceraga preOtcar Tov otpatwityv dvAaKa Kat
—* \ 4 \ \ / \
389 duyeivy mpos Baoiréa’ py) yap diwxOjcecbar. Kat
¢ \ = ¢ , \ / \
6 pev tats bro0OjKais wevobels Steduye, TiPepras
dé pédAdoved Sevtepovy adavilecfar otparnyia TH
éuh Kal Tpovoia TH wept avdtHs d€vv ovTws Kivduvov
dvédvyev.

390 (70) Kara todrov 6€ tov Katpov “lodatos 6
IIicrov mais Aabav éeué dradidpdoKer mpos Tov

/ A 5 / \ 5 “a ai ” 5
Bactréa: THv aitiay d€ du Hv tobr Eempakev ad-
391 Ny noopar. AaBovros apyjv “lovdatous rob mpos
‘Papatous TmoAcpou TiBeprets OveyveoKevoay om-
akovew Paotret kat “Pwpyaiwy py adioracbas.
mete 5° avrovs *lotoros éd’ oma YwWpHoas,
vewrepwv atTos édiéwevos Tpayparov Kal Ov
éAmidos éexwv ap€ew TadtrAaiwy te Kat THs E€avTod
392 maTpidos. ov pny TOV mpoadoKn evra eTETUXEV.
TadtAaiolt re yap €xOpas EXOVTES m™pos sous Tt-
Bepets dia pip av on avtTod mpo Tov mohépov
mevrovbecay, ovK TvetXxovTo oTparnyoovTos avTa@v
393 ’lovarov, Kaye de THY mpooractav THS TaAtAatas
ieee imo Tod Kowod Tav ‘lepoooAvpuTay

/ | , = 5 \ ¢ > i ~
moAAdKis els Tooa’THY HKOV Opy7nv ws dAtyou Seiv
amoxteivat Tov “lodorov, dépew adbrobd tHv moxOn-

1 wer’ ot ed. pre: weTa MSS.

2 Tiberias now formed part of the “kingdom” of Agrippa II
142

THE LIFE, 388-393

then you shall have them all at your mercy, together
with any whom you may be able to produce on your
own account.’ With these words I pacified the
crowd ; their anger subsided and they dispersed. I
gave orders to keep the king’s messenger a prisoner,
but, a few days later, pretending to be leaving the
kingdom ¢ on urgent business of my own, I summoned
Crispus and gave him secret instructions to make the
soldier who guarded him drunk and then escape to
the king ; assuring him that he would not be pursued.
He acted on this hint and took himself off. Thus was
Tiberias, when for the second time on the verge of
destruction, delivered by my adroitness and con-
siderate forethought from such imminent peril.

(70) It was about this time that Justus, son of ee. goes
Pistus, without my knowledge, absconded to the Agrippa.
king. I will explain why he didso. Onthe outbreak
of the war between the Jews and the Romans, the
Tiberians had determined to maintain their allegiance
to the king and not to revolt from Rome.? Justus
endeavoured to persuade them to resort to arms,
being personally anxious for revolution and having
hopes of obtaining the command of Galilee and of his
native place. In these expectations he was dis-
appointed ; for the Galilaeans, resenting the miseries
which he had inflicted on them before the war,¢
were embittered against the Tiberians and would
not tolerate him as their chief. Moreover, I myself,
when entrusted by the general assembly at Jerusalem
with the command of Galilee, was often so bitterly
enraged with Justus that, unable to endure his

(B. ii. 252, A. xx. 159); Asochis, the headquarters of Josephus
(§ 384), apparently did not.
b Cf. § 32 ff. c Cf. § 341.

143

394

395

396

397

JOSEPHUS

/ ; 8 ‘e 8 / > 5 ~ \ A /
ptay ov duvapevos. deloas ovv EKeivos puT) Kat aby
/ ¢ e /

tédos dma€ 6 Gupos, ez Tepife 7pos Baovrea Kptorov,
ae ae OlKiCEW Tap exeivy ig

(71 evowpitar d€ mapaddéws Tov mpaTo

/
Peis erate ampos Kéoriov [aAAov Zee
id ~ ~
Kew TapaKkadrobrtes ws adbtovs BarTov TapaAnyse-
peevov tiv moAW, 7 TeuTew Svvayw THY ava-
>] ~

Kowovoay Tas em abtovs TOY ToAEuiwv éemidpomds.

\ / »” A / / e
Kat TéAos emevoav tov Vdddov wéubar dvvapw
avTois immKny Te Kat TeliKHY TavU oVvYVTnY, HV
>) ~ \ 5 / / \ e \
eAfotaay vuKTos cloede€avro. KaKOUPLEVNS d€ U77T0
Tis ‘Papaixis oTparuds THs me pe X@pas dvaAaBov
eyo TOUS TEpl ee oTpariwTas Tov eis Lapets
Kopny evla BaAdpevos yapaKka Toppw THS Lemur
pur @v TOAEwWS aT oradiwy elKxoot, VUKTOS ETL"
avTH mpocemEa Kal Tols TElyeoL apobesaliae
Kal Oud KAydicony euPiBaoas ouxvous TOV oTpa-
TL Ov eyKpar7s Tov mAElaTou TIS 7oAews }4€pous
evevouyy. per od todd be Oud, THY TOV TOTWY
dyvouay avaykacbévtes brexwpyioapev, aveAdvTes
pev Svokaidexa melovs® dAlyous b€ Lemdwpitav,

5
avtoL 6 eva povov ameBadAomev. yevopevns 8
~ vA \
VoTEepov Hiv KaTa TO TEdlov payns Tmpos TOUS
~ ~ ~ ,

immets pexpe moAAod KapTepa@s duaxwovvevoarres
grr Onpev: rrepteNBdvreov yap Tov ‘Papate OL joer
€08 delcavTes epuyov els TOUTLGW. ainret © emt
THs mapardgews éexelvys eis TOV TeTLOTEVPEVWY
THv TOO cwpaTtos ov dvdakyy, “lotoros Tovvopa,
Kal apa Baowre? mote THY ath Ta€w e€oxnKas.

1 Kpiorov P, +ws R: xpetocov (+xai A) the rest.

2 Niese: é7’ MSs.

3 1 retain the shorter text of P. The other mss., in a

144

THE LIFE, 393-397

villainy, I had almost killed him. Fearing, therefore,
that my indignation might one day proceed to
extremes, he sent overtures by Crispus to the king,
in the hope of enjoying a life of greater security
with him.

(71) The Sepphorites, after their unexpected Sepphoris,
escape from the first crisis, dispatched a messenger eee
to Cestius Gallus, requesting him either to come at pbtaius help
once and take over the city, or to send sufficient Gallus.
troops to repel the incursions of the enemy. They
eventually prevailed on him to send quite a large
force of both cavalry and infantry, which arrived and
was admitted under cover of night. The neighbour-
hood being now molested by the Roman troops, I
proceeded with such soldiers as I had to the village of
Garis, where I entrenched myself at a distance of
twenty furlongs from Sepphoris. I then made a
night attack upon it, and, assailing the walls, threw
in a considerable number of my men by means of
scaling-ladders and so became master of the greater
part of the city. Our ignorance of the locality,
however, compelled us before long to retire, after
killing twelve of the infantry and a few Sepphorites,
with the loss of only one of our own men. In a
subsequent encounter with the cavalry in the plain
we, after a long and stubborn resistance, were
defeated ; for, on being surrounded by the Romans,
my men took alarm and fled. In that engagement I
lost one of my bodyguard, named Justus, who had
formerly served the king in the same capacity.

@ § 3i3 i.

variety of forms, which betrays the glossator, insert an
unnecessary ‘Pwyaiwy and, unfamiliar with the form dvoxaldexa,
expand the twelve infantry into two cavalry and ten infantry.

VOL. I L 145

JOSEPHUS

398 Kara TOOTOV de Tov Karpov Tapa Bacvhéws
dvvapiis KY CTU) TE kal meCixn Kat LvAdAas
em auras YELWV, O ETL TOV cwparopuAdKay.
otros otv Baddpevos otpatomedov *lovAudbos am-
éxov oradtous TévTe Ppovpav epiornow Tats dots,
TH TE els MedevKevav" ayovon Kal TH els Tapada
To dpovpiov, breép Tob Tas mapa Tov TadtAatwv
wWdhedelas Tots évoikots amroKAelew.

399 (72) Tatra & ws eye éervlouny réputw dioxt-
Niovs omXiztas Kal otparnyov attav “lepeuiay, ot
67) Kal ydpaka bévtes amo otadiov tis *lovdAvddos
aAnotov Tob ‘Topdavov ToTasL00 TAEOV dx poBodvapav
ovdev empagay, [EXPL TproxtAtous oTpariras avTos

400 dvaAaBoo 7 HKOV Tpos avToU’sS. KATA OE T TI émLovoav
TLEpav Ev TW papayyt Kkabicas Adyov ouK amTwbev
avr av Tob YyapaKkos mpoekadovpny Tous BaotAc-
KOUS Els [LaXNV, TapawvEecas Tots poet eod OTparLa-
Tats otpéiar Ta v@TAa péxpis av éemLomdowvTaL
TOUS TroAeptovs mpoeBetv: O7TEp Kat eyeveTo.

401 Sas yap eiKdoas Tats adr Getous TOUS TET Epous
pevyew mpoeAGasv ETLOLWKELW olds TE TV, Kara
vatov 6° avrov AapBavovow ot éKx Tis evedpas Kal

402 ofddpa mdvras eHopvBnoav. éyw 8 dvds o€eia
Xpyodpevos vTOGTpOpH pea. THs Suvayews vm-
nHvTnOa” Tots Bacduxots Kal els puyny egpeia.. Kav
Kat osphwro jou Kara THY HLepav exelvyy 7 m™pagus

403 pe) epTrodony yEvopevou daipoves TWos* 0 ‘yap immos
eh @ THY payne eovovpny ets TeAwatwon TOTOV
eurreccy OVYKATIVEYKE jee el Tovoadgos, Opavcews
d€ TOV aplpwv yevowevys emi Tov Tapoov THs

1 Kava MW. 2 arjvrtnoa P.
@ Cf. § 381.
146

THE LIFE, 398-403

About this time reinforcements arrived from the Arrival of
king,* both horse and foot, under the command of ee
Sulla, the captain of his bodyguard. He pitched his Sulla.
camp at a distance of five furlongs from Julias,? and
put out pickets on the roads leading to Seleucia °
and to the fortress of Gamala,4 to prevent the
inhabitants [of Julias] from obtaining supplies from
Galilee.

(72) On receiving intelligence of this, I dispatched Josephus's
a force of two thousand men under the command of *eyynet
Jeremiah, who entrenched themselves a furlong away “royalists.
from Julias close to the river Jordan, but took no
action beyond skirmishing until I joined them with
supports, three thousand strong. The next day,
after laying an ambuscade in a ravine not far from
their earthworks, I offered battle to the royal troops,
directing my division to retire until they had lured
the enemy forward; as actually happened. Sulla,
supposing that our men were really flying, advanced
and was on the point of following in pursuit, when the
others, emerging from their ambush, took him in the
rear and threw his whole force into the utmost
disorder. Instantly wheeling the main body about,

I charged and routed the royalists ; and my success

on that day would have been complete, had I not

been thwarted by some evil genius. The horse on

which I went into action stumbled on a marshy spot His fall fro
and brought me with him to the ground. Having ™*??**
fractured some bones in the wrist, I was carried to a

» Bethsaida Julias (et-Tell) at the northern extremity of
the Lake of Gennesaret, E. of the Jordan.

¢ Selukiyeh, N.E. of Julias.

4 Probably identified on the E. side of the Lake of Gen-
nesaret, i.e. S. of Julias.

147

JOSEPHUS

XEtpos, exoptobny els Koopuny Kedapvexoy deyo-

404 pevny. ot on Epuol! TOUT aKxovoavTes Kab ded0t-

405

406

407

~

408

KOTES pT) TL xElpov eTafov, THs pev emt ahéov
usEews améaxovto, Uméatpedov Sé mepl ewe Atav
AYwvi@vTes. petarrepibdpuevos ovv larpovs Kal
dap hee Thy Tpepav exe avToo KaTépewa

mupe€as, Sd€av te Tots latpois THs vuKTOS Els
Ms acc pereKopiaOny.

(73) XvAAas bé Kat of per’ abrob mubdpevor Ta
Kat ene maAw ébdppyncayv, Kat yvovtes apedetabar
7a mepl tiv dvAakiny Tob otpatomébov, bia vuKTOS
imméay Adxov iopvoavt es eV TO mepay tod *lop-
davov, yevopevns TpEpas els paxnv jas 7™po-
po ee draKovadyT wv Kal pEXpL TOU
pas mpoeAfovraw ETUPAVEVTES Ol eK THS evedpas

meis Kal Tapagavres avrovs els puyny erpefar,
e€ TE TOV TET Epo améxtewav. ov pV [expe
téAous THY viKny Hyayov- Kar TameTAEvKEVaL yap
Twas o7AiTas dKovoavTEs amo Tapryady ets

*lovAdda dofybevtes avexdspycayv.

(74) Merz’ od zoddv S€ ypdvov Odveoractavos eis
Tvpov aducvetrat Kal ovv avT@ 6 Baotrevs “Aypiz-
mas. Kat ot Tupuor Pracdnpeiv jpEavro TOV
Baovréa, Tuptev’ abrov Kadobytes Kai “Pwyatwy

ToA€wov: TOV yap oTpatoTreddpyyny avTobd Didurmov
” / \ \ b) \ \ \
Ai) mpodedwKevar THY PactAuKiy avAny Kal TAs
‘Pwpaiwv Svvapers tas otaas ev ‘lepocoAvpous
Kata Tv avtod mpdcta€w. Oveomacavos de
> / / \ > / e / A
dxovoas Tupio pev éemémAnéev bBpilovow avdpa
Kat PaotAéa Kat ‘Pwpatous didov, TH S€ Bacrret

/ / / > ¢ / e /
mapyvecev méeprsar Didiamov els “Pwpnyv théEovta
148

THE LIFE, 403-408

village called Cepharnocus.4) My men, hearing of
this, and fearing that a worse fate had befallen me,
desisted from further pursuit and returned in the
deepest anxiety on my account. I sent for physicians
and, after receiving their attention, remained there
for that day in a feverish condition ; at night, under
medical advice, I was removed to Tarichaeae.

(73) Sulla and his troops, learning of my accident,
again took heart ; and, finding that the watch kept
in our camp was slack, placed, under cover of night,
a squadron of cavalry in ambush beyond the Jordan,
and at daybreak offered us battle. Accepting the
challenge, my troops advanced into the plain, when
the cavalry, suddenly appearing from their ambush,
threw them into disorder and routed them, killing
six of our men. They did not, however, follow up
their success; for, on hearing that reinforcements
shipped at Tarichaeae had reached Julias, they
retired in alarm.

(74) Not long after this Vespasian arrived at Tyre,
accompanied by King Agrippa. ‘The king was met
by the invectives of the citizens, who denounced him
as an enemy of their own and of the Romans ;
because, as they asserted, Philip,’ his commander-in-
chief, had, under orders from him, betrayed the
royal palace and the Roman forces in Jerusalem.
Vespasian, having heard them, reprimanded the
Tyrians for insulting one who was at once a king
and an ally of the Romans; at the same time advis-
ing the king to send Philip to Rome to render an

2 Or *“‘ Capharnomon’’; the name takes divergent forms
in the mss. Capernaum is doubtless meant.
> Of. §§ 46 ff., 179 ff.

1 P omits éuol, reading oi 6. 2 TUpiov MSs.

149

Arrival of
Vespasian.
A.D. 67,
spring.

JOSEPHUS

A6 Né A ~ bs Mir
409 Adyov Népwv wept Tav mezpaypevwv. Diduazos
\ Q \ > e > + Né \
dé weudbets ody FKev eis Of Népwrv- katadaBov
yap avrov ev Tols éaxadTo.s GvTa bia Tas EuTEGOVEAS
Tapaxas Kal Tov edvALoy 7oAEov bréaTpee pos
\ / > \ \ >] \ >) nA
410 Tov BactAéa. ézel d€ Odeoactavos eis LroAcwatda
TAapeyeveTo, OL TpA@To. THV THS Lvpias Aexa-
/ / >] / ~ / a \
moAews KatePowv “lovatov rod TiPepiéws, ore Tas
Kwpas avTOv éumpioeev. tapédwKev ody avTov
Ovecractavos TO Baotre? KoAacbynodpevov t70 TOV
~ / e ~ ¢ A > = \
chs PBaciretas trorehA@v: 6 Bacireds 8° adrov
gdnoev, emiKpvydpevos TodTo Oveoraciavov, ws
5 / / ~ > e /
41] avwrépw dednAwdKapev. Letpwpirar 8° vravTy-
cavres Kal domacdpevor Ovectactavov AapBavovor
/ \ \ / > / A
Sivapw Kal otparnyov [AdKidov, avaBavtes de
peta TOUTWY .. . émouevov pov axpt THs Els
412 Taduaiav Oteoracavot adi€ews. rept fs Tiva
Tpomrov éyéveto, Kal m@s mrept Vdpis* Kkopnv tHv
/ A
TPWTHV TpOs ewe UAYNV eTOLNTATO,® Kal ws exeidev
eis Ta “lwrdnata aveywpnoa, Kal Ta TETpAypEva.
/
po. Kata THY TavTyS TmoALopKiay, Kat Ov TpOTroV
~ A >] J, \ ~ >) / /
Cav Andbeis ed€6nv, Kat mas eAvVOnv, wavTa TE
Ta Tempaypeva jor Kata Tov “lovdaikoy moAepov
Kat tiv ‘lepocodAdpwv toAvopKiay per axpBetas
év tais wept Tod “lovdaixod mwod€uou PiBdAots az-
413 hyyeAka. avayKaiov 8 éoTly, ws olwar, Kal ooa
un Kata Tov lovdaikov woéAeuov avéypaiba Tav ev
~ / / ~ rs
T@ Biw pov mempaypLéevwy viv mpocavayparbar.
414. (75) Ths yap trav “lwramdtrwy zodopKtas
AaBovons tédos yevopuevos Tapa “Pwpator pera

maons empercias epvdaccdunv, Ta moAAa dia

150

THE LIFE, 409-414

account of his actions to Nero. Thither, accordingly,
Philip was dispatched, but never had audience of
Nero, whom he found in extremities owing to the
prevailing disorders and the civil war, and so returned
to the king.

On reaching Ptolemais, Vespasian received indig-
nant remonstrances from the chief men of the Syrian
Decapolis against Justus of Tiberias for setting fire
to their villages. Vespasian handed him over to the
king for execution by the subjects of his realm. The
king, however, merely detained him in prison, con-
cealing this from Vespasian, as previously narrated.*

The Sepphorites, who met and saluted Vespasian,
were given a garrison under the command of Placidus.
With this force they proceeded into the interior,
being closely followed by me until Vespasian’s
arrival in Galilee. Of the manner of his arrival and
of his first engagement with me in the neighbourhood
of the village of Garis ; of my withdrawal from there
to Jotapata and my conduct during the siege of that
place ; of my capture, imprisonment, and subsequent
liberation; of my conduct throughout the whole
campaign and at the siege of Jerusalem, I have given
a detailed description in my books on the Jewish War.
It is, however, I think, incumbent upon me now to
append an account of such particulars of my life as
were not recorded in my earlier work.

(75) After the siege of Jotapata I was in the hands
of the Romans and was kept under guard, while
receiving every attention. Vespasian showed in

a Of. §§ 341-3.
1 Lacuna in text.
2 Tdpis (Tap:xéas) Mss.: B. iii. 129 supplies the correct name.
3 érojoavtTo PRA.
151

The reader
referred to
the Jewish
War for
subsequent
history.

After the
war.
A.D, 67.

416

417

418

JOSEPHUS

~ » >] ~ \ \ 4
TLULNS GAyovTOS [PE Oveczmaciavod. Kal 67) KeAev-
cavTos avTod jnyayounvy twa maplévov ex Tov
alxypadwridav TOV KaTa Kavodpevav aAovaa@v

~ >] s
éyywpiov: od mapéwevey 6 avTn por moAdy xpovor,

aAAa AvOévtos Kai peta Ovectac.avob mopevilevtos
> = \ >; AX A 8 5 AA 7 1 ~ 8
els 77). <fav pevav arnAAdyy. yuvatka
eTépay Hyayouny Kata THY “AXeEdvdpecav. KGKEL-
Bev emt tiv ‘lepocoAvpwv zoAvopKiav oupTeupbets
Tirw zwoAAakis amobavety exwOvvevoa, tov te lov-
Beene orovorjs EXOVTE@W UT roxelpLov pe AaBetv
TYyLwplas evexa, Kal “Pwyalwy ocak viKnbetev
madaxew TodTo KaT éujnv mpodociay doKovvTwv
cuvexeis KataBorjoes ézi Tod abtoKpaTopos éyt-
vovto, KoAdlew pe ws Kal adta@v mpoddTny a€vovy-
twv. Tiros 6€ Katcap tas moAguov tvyas ovK
ayvoav oun Tas em eye TOV OTPATLWTO@YV eێAvev
Opuds. On d€ KaTa Kpatos THs TaV ‘lepoao-
~ / >] 7 / ~ PA J,
Avpitav wordews exouéevns Tiros Katcap éeebev
pe 7 moAAdKis €K TIS KaTacKadis ais mar pt0os may
6 TL DéAouyue AaBetv- ovyxwpelv yap avros epaokev.
eyw de Tis marpidos Tmeqovons penjdev EXWV TUYLLW-
TEpov, O TOV euavTod avpdopayv ets TapapvOtay
AaBaw dvddkayur, cwyatwv édev¥épwv TH aityow
5 / / \ / e ~ 2 ”
€TTOLOVELTV Titov kat PiBAiwy tep@v . . .* EdAaBov

> > \ \ \ \
419 YapioajLevov Tirov. PET OU 7oAv de Kat TOV

adeAdov pera TEVTNKOVTO pihow aiTnodpevos ovK
améTvxyov. Kal els TO lepov dé mopevteis Titov
\ ~ /
TH e€ovotav dovtos, evba todd 7ARBos alypaAdwrov
=~ A
eyKeKAcioTo §='yuvaiK@v TE Kal TEKVWY, OGOUS
/ ~ /
ETE yVOV didwy eu@v Kat ovvifbwy v7apyovTas
1 So ed. pr.: aan\\aynv MSS.
2 Apparent lacuna: Bekker inserts xai.

152

THE LIFE, 414-419

many ways the honour in which he held me, and it was
by his command that I married one of the women
taken captive at Caesarea, a virgin and a native of
that place. She did not, however, remain long with
me, for she left me on my obtaining my release and
accompanying Vespasian to Alexandria. There I
married again. From Alexandria I was sent with
Titus to the siege of Jerusalem, where my life was 4». 70.
frequently in danger, both from the Jews, who were
eager to get me into their hands, to gratify their
revenge, and from the Romans, who attributed every
reverse to some treachery on my part, and were
constantly and clamorously demanding of the
Emperor that he should punish me as their betrayer.
Titus Caesar, however, knowing well the varying
fortunes of war, repressed by his silence the soldiers’
outbursts against me.

Again, when at last Jerusalem was on the point of
being carried by assault, Titus Caesar repeatedly
urged me to take whatever I would from the wreck
of my country, stating that I had his permission.
And I, now that my native place had fallen, having
nothing more precious to take and preserve as a
solace for my personal misfortunes, made request to
Titus for the freedom of some of my countrymen ;
I also received by his gracious favour a gift of sacred
books. Not long after I made petition for my
brother and fifty friends, and my request was granted.
Again, by permission of Titus, I entered the Temple,
where a great multitude of captive women and
children had been imprisoned, and liberated all the
friends and acquaintances whom I recognized, in

153

420

42]

422

423

424

JOSEPHUS

épvoduny, Tepl éxaTov Kal evevyjKovTa OvTAs TOV
> / \ > \ / / > /
apiOuov, Kat ovde AUTpa KaTabeuevouvs améAvoa
ovyxwpinaas abtovs TH mpotépa TUxn. TEudbHeis 5
e \ / / \ / \ /
imo Titov Kaicapos otv Kepeadiw Kat ytAtous
inmetow els Kopny twa Ocexdav Aeyouevyny
TpOKAaTaVvonowy €l TOTOS emITHOELOS EoTW XApaKa

/ e > ~ e / > \
déEacbar, ws exeibev trootpédwv eldov zoAAovs
aiypadwrTous dveaTavpupevous Kal Tpets eyvapioa
ovv7 bets juou yevopevous, nAynod Te THY bux ny Kal
peta Sakptwy mpoceAPaw Titw etzov. 6 & evO0s
éxédevoev Kabaipefévras atrovs Oepametas ért-
peAdcotarys TuxEelv. Kal ot pev dU0 TeAcvToow
fepamrevopevor, 0 d€ Tpitos eCnaev.

(76) ?Emet 5€ xarézavoev tas év TH lovdaia
tapayas Tiros, eikdoas Tovs aypovs ovs elyov ev
tots ‘lepocoAvpois avovirous éoopévovs por da

\ / > ~ ¢ / \ >
tiv pédAAovoay exert “Pwyaiwy dpovpav eyKab-
/ »” e / / > / /
eCeoUar, edwnev eTepay Ywpay €Vv Tmedtw* pew TE
dmatpew ets THY ‘Pabpqy ovpmhouy edééaro Taoav
ae dTOVvE LOWY. evel 8° eis THY ‘Popny KOMEV,

ToMis | ETVYOV Tapa Oveoracvavob mpovotas: Kal
vip Kal Katadvow edwKev év 7H olkia TH po THS
Tyyepovias avT@ VYEevomev7n, moureta te ‘Pwyaiwv
eT ipnoev Kai ovvragw XpnpEarov edwKev, Kal
TYyL@V SveTeAEL HEXpL THS €K 708 Biov peTaoTacews
ovoevy THS Tpos: Elbe XpnoToTnTos bpeAwy: 6 [Lou
61a TOV Pbovov 7 TVEYKE | KWWOUVOV. "Tovdatos yap TUS,
"Iwvabns totvopa, ordow eeyeipas ev Kuprvn Kat

”

¢ Meaning doubtful. Traill renders: “‘ paying that com-
pliment to their former fortune.”

154

eS

THE LIFE, 419-424

number about a hundred and ninety; I took no
ransom for their release and restored them to @ their
former fortune. Once more, when I was sent by
Titus Caesar with Cerealius and a thousand horse to a
village called Tekoa,® to prospect whether it was a
suitable place for an entrenched camp, and on my
return saw many prisoners who had been crucified,
and recognized three of my acquaintances among
them, I was cut to the heart and came and told. Titus
with tears what I hadseen. He gave orders immedi-
ately that they should be taken down and receive
the most careful treatment. ‘Two of them died in the
physicians’ hands ; the third survived.
i (76) When Titus had quelled the disturbances in Josephus

‘ Judaea, conjecturing that the lands which I held at *5 ftom"
Jerusalem would be unprofitable to me, because a
Roman garrison was to be quartered there, he gave
me another parcel of ground in the plain. On his
departure for Rome, he took me with him on board,
treating me with every mark of respect. On our
arrival in Rome I met with great consideration from
Vespasian. He gave me a lodging in the house
which he had occupied before he became Emperor ;
he honoured me with the privilege of Roman citizen-
ship ; and he assigned me a pension. He continued
to honour me up to the time of his departure from
this life, without any abatement in his kindness
towards me.

My privileged position excited envy and thereby
‘exposed me to danger. A certain Jew,° named
“Jonathan, who had promoted an insurrection in

® The birth-place of Amos, some twelve miles S. of
Jerusalem.

¢ Cf. B. vii. 437-450 (Jonathan is tortured and burnt
alive).

155

426

427

428

429

JOSEPHUS

~ > / / >’ /
dicxyiAlous TOV eyywplwy cuvavarelaas €eKELVOLS
ev altios amwaAetas éyéveto, adtos be U0 TOD THs
\ \ /
ywpas Hyepmovevovtos Sefeis Kal emt TOV adToKpa-
\ 7 > \ P) ~ @& /
topa Tedbeis Edbackev ewe adT@ Orda TeToppevat

is \ / 5) \ 5) \ /
KaL XPT. OU pV Ovdveomac.iavov ysevdopevos

éhabev, adda Katéyvw Gavatov atrob, Kat Tapa-
dofeis améfavev. modddKis b€ Kal peta Tatra
T@v PacKawovtTwy por THs EvTUXLas KaTyYyopias
er éeue avvbertwv feotd mpovoia macas diedvyov.
éhaBov 5€ mapa Oveoraciavod dwpeav yiv ovK
oAtynv ev TH ‘Tovdaig. Kal” dv 87 KaLpov Kal TH
yuvatka 41) dpeckopLevos avris Tots jbeow | dm
emepibapny, TpLov TaLd@y YEVO LEVY LeNTEpa, Dv ol
nev OUO erehevrqcay, cis d€ ov ‘YpKavov mpoonyo-
pevoa TEpleoTw. pera Tatra Hyayopny yuvaika
KaTwKyKviav ev ev Kprrn, To be yevos *lovédaiar,
yovéwy evyeveoTaTwy Kal TOV KaTa TH yopav
emupaveaT aru, 70¢e TOoAAGy YUvaLKay d.ade-
povoar, ws oO pera, tatta Bios atrtias amédekev.
€x TavTys O17) ou ylwovTat Tratdes dV0, TpeaPUTEpos
pev “lodatos, Lypwvidns b€ per’ exeivov, 6 Kal
"Aypinmas émikAnfeis. TatdTa pév pol Ta KaTa
TOV OtKOV.

Atdwewev 6€ Gola Kal TA Tapa T@V adbroKpa-
Topwv. Ovdeotaciavotd yap teAevticavtos Tiros
THv apyjnv SiadeEdevos opolay TH TaTpt Thy
T YLT joo duedtAakev, moAAdKis TE karnyopnbévtos
ovK emlOTEVOEV. dvadeEdpuevos de Tirov Aopervavos
Kal Tpoonvénoev Tas Els Ewe TYyLas* TOUS TE ‘yap
KaTtnyopraavTds pov “lovdaiovs éxddacev Kat
dotAov etvodyov, Taidaywyov Tod maLdos pou,
atnyopnoavta KoAacbjvar mpocérakev, euot de

156

THE LIFE, 424-429

Cyrene, occasioning the destruction of two thousand
of the natives, whom he had induced to join him, on
being sent in chains by the governor of the district
to the Emperor, asserted that I had provided him
with arms and money. Undeceived by this mendaci-
ous statement, Vespasian condemned him to death,
and he was delivered over to execution. Subse-
“quently, ‘numerous accusations against me were
fabricated by persons who envied me my good
fortune ; but, by the providence of God, I came safe
through all. Vespasian also presented me with a
considerable tract of land in Judaea. |

At this period I divorced my wife, being displeased
at her behaviour. She had borne me three children,
of whom two died ; one, whom I named Hyrcanus, is
still alive. Afterwards I married a woman of Jewish
extraction who had settled in Crete. She came of
very distinguished parents, indeed the most notable
people in that country. In character she surpassed
many of her sex, as her subsequent life showed. By
her I had two sons, Justus the elder, and then
Simonides, surnamed Agrippa. Such is my domestic
history.

The treatment which I received from the Emperors
continued unaltered. On Vespasian’s decease Titus,
who succeeded to the empire, showed the same
esteem for me as did his father, and never credited
the accusations to which I was constantly subjected.
Domitian succeeded Titus and added to my honours.
He punished my Jewish accusers, and for a similar
offence gave orders for the chastisement of a slave,

a eunuch and my son’s tutor. He also exempted my
—>

5,

Domestic
history.

/XotDE HS):

A.D. 81.

JOSEPHUS

~ ] > , J 5 / Td a7 > ‘
tis ev “lovdaia xwpas arédevay edwKkev, HTEP EaTL
peyloTn Ty TH AaPovtr. Kat wodAa 8 7H TOD
/ A / / > ~ /
Kaicapos yuv7) Aoperia dveTéAecev evepyeTotad pe.
430 Taira pev Ta TET PAY[LEVO. peor Oud TaVTOS
~ / ] / / > > > ~ \ moe
Tob Biov éotiv, Kpwetwaayv 6 €€ abtav To Mos
oe “A > / ¢ A > > /
omws av eféAwow Erepor. cot 8 amodedwKus,
/ > ~ > / \ ~ ~
Kpatiote avopav “Emadpoédite, tHv macav Tis
> / > \ > ee ~ / > ~
apyatodoyias avaypadiy emt Tob mapovtos evTadla

7 \ /
KataTave Tov Adyov.

158

THE LIFE, 429-430

property in Judaea from taxation—a mark of the
highest honour to the privileged individual. More-
over, Domitia, Caesar’s wife, never ceased conferring
favours upon me.

Such are the events of my whole life ; from them

\let others judge as they will of my character.

Having now, most excellent Epaphroditus, ren-
dered you a complete account of our antiquities,¢ I
shall here for the present conclude my narrative.

@ The Life (at least in its final edition) formed an appendix

to the Antiquities. See Ant. xx. 266, with Introduction to
this volume, p. xiii.

159

AGAINST APION

OR

ON THE ANTIQUITY OF THE JEWS

VOL. I M

CONTRA APIONEM

MEPI APXAIOTHTOX IOYAATON
AOTOS HPOTEPOS

() ‘Ikav@s pev brohapBaves Kat dua THS rept
THY dpxaoroytav ovyypadis, KpatvoTe avop@v °Ex-
appoorre, Tots evrevgopevors avr eA TETIOLN EVAL ‘pa-
vepov TEpl TOD ‘yevous Teav TOV ‘lovdatew, OTL
Kal mwaAawTaToV €oTt Kal 7 Tparay vTooTaow
éoyey ldlav, Kal 7@s THV ywpay iy vov exowev
KaTwKnoe: <iy>* TevTaKrox Atay eT@v dprbuov
: , ;
toToplay Teptéxovoay eK TOV Tap Tply lepa@v
BiBrov dua. Tis “EAA qvueiis pavas ouveypaxpapny.
emeL Oe ouxvous Op@ Tats bo dvopevetas b70
TW etpyjevats TpooexovTas PAacdnpias Kal
TOUS 7 mepl THY apxaroroytar UT ep00 VEY PApepLEvous
: :

GTLOTOUVTAS TEK[TpLov TE TOLOU[LEVOUS TOD vEew-
TEpov €lval TO Yévos TU@V TO pndELlas Tapa. rots
ezupavéot TOV “EAAnviKdy toropioypadpwv pLvHpLNs
3 7€i@00a, wept TovTwy andavTwy wnbynv Sev
ypaibar ovvTopuws, Tav” pev AowopovvTwy THY
dvopeveray Kal THY EKovatov eAéyEar yevdodroyiar,
Tov b€ TV ayvotav eravopfoicacba, SdadEar

1 xatoxynoe L: fw added in ed. pr.
2 kai Tv (with Lat.) Bekker.

162

AGAINST APION
or ON THE ANTIQUITY OF THE JEWS
BOOK iu

(1) In my history of our Antiquities, most excellent
Epaphroditus, I have, I think, made sufficiently clear
to any who may peruse that work the extreme
antiquity of our Jewish race, the purity of the
original stock, and the manner in which it established
itself in the country which we occupy to-day. That
history embraces a period of five thousand years,®
and was written by me in Greek on the basis of our
sacred books. Since, however, I observe that a con-
siderable number of persons, influenced by the
malicious calumnies of certain individuals, discredit
the statements in my history concerning our an-
tiquity, and adduce as proof of the comparative
modernity of our race the fact that it has not been
thought worthy of mention by the best known Greek
historians, I consider it my duty to devote a brief
treatise to all these points; in order at once to
convict our detractors of malignity and deliberate
falsehood, to correct the ignorance of others, and to
@ The same round number in 4, i. 13.

163

Occasion
and plan of
the work.
Anti-semite
erities

of the
Antiquities

6

~I

JOSEPHUS

6b€ mdvras 6gou TaAnfes elOevar BovdAovrar mepl
4 77s TpeTepas dpXavornTos.. XpHoopar dé TOV be
bm €uo0b Aeyopeven pLapTuat Tots LOTLOTOTATOLS
elvan TEP 7 mdons apyatoAoylas v70 Trav EMivew
Kexpiyevois, Tovs be Praodrjpews mept TL@V Kal
wevdas yeypadotas adrovs bu cauTav edeyxo-
5 pevous Trape€o. TEtpagopat b€ Kal Tas aivtas
a. roBoivat, dv ds od mroAdoi Tob efvous Tip@v ev
Tats toroplais "EAAnves € ep nLovevKaow. eTL PVTOL
Kat Tous ov TmapadurovTas TIV TEpl TLOv toroptay
TOUT avepods Tols pn) yryvwoKoVoW 7 Tpoc-

TOLOUILEVOLS ayvoety.

(2) Ilp&rov otv emépxerad [Lol Tavu Javpdlew TOUS
olopLevous det TEpl TOV maAavor aro epyov
p.ovots Tpooexew Tots "EMyau KaL Tapa TOUTWY

muvOavectar THY ddnfevav, 7p be KaL Tots dAAous
Sloat amare. 7av yap eyo TouvavTtov Opa
oupPeBnKos, el ye Set py Tats patatas d0€ais
émakoAovleiv, GAN €& .att@v To Sdixaov Tta&v
TpaypLaroov Aap Bavev. 7a pev yap Tapa Tots

“EM ow amav7o. yea Kal xBes Kal Tony, os av

ElmoL TIS, eupou" yeyovora, Aéyen be Tas KTLOELS
Tov Toheww Kal TO. mepl Tas émwolas TOV TEXvaV
Kal Ta TEpl Tas TV vow avaypadds* TavTwwv Se
VEWTATY oxedov eoTt Tap. atrois 7 mept Tov
ovyypadew Tas toroplas emryerera. 74 pevrou
Tap: Aiyurtiows TE Kal Xadrsatou Kat Powe,
€@ yap viv nds exelvois ovyKatadéyew, avTot

1 cognovi (eipov 7) Lat.

2 Josephus in this and the following sections (note the
reference to “‘ catastrophes’ in § 10) borrows from Plato,

164

AGAINST APION, I. 3-8

instruct all who desire to know the truth concerning
the antiquity of our race. As witnesses to my
statements I propose to call the writers who, in the
estimation of the Greeks, are the most trustworthy
authorities on antiquity as a whole. ‘The authors
of scurrilous and mendacious statements about us
will be shown to be confuted by themselves. I
shall further endeavour to set out the various
reasons which explain why our nation is mentioned
by a few only of the Greek historians ; at the same
time I shall bring those authors who have not
neglected our history to the notice of any who either
are, or feign to be, ignorant of them.

(2) My first thought is one of intense astonishment
at the current opinion that, in the study of primeval
history, the Greeks alone deserve serious attention,
that the truth should be sought from them, and that
neither we nor any others in the world are to be
trusted. In my view the very reverse of this is the
case, if, that is to say, we are not to take idle
prejudices as our guide, but to extract the truth
from the facts themselves. For in the Greek world
everything will be found to be modern,? and dating,
so to speak, from yesterday or the day before: I
refer to the foundation of their cities, the invention
of the arts, and the compilation of a code of laws ;
but the most recent, or nearly the most recent, of
all their attainments is care in historical composition.
On the contrary, as is admitted even by themselves,
the Egyptians, the Chaldaeans, and the Phoenicians
—for the moment I omit to add our nation to the

Timaeus, 22 8 and c, where an Egyptian priest discourses to
Solon in similar terms on the modernity of the Greeks. Cf.
Ap. ii. 192, 224 for other parallels to that dialogue.

165

The Greek;
untrust-
worthy as
anti-
quarians.

9

10

JOSEPHUS

Ojmoubev oporoyotow apxavorarny Te Kal [ovupa)-
Tarny exew THS pevnpns TH mapdooow” Kal yap
TOTOUS aTavTes olKotow TKLoT a Tats EK TOU

TEPLEXOVTOS plopats UTOKEYLEVOUS Kal toMgy
ETO GaVTO Tpovovay TOU pnoev apn orov TOV Tap
avTots mpaTTo“evwy Tapadimety, add’ ev Sypociats
avaypagais v70 TOV copwT aro Gel abtepodabac.

Tov O€ TEpl THY “EMdoa TOTOV peupian jeev Popat

: KaTEGXOV eEahetpovoa THY pv pen TOV yeyovoTay,

1]

12

aet Oe Kawvovs kabvorapevot Bious Tob TavTos
evoptCov dpyew EKaOTOL TOV’ ad eauTav, ope de
Kal pores eyvwoay gvow YP para ot yoov
dpxavoraray avr av 7™hv xphow elvat Gédovtes
mapa Dowikwv Kai Kadpov ceuvivovtar pabeiv.
od pv ovd am”? éexelvov Tod xpdvov SvvaiTo Tis
av betE at ow lomevny avarypapiy ouT ev tepots
OUT ev OnpLoatous dvabjpaow, OTOU Ye KOL TeEpL
Ta@v ext Tpoiav ToGOUTOLs ETE oTparevodvra
voTEpoV ToAXy yeyovev amopia te Kat Cyryats,
el ypappacw EXpavT0, KaL adn bes emuKparet
paAdov Tepl TOU TV vov ovoav TOV Ypappear wv
Xphow exelvous ayvoeir. ohus d€ Tapa Tots
“EM ow ovoev opodoyovpevov EUPLOKETAL poppe
TIS ‘Opmpov TOUGEWs mpeaPuTeporv, obTos de
Kat Tov Tpwik@v votepos daivetar yevouevos,
Kat daow ovdé TodTov ev ypdappace THY avToo
moinow Katadireiv, adda Siapvynpovevopevyy eK
TOV Gdopatwy vaTepov ovvTeOAvat Kat dua TOTO
+ So Eus. (one ms.): 74 L. 2 Eus.: é’ L Lat.

@ Perhaps referring to stories of the floods of Ogyges and
Deucalion, ete.
> Cf., e.g., Herod. v. 58.

166

AGAINST APION, I. 8-12

list—possess a very ancient and permanent record of
the past. For all these nations inhabit countries
which are least exposed to the ravages of the atmo-
sphere, and they have been very careful to let none
of the events in their history be forgotten, but always
to have them enshrined in official records written by
their greatest sages. The land of Greece, on the
contrary, has experienced countless catastrophes,@
which have obliterated the memory of the past ; and
as one civilization succeeded another the men of each
epoch believed that the world began with them.
They were late in learning the alphabet and found
the lesson difficult ; for those who would assign the
earliest date to its use pride themselves on having
learnt it from the Phoenicians and Cadmus.2 Even
of that date no record, preserved either in temples
or on public monuments, could now be produced ;
seeing that it is a highly controversial and disputed
question whether even those who took part in the
Trojan campaign so many years later made use of
letters,© and the true and prevalent view is rather
that they were ignorant of the present-day mode of
writing. Throughout the whole range of Greek
literature no undisputed work is found more ancient
than the poetry of Homer. His date, however, is
clearly later than the Trojan war; and even he,
they say, did not leave his poems in writing. At
first transmitted by memory, the scattered songs
were not united until later ; to which circumstance

¢ Allusion to the debated interpretation of the phrase
onuata Nuypd, ** baneful tokens’ (Hom. Jl. vi. 168); referring
to a message intended to bring about the death of Bellero-
phon. ‘* The balance of probabilities seems to be in favour
of the view that” the words ‘* denote some kind of alphabetic
or syllabic writing”’ (Jebb, Homer, 1887, p. 112).

167

13

14

16

JOSEPHUS

e ,
mohas ev avrh oxelv Tas Stadwvias. of pevTor
Tas loTopias émyeipjoavTes ovyypadew map av-

\ \ / A /
tots, Aéyw d€ Tovs wept Kadpuov te tov MiAjowov
Kat tov ’Apyetov "AxovaiAaov Kai peta TodTOV Et

+ / / A ~ ~
TWeES adro AéyovTat yeveoUan, Bpaxe THs Llepoay
eT Tip “Edda oTparelas TOD xXpove mpovdaBov.
aAAa env Kal TOUS TEpl T@V ovpaviwy TE Kal feiwv
mpwrtovs map “EAAnot diAocodijcavras, oiov Depe-

/ A / \ / \ /
KvoOnY Te TOV Ldpiov Kai I[vbaydpay Kai OaddAyra,

~ /
TAVTES ouppavers oporoyotaow AlyurTiwy Kal
Xaddaiwv VEVOLEVOUS patyras oXr‘ya ouyyparat,
KaL TadTa Tots “EAAnow eivau OoKet TOVTWY
b)
apyaoTaTa Kal ports atta morevovow tr
exetvwy yeypadbar.

(3) lds otv ot« €otw ddoyov tetvdGobar tovs
“EM nvas Ws povous éemloTaevous Tapyaia Kal
THY jadjbevay 7 Trepl avT cov axpiBas TApad.oovTas ;
nN Tis ov Tap: avr ay av Tv ovyypadéwv pallor
padtws, ore pnde ev BeBatws elddTes ovuveypador,
aan’ Ws €EKAOTOL mept TOV TpaypyaTwv elikalov;
TO mAéov yoov Oud TOV BuBAtcov aAA7jAous edéy-
Xovar Kal TAVOVTLOTATO Tepl TOV avTa@v Acyew
ovK OKVOUGL. Tepiepyos 5° av elnv eyw Tovs emot

~ > / / a \ e /

puGAAov émiotapévous biddoKwv ooa pev “EAAdviKos
*Akovotlaw epi TOV yeveadoyrdy diaTvedwvynkey,
4 A ~ \ ¢ / 3 / a“
doa de d.opfotta: tov ‘Hotodov *Axovaidaos, 7
/ / ” \ ¢ / > ~
Tia Tpomov “Edopos pev “EAAdviKov év tois
/ / > / ” \
mAetaTos yevddpevov emideixvvcw, “Edopov dé
1 efxafov ; ro Gutschmid: eixagowro L.

@ This is one of the passages on which Wolf relied in his
epoch-making Prolegomena (1795).

> i.e., the phenomena of the heavenly bodies.

ei Mity lene, 5th cent. B.c., a contemporary of Herodotus.
168

AGAINST APION, I. 13-16

the numerous inconsistencies of the work are attribut-
able.* Again, the Greeks who [first] essayed to write
history, such as Cadmus of Miletus and Acusilaus of
Argos and any later writers who are mentioned, lived
but a short time before the Persian invasion of Greece.
Once more, the first Greek philosophers to treat of
celestial ® and divine subjects, such as Pherecydes
of Syros, Pythagoras, and Thales, were, as the world
unanimously admits, in their scanty productions the
disciples of the Egyptians and Chaldaeans. These
are the writings which the Greeks regard as the
oldest of all, and they are sceptical even about their
authenticity.

(3) Surely, then, it is absurd that the Greeks should
be so conceited as to think themselves the sole
possessors of a knowledge of antiquity and the only
accurate reporters of its history. Anyone can easily
discover from the historians themselves that their
writings have no basis of sure knowledge, but merely
present the facts as conjectured by individual authors.
More often than not they confute each other in their
works, not hesitating to give the most contradictory
accounts of the same events. It would be superfluous
for me to point out to readers better informed
than myself what discrepancies there are between
Hellanicus° and Acusilaus on the genealogies,? how
often Acusilaus corrects Hesiod, how the mendacity
of Hellanicus in most of his statements is exposed
by Ephorus,’ that of Ephorus by Timaeus,’ that of

¢ ‘Traditions about Greek origins arranged in genealogical
form.

¢ Pupil of Isocrates, latter half of 4th cent.

f Circa 352-256 B.c.; wrote a voluminous history of
Sicily, his native country, down to 264 B.c.; nicknamed ’Em-
riwatos, ** Fault-finder ’’; attacked by Polybius.

169

6th cent.
B.C.

Discrepan-
cies
between
different
Greek
historians.

JOSEPHUS

/ \ / >) ] ~ /
Tiwatos, kai Tiatov of per €xetvov yeyovores,

= x ° Q ~
17 ‘Hpddorov 5€ wavres. adr’ obb€ wept THY Like-

18

19

20

21

Kav tots wept “Avtioxov Kat Didvorov 7 KadAtav
Tijavos ouppevey néiwoev, ovd avd TeEpL Ov
°ArTiK@V Ol Tas “ArGidas ovyyeypapores 7 Treph
Tav “ApyoAuKdv ot ta mept “Apyos toropobytes
adAnrots KaTnKorovbj Kast. kat ti Set Aéyew
Tept TOV KaTa TOAELS Kal Bpaxvtepay, O7rov ‘YE
TEpt THS Hepouis oTpatelas Kal TOV ev avTH
mpaxlevTwy of doxyswrator diaTedwvijkact; ToAAG
de Kai Oovkvdldns ws wevdduevos t7d TWwY KaT-
nyopetTat, KalToL doKO@v axpipéaTata TH" Kal’ avTov
ioToplay ouyypagew.

@ Atriat be Tis TouavTns® diadwvias moAXat
pev tows av Kal eTEpa tots BovAopévous Cytew
avadavetev,” eyo dé dvat Tats AcxSjoopevats TV
peylorny laxov avartOnp: KGL Tporepay Ep@ TH
KUpLnTepay elval JLoL doKodoay. TO yap €€ apxyis
Ly orovdacb iva Tad tots “EAAnot dnpoctas
yivecbar mept TeV exdoTore TparTopLevery dva.-
ypadas Toro pddvora 67) Kai THY TAGYHY Kal THY
e€ovoiay Tod wevdecGar Tois pera TadTa Bovdy-
Hetou 7 TEpl Tov waAaav TL ypadeww TApeayev. ov
yap. jLovov mapa tots dAdos “EM yo mpedq On TO.
TEpl Tas cvaypadds, adn’ ovoe Tapa. Tots® "AGn-
vaious, ous avroxfovas eivat Aéyoust Kal madelas
ezyseAeis, obdev ToLodTov eEvploKeTal ‘yevopmevor,
aAka Tav Sypociwy ypaypdtwv dapYaLtoTratous

1 axp.Béorara THv Holwerda: axpiBecrarny L.

2 Eus.: tocairns
3 av davetev Niese.
4 zap atrois Eus. Lat.

AGAINST APION, I. 16-21

Timaeus by later writers, and that of Herodotus by
everybody.¢ Even on Sicilian history Timaeus did
not condescend to agree with Antiochus,” Philistus,
or Callias ; there is similar divergence on Attic affairs
between the authors of the “‘ Atthides’’* and on
Argive affairs between the historians of Argos. What
need, however, to speak of the histories of individual
states and matters of minor importance, when con-
tradictory accounts of the Persian invasion and the
events which accompanied it have been given by
writers of the first rank? On many points even
Thucydides is accused of error by some critics, not-
withstanding his reputation for writing the most,
accurate history of his time.

(4) For. such inconsistency many other causes Reasons for
might possibly be found if one cared to look for them ; ae ae
for my part, I attach the greatest weight to the two © Hee ee
which I proceed to mention. I will begin with that to keep
which I regard as the more fundamental. ‘The main Lee
responsibility for the errors of later historians who
aspired to write on antiquity and for the licence
granted to their mendacity rests with the original
neglect of the Greeks to keep official records of
current events. This neglect was not confined to
the lesser Greek states. Even among the Athenians,
who are reputed to be indigenous % and devoted to
learning, we find that nothing of the kind existed,
and their most ancient public records are said to be

4 e.g. Manetho (Ap. i. 73), Ctesias, Strabo, pseudo-
Plutarch.

’ Of Syracuse, 4th cent., wrote histories of Sicily (to
424 p.c.) and Italy. Philistus and Callias were also Syra-
cusans (4th-3rd cent.).

¢ Historical and geographical works on Attica; among
the authors were Philochorus, Demon, and Ister.

@ ** Autochthonous.”’

171

JOSEPHUS

civat dace tovs to ApdKovtos attois mept TOV
gpovikav’ ypadevtas vojous, dAlyw mpdoTepov THs
Hevovarparou Tupavvidos avOparrov VEyOveToS.

22 Tepl jev yap “Aprddev Tt et” Acyew avxovvTav
dpxauornra.; poris yap ovToL Kal peta TAdTa
ypappL.acw evraidevoyaay.

93. (5) “Are or) Tow ovdeuias mpokataPeBAnpevys
dvaypadis, 7] 7) Kal Tous pableivy BovAopévous bubdgew
eueMe Kal Tous spevdopevous ereyEew, 7 ToAAn
pos \aMidovus € eVEVETO dtadwvria Tots ovyypagedor.

24 deur Tépav de 7™pos TaUTy Beréov exelyny airtay’ ot
yap em TO ypagew opynoavres od mepl TH adr -

evay EoTovdacay, KalTol TOOTO mpoxELpoV eoTW
del TO emayyeAyia., Aoyo be Ovvap emTe€OELKVUVTO,

25 Kal Kal’ ovtwa TpoTov év TOUTW TapevooKkysnoew
tovs addous treAdpPavov, Kata TotTov jHpuolovTo,
TWwes pev emt TO pvoodroyeiv TpeToOpevor, TWes SE
mpos xapw 7 Tas 7OA«ELs 7) Tovs BaciAéas éemawobdv-
ves dAXow 6€ emi TO KaTHyopely TOV Tmpa€ew 7
TOV yeypadoTwy exHpnoav evevdokijcew TOUT®

26 vouilovtes. GAws 6€ TO TaVTWY EVOVT LENT OT OV

~toTopia mpdatrovres duateAoboar. Tijs pev yap
aAnfots €oTt tTeKujpiov iotopias, «i Tept TOV
avT@v amavtes TavTa Kal A€youev Kal ypadovev-

5 ef ratTa ypaibevav érépws,? ottws éevopslov

27 avtot davetofa: mavrwv adnféotaror. Adywv pev
ovv evera Kal Tis €v TOUTOLS dewornTos del mapa-
xwpetv 7pas Tots ovyypagedor Tots “EMgvexois,
ov pay Kal THS mepl Tov apxatav aAnfots taTopias
Kal pdAvoTa ‘ye THS TEpl TOV ExdoTos emixwpiwv.

1 ed. pr.: powixwv L Lat. Eus. 2 ed. pr.: 57 L.
3 ei un Ta abra ypay. érépos Eus.

72

AGAINST APION, I. 21-27

the laws on homicide drafted for them by Dracon, a « 621 8.°.
man who lived only a little before the despotism of
Pisistratus. Of the Arcadians 4% and their vaunted 568.
antiquity it is unnecessary to speak, since even at a

still later date they had hardly learnt the alphabet.

(5) Itis, then, this lack of any basis of documentary (2) their
evidence, which would have served at once to instruct yaa
the eager learner and to confute the liar, that Rasen
accounts in the main for the inconsistencies between
different historians. But a second reason must be
added. Those who rushed into writing were con-
cerned not so much to discover the truth, notwith-
standing the profession which always comes readily
to their pen, as to display their literary ability ; and
their choice of a subject was determined by the
prospect which it offered them of outshining their
rivals.2 Some turned to mythology, others sought
popularity by encomiums upon cities or monarchs ;
others, again, set out to criticize the facts or the
historians as the road to a reputation. In short,
their invariable method is the very reverse of bis
torical. For the proof of historical veracity is
universal agreement in the description, oral or
written, of the same events. On the contrary, each*
of these writers, in giving his divergent account of
the same incidents, hoped thereby to be thought the
most veracious of all. While, then, for eloquence
and literary ability we must yield the palm to the
Greek historians, we have no reason to do so for
veracity in the history of antiquity, least of all where
the particular history of each separate foreign nation
is concerned.

“ Also regarded as autochthonous (Herod. viii. 73).
Os en ee

173

JOSEPHUS

23 (6) ° ‘Ore Lev OV Tap: Alyumtious Te Kab Bafv-
Awvious eK [LAaKpoTaTwV avantev Xpovesy TH mepl
Tas dvaypapas emedcrav 6 o7rou [ev Ol lepets Hoav
EYKEXELPLO[LEVOL Kal TEpl TAUTAS eprooogow, XadA-
dato. 6€ mapa Tots BaBvAwviors, Kal or paAvora.
07) TOV “EM ow ET ULLYVULEV OV _€XPyTAVTO Doi-
VUES ypappacw els TE TAS Tepl Tov Btov otko-
voptas KQL 7pos THY TOV KOWOY epyov Tapadoow,

emeto7) ovyxwpodow amavres, edoew uo d0Ka.

29 TEpl d€ TOV TPETEPOV Tpoyovey | OTe Tay avriy,
E@ yap Aéyew el Kal mAciw TaV eipnyevon, e7r0u7]-
GavTo TEpl Tas avaypadas emyseAcvay, Tois apx-
lepetor Kal Tots Tpopyyrars TobTo TpooTaéavtes,
Kal Ws péxpt TOV Kal” Huds xpovwv mepvAakTat
peta moAAfs axpifetas, et dé <det>* Opacvrepov
eimety Kat dvdAaylyjceTar, Tetpacopuar ovyTopws
dudaoKew.

30 ~=—«(7/) Ov yep wLovov € a apxis éml TOUTWY" TOUS apio-
Tous Kal T fj Gepam ela Too Geod mpooedpevovTas KaT-
éoTn0aV, aw OmWs TO yévos TAY Lepewy GLLKTOV

31 Kal Kabapov Suajevel Tpovvonoav. det yap Tov
PLETEXOVTGA TIS lepwovv7)s €€ opoebvobs yevauKos
mavdo7rovetabar Kal pen) Tpos Xpypara pnde Tas
adAas arroPAerrew Tyas, aAAa TO yevos eeralew
eK TOV dpxetov® AapBavovra TH _Ovadoxny Kal

32 moAAovs Tapexopevov papTupas. Kal TadTa mpaT-

1 ins. Gutschmid from the Lat.
2 roirw Niese.
3 Gutschmid: dpxaiwy L.

2 As Reinach remarks, Jos. confuses the keeping of genea-
logical registers by the priesthood in the time of the second
Temple with the wholly different manner in which the books
of the Old Testament were written. It must be remembered

174

AGAINST APION, I. 28-32

(6) Of the care bestowed by the Egyptians and The Jewish
Babylonians on their chronicles from the remotest ee
ages, and how the charge and exposition of these bestowed —
was entrusted, in the former country to the priests, :
in the latter to the Chaldaeans ; and how, among
the nations in touch with the Greeks, it was the
Phoenicians who made the largest use of writing,
both for the ordinary affairs of fies and for the com-
memoration of public events; of all this I think
I need say nothing, as the facts are universally
admitted. But that our forefathers took no less, not
to say even greater, care than the nations I have
mentioned in the keeping of their records—a task
which they assigned to their chief priests and The writers
prophets “—and that down to our own times these ae ue of
records have been, and if I may venture to say so, ‘he records.
will continue to be, preserved with scrupulous
accuracy, I will now endeavour briefly to demonstrate.

(7) Not only did our ancestors in the first instance Selection

: : 2 of the
} set over this business men of the highest character, custodians.

' devoted to the service of God, but they took pre- ee of
cautions to ensure that the priests’ lineage should marriages
be kept unadulterated and pure.? A member of the 2 joing
priestly order must, to beget a family, marry a a
woman of his own race,° without regard to her
wealth or other distinctions ; but he must investigate
her pedigree, obtaining the genealogy from the
archives @ and producing a number of witnesses.

that the historical books of the Old Testament after the
Pentateuch were included in the second or prophetical
portion of the Hebrew Canon and attributed to prophetical
writers.

Beer. Weve xxl. 1 i. e fb.

4 Of. the pedigree of his own family ae from\— the
public registers’ by Josephus, Vita, 3-6.

175

JOSEPHUS

TOpLEV ob pLovov em avrijs “lovdatas, aad’ o7rov
ToTe OvOTHUA TOU yevous €oTw Tov KaKel TO
akpupes dmoawlerat Tots tepebar TEpl TOUS yapous*
33 Aéyw Sé Tovs EV Atybare KL BoBvAdve Kal ra
mov Tis adAns oikoupevyns Tod yevous Tov lepewy
elo TWes SLlEoTTAappevoL. TE[LTTOVGL yap els ‘lepo-
ooAvpa euyypuparres mat pobev ToUvo}La, THs TE
yapeTns’ Kal TOV eTavw mpoyovey Kal Tlves ot
34 LaprupodrTes. morepos 8 El KaTACXOL, kaldmep
707) yeyove moMaxts, ’Avridyou te tod °~Em-
davots eis THY yawpav euPaddvros Kat Hoparntov
Mayvov Kal KuyreAtov Oddpov pddvora b€ Kat ev
35 Tots Kal? mpeas Xpovots, ot mreptierTopevou Tay
lepewy Kawa mA €xK TOV dpxetov ypdppara”
ovvloTaVvTat Kal Soxipalovar Tas drrorepbeiaas
yuvatkas. ov yap eT Tas aixpaddrous yevopLevas
TpoalevTat moNaxes yeyovutay atrats TV pos
dddopudoy KOWWwViav dpopuiuevor. TEK}LT|pLov dé
peeyvorov Tijs akpipelas* ot yap dpxvepets ot Tap:
Hptvy aro SrayiAteny éer@v ovopacTolt matdes é€K
TOT pos elow ev tats davaypadats. tots dé TOY
etpnLevenv OTLODY TmapaBacw* dmnyopevTar [LTE
tots Bepots maplotacbar pyTe pmeTéexew THS aAAns
ayloTeias.
37 Eixdtws ovr, uadAov dé avayKatws, dre pyre
Too ypagen” adre€ovoiov maow OVTOS [LTE TWOS
év tots ypadpopevois evovons diadwrias, adda

1 rs Te yaueris Niese (Lat. nuptae): ris yeypaypévns L:
Tav yewapéevev ed. pr.

2 dpyelwy ypduyata Gutschmid: dpxaiwy ypaupdrwv L.

3 ed. pr.: éwi L.

* rapaBaow Niese (after Lat.): yévorro eis tapaBaow L.

5 Niese: 70 (700 ed. pr.) broypagew L.

36

AGAINST APION, I. 32-37

And this practice of ours is not confined to the home
country of Judaea, but wherever there is a Jewish
colony, there too a strict account is kept by the
priests of their marriages ; I allude to the Jews in
Egypt and Babylon and other parts of the world in
which any of the priestly order are living in dis-
persion. A statement is drawn up by them and sent
to Jerusalem, showing the names of the bride and
her father and more remote ancestors, together with
the names of the witnesses. In the not infrequent
event of war, for instance when our country was in-
vaded by Antiochus Epiphanes, by Pompey the
Great, by Quintilius Varus, and above all in our own
times, the surviving priests compile fresh records
from the archives ; they also pass scrutiny upon the
remaining women, and disallow marriage with any
who have been taken captive, suspecting them of
having had frequent intercourse with foreigners.?
But the most convincing proof of our accuracy in this
matter is that our records contain the names of our
high priests, with the succession from father to son
for the last two thousand years.2. And whoever
violates any of the above rules is forbidden to minister
at the altars or to take any other part in divine
worship.

It therefore naturally, or rather necessarily, follows
(seeing that with us it is not open to everybody to
write the records, and that there is no discrepancy
in what is written; seeing that, on the contrary, the

C7, A. iui. 276, xii. 992. Yet Josephus himself, a
priest, married a captive, Vita 414.
tae aca. '6 and xx. 297,

VOL. I N LI AT

170-168 B.C.
63 B.C.

c. 4 B.C.
A.D. 66-70.

The twenty-
two books
of Scriptwe.

JOSEPHUS

pLovew TOV TmpodyTO@v TA fev avwrdTw Kal TadaLo-
TATA KATA THY ETimVOLaY THY a0 TOD Beod pabov-
Twv, Ta d€ Kal’ atTods ws éeyéveTo cages ovy-
38 Vee es ov peupuddes BiBAtwv etot Tap: jp
AOVLPWVWV KAL LAVOLEvwr, dvo d€ ova. mos Tots
eikoot PiPXia Tob TavTos €xovTa Xpovov TV
39 avaypadnv, Ta Sikalws’ memoTevpeva. Kal TOU-
TOV TEVTE LEV eo Ta. Mavoéws, & Tovs TE vojous
TEpLEXeL Kal THY am avOpwrroyovias Tapddoow
pexpt THs abtod tedevTAs: obTos 0 xpovos a7o-
40 rele ~TpioxiAiwy dAlyov ér@v. amo 6é Tis
Mwmvcéws tedevtis pmexpts” “Apragep£ov TOD [era
Be pny llepoay Bactrews ot peta Mavojy 7™po-
AT aL Ta KaT avTovs hie a ouveypaipav ev
Tptol Kal déKa BuBAcous. t dé Aowrat réocapes
vpvous els Tov feov Kat Tots avOpasrous drroOnKas
41 tod Biov TEpLeXovaw. amo Oé ” Apragépfou pexpe
Too Kal? mpas xXpovov yéypamTar pev exaora,
mliotews 5 ody oOpotas 7Eiwra Tots po avTav
dua TO pen yeveobar THv TaVv TpodynTa@v axpibF
diadoy7v.
42 AxAov 6 €oTw Pye TOs Tpets mpooysev Tots
idlous ypappace® TogovTov yap ai@vos 7109
TapwyYynKOTOS ovTEe mpocUetvat tis ovdev oUTE

1 + @eia Kus.
2 uexpis (after Lat.) Gutschmid: sexpi r7js L.
3 mpociuey ... ypdupact Eus.: rots idiow ypaupact te-

mistevkapuev L, Lat.

@ Artaxerxes I (Longimanus) succeeded Xerxes in 465
B.c. He is identified elsewhere in Josephus (A. xi. 184)
and in the LXX with Ahasuerus of the beok of Esther,
and is mentioned here because of his supposed connexion

178

AGAINST APION, I. 37-42

prophets alone had this privilege, obtaining their
knowledge of the most remote and ancient history
through the inspiration which they owed to God, and
committing to writing a clear account of the events
of their own time just as they occurred)—it follows,
I say, that (8) we do not possess myriads of incon-
sistent books, conflicting with each other. Our books,
those which are justly accredited, are but two and
twenty, and contain the record of all time.

Of these, five are the books of Moses, comprising
the laws and the traditional history from the birth
of man down to the death of the lawgiver. This
period falls only a little short of three thousand years.
From the death of Moses until Artaxerxes,* who
succeeded Xerxes as king of Persia, the prophets
subsequent to Moses wrote the history of the events
of their own times in thirteen? books. The remain-
ing four ° books contain hymns to God and precepts
for the conduct of human life.

From Artaxerxes to our own time the complete ,

history has been written, but has not been deemed
worthy of equal credit with the earlier records,
because of the failure of the exact succession of the
prophets.

We have given practical proof of our reverence for 4
our own Scriptures. For, although such long ages
have now passed, no one has ventured either to add,

with that work, chronologically the latest of the ‘thirteen
books.”

’ Probably (1) Joshua, (2) Jd. + Ruth, (3) Sam., (4) Kings,
(5) Chron., (6) Ezra+Neh., (7) Esther, (8) Job, (9) Isaiah,
(10) Jeremiah + Lam., (11) Ezekiel, (12) Minor Prophets,
(13) Daniel.

¢ Probably (1) Psalms, (2) Song of Songs, (3) Proverbs,
(4) Ecclesiastes. 4 Lit. ‘‘ how we approach.”

179

Jews’
veneration
for their
Scriptures.

JOSEPHUS

adedety att@v ovre petabetvar teToAunKev, maou
d€ atpdutoy €oTw «vlds ex THS TpwWTS yevecews
*Tovdators TO vopuilew’ atta Geod doypata Kat
TOUTOLS Eppevely KaL UTEP avTa@v, et déor, OvjcKew

43 7d€ws. On odv moAAOL woAAdKIs EWpavTaL TeV
alyyadwtwv oatpéBras Kal mavtoiwy Oavatrav
TpoTous ev Jedrpors UTOMEVOVTES emt TO pedev
pipe mpoécbat mapa Tovs vojLous Kal Tas PETA
TOUTWV avaypagds.

44 “OQ tis av UTTOpLELVELEV “EAAjvev Umep <T@V>
avtod; add’ otS trép tod Kat mavra Ta Tap:
avrots Pan Oe ovyypappara THY TUxYOvCAY

45 VTOOTHTETAL BAG Bny- Adyous yap avTa. vopiCovow
eval KaTa THY TOV ypabavtwy BovAnow écxe-
duacpévouvs. Kal TodTO SdiKalws Kal Tepl TaV
maAaoTtépwv dpovodow, emeid7) Kal TOV vov
evlous op@at ToAu@vrTas Tepl ToUTWY ovyypadew,
ois pnt avrtol mapeyévovto pnte mu0écbar mapa

46 TOV €lddtwv édiAoTinbyoav. apyéAer Kat epi
ToD yevopévov vov nuiv moAduov twes toTopias
emuypaavtes eEevyvoxacw out els Tovs TOTOUS
mapaPpadrovtes ovtTe mAnocliov TovUTwY TpaTTOLevaY
mpoceABovtes, adr’ é€k Tapakovoydtwv ddXrLya
cuvlévtes TH THs loTtopias ovopate av avadas
everTapouwnoay.

47 (9) ‘Eye d€ Kal TEpl 7 Tob TrohepLov | TAVTOS Kal mepl
TOV ev aro” Kara, [Lépos yevopevey adnOh my
dvarypapny emounadpny Tots mpdypacw avros

7

48 dTac. TapaTvywv. EOTPATHYOU jeev yap TOV Tap

Hut VadAaiwy dvopalopevwv ews avrexew Svva-

1 76 vouifew Eus.: dvoydatev L Lat.

2 ev atT@ ed. pr.: atte L: ibi (=atrod) Lat.

180

AGAINST APION, I. 42-48

or to remove,* or to alter a syllable; and it is an
instinct with every Jew, from the day of his birth, to
regard them as the decrees of God, to abide by them,
and, if need be, cheerfully to die for them. Time
and again ere now the sight has been witnessed of
prisoners enduring tortures and death in every form
in the theatres, rather than utter a single word
against the laws and the allied documents?

What Greek would endure as much for the same
cause? Even to save the entire collection of his
nation’s writings from destruction he would not face
the smallest personal injury. For to the Greeks they
are mere stories improvised according to the fancy
of their authors; and in this estimate even of the
older historians they are quite justified, when they
see some of their own contemporaries venturing to
describe events in which they bore no part, without
taking the trouble to seek information from those
who know the facts. We have actually had so-called
histories even of our recent war published by persons
who never visited the sites nor were anywhere near
the actions described, but, having put together a few
hearsay reports, have, with the gross impudence of
drunken revellers, miscalled their productions by the
name of history.°

(9) I, on the contrary, have written a veracious
account, at once comprehensive and detailed, of the
war, having been present in person at all the events.
I was in command of those whom we call Galilaeans,

« Cf. Deut. iv. 2, ** Ye shall not add unto the word which
I command you, neither shall ye diminish from it.”

DOT .Ap. Ws 209;

¢ Cf. B.i. 1 ff. For a rival history of the war by Justus
of Tiberias see Vita 336 ff. Here he seems to allude to
untrustworthy histories by Greek writers.

181

Greek dis-
regard for
their
records and
historical
accuracy.

Defence of
the author’
Jewish War.

JOSEPHUS

TOV nV, eyevouny de Tapa “Papatous ovdAndbeis

aixpdhuros KOL ie ua dvdakis Oveomacvaves

KOL Tiros EXOVTES Gel Tpooedpevew avTots nvay-

Kacav, TO bev Tp@Tov Oedepuevor, avlis de Avdeis
/ > \ ~

ouverte piv a0 TIS “AdcEavdpetas Tire mpos

49 THY ‘Tepocodvpay movopxiay. ev @ xpove” TOV

TparTopevey ovK €or O TH Eun yacw duehvyev"
Kal yap Ta KaTa TO oTparomedov TO “Papatey
OpO@v émipeAds avéypadov Kai Ta Tapa TOV avTo-

50 LoAwy amayyeMopeva pLovos avTos ouview. eiTa

ol

52

axons ev TH “Paopn AaBopevos, maons [Lou THS
mpayparelas ev Tapackevy yeyeyvnerns, xXpn-
odmevos Tit mpos THY “EAAnvida dwviv ovvepyois,
ovTws etolnodpny TOv mpakewv THY Tapadocw.
TooovTov O€ por wepinv Odpoos ths aAnfeias wore
TpWTOvS TAaVTWY TOs adToKpPaTopas ToD moAduov
VEVO[LEVOUS Oveoracvavoyv Kat Titov 7€iwoa AaPetv
pedprupas. Tpwroi yap €owKa” Ta. BuBrca Kal
SE éxelvous moAAois pev ‘Papate Tois oUp-

emoAeunKoat, moAXois S€ TeV TueTépwv ezt-
ae avd pace Kal TiS “EMqvuctis codias
peTeoxnKoow, av eoTw ‘LovAvos "ApyéAaos, ‘Hpw-
Os 0 6 GELvoTaTOS, avros 6 Gavpacusraros Bactreds
“Aypimmas. ovTOL LEV obv ATAVTES eeapTupyoay
ote THs adAnbetas mpovorny eTuseA@s, ovK dy
droaTeAdpevor Kal owwanoavTes, €l TL Kar
dyvouay 7 xapiCopevos petéOnka Tav yeyovotwv
7) TrapeAuov.

1 + yevouévny Eg; (om. Lat. ).
2 Niese: 6é6wxa L

2 B, iii. 408. > B. iv. (x. 7) 622 ff.
¢ Cf. B. iv. 658. 4 Cf. Vita 361 ff.
182

—

AGAINST APION, I. 48-52

so long as resistance was possible ; after my capture
I was a prisoner in the Roman camp.* Vespasian
and ‘Titus, keeping me under surveillance, required
my constant attendance upon them, at first in chains ;
subsequently I was liberated ® and sent from Alex-
andria with Titus to the siege of Jerusalem.° During
that time no incident escaped my knowledge. I kept
a careful record of all that went on under my eyes
in the Roman camp, and was alone in a position to
understand the information brought by deserters.
Then, in the leisure which Rome afforded me, with
all my materials in readiness, and with the aid of
some assistants for the sake of the Greek, at last I
committed to writing my narrative of the events.
So confident was I of its veracity that I presumed to
take as my witnesses, before all others, the com-
manders-in-chief in the war, Vespasian and ‘Titus.¢
They were the first to whom I presented my volumes,
copies being afterwards given to many Romans who
had taken part in the campaign. Others I sold @ to
a large number of my compatriots, persons well
versed in Greek learning, among whom were Julius
Archelaus,/ the most venerable Herod,’ and the most
admirable King Agrippa himself” All these bore
testimony to my scrupulous safeguarding of the
truth, and they were not the men to conceal their
sentiments or keep silence had I, through ignorance
or partiality, distorted or omitted any of the facts.

¢ In the parallel account ( Vita 362) King Agrippa II is
named, with others, as receiving a presentation copy.

f Son of Cheleias and husband of Mariamme, sister of
King Agrippa II; A. xix. 355, xx. 140.

9 Unknown; not, as Reinach suggests, Herod, king of
Chalcis, who died before the war (A. xx. 104).

% Agrippa II.

183

JOSEPHUS

53 (10) DabAor dé TWES avOpwror dua Badrew prov TH
toroptay eTLKEXELPT|KAOW waomep ev axoAn perpa-
Kiwv yupvacna mpoKetabar voyiCortes, KAT YOpbas
Tapadofou Kal daBodAjs, d€ov ekelvo yryvwoKew,
Ste bet Tov dAdois Tapdboow mpakewv adAnbwav
UmTLGXVOUJLEVOV avtov emiotacbar TavTas 7 poTepov
axpiBas, 7] mapyKoAovlnKoTa TOUS yeyovoow 7)

54 7apa TOV €lddTwv TuvOavopevov. o7ep eye) pd-

AvoTa Tepl dporepas vopiCen TEN TOU KEVaL TOS

Tmpayywaretas. TIP peev yap dpxa.oroytay, WOTTEP

edynv, €K TOV tepa@v Ypappear ov peOnppavevKa

yeyovws lepevs eK yevous Kal peTEaXT KMS THS

55 diAocodias THS ev exelvous Tots ypapace: TOU
de moA€mov THV toTopiayv eypapa ToM@v pev
avtoupyos mpagewv, tAciotwyv 6° attomTys yevo-
pevos, OAws d€ TeV AeybTwv 7 TpaylevTwV

56 000 OTLobv ayvorjoas. m@s ovv odK av GFpaceis
Tis Wynoaito Tovs avtTaywvilecbat por Epi THs
adn Betas em TLKEXELPYKOTGS, ol Kav Tols TOV avro-
Kparopw OTOP yLaow evtvxetv Aéywow, adr’ od ye
Kat Tots nEETEepols TOV avTiToAqLovWTWwY TpAaypLact
TApETVYOV ;

Or
~I

(11) [epi pev otv tovtTwy avayKaiav eTounaauny
TV TapeKBaow emonpjvaca BovAcpevos TOV
eraryyeMopeveov Tas ltoToplas ovyypapew THY €v-
58 Yepevav. ixavas Oe davepov, ws ola, TETOLNKWS

2 Cf. Thue. i. 22, ‘* My history is an everlasting possession,
not a prize composition which is heard and forgotten.”
Others, making the genitives xarnyopias . . . dvaBodr7js
dependent on yiuvacua, would render: “ treating it as an
exercise for the display of perverse accusation and calumny,
such as is set,”’ ete.

184

AGAINST APION, I. 53-58

(10) Nevertheless, certain despicable persons have
essayed to malign my history, taking it for a prize
composition @ such as is set to boys at ecchnal What
an extraordinary accusation and calumny! Surely
they ought to recognize that it is the duty of one
who promises to present his readers with actual facts
first to obtain an exact knowledge of them himself,
either through hav ing been in close touch with the
events, or by inquiry from those who knew them.
That duty I “consider myself to have amply fulfilled
in both my works. In my Antiquities, as I said, I
have given a translation of our sacred books ;? being

and reply 1
his eritics.

a priest and of priestly ancestry, I am w ell versed

in the philosophy ¢° of those writings. My qualifica-
tion as historian of the war was that I had been an
actor in many, and an eyewitness of most, of the
events ; in short, nothing whatever was said or done
of which I was ignorant. Surely, then, one cannot
but regard as audacious the attempt of these critics
to challenge my veracity. Even if, as they assert,
they have read the Commentaries of the imperial
commanders,? they at any rate had no first-hand
acquaintance with our position in the opposite camp.

(11) My desire to expose the levity of those who
profess to write history has compelled me to digress.
Having now, I think, sufficiently shown that the

o Cf. A.i. 5, xx. 261. In the Antiquities (first half), he
implies, he has given his own paraphrase and interpretation
of the Old Testament; but in reality he is largely dependent
on an older Greek version, the Septuagint.

¢ Or “study,” ‘‘scientific treatment”; Josephus shows
some knowledge of traditional exegesis (Halakoth, etc.).

4 Cf. Vita 342, 358.

185

Topics of
the present
work,

59

61

63

JOSEPHUS

GT TaTplos eoTW 7) TEpl TOV TaAaLav avaypady
Tots BapBdpors paddrAov 7 Tots “EMAno, BovAopac
jLuKpa. TpOTEpov dtarexOjvas mpos TOUS emuxerpooy -
Tas veay POV amopalvew THY KaTaoTaoW eK Too
pn) dev TEpl HpL@v, ws daow exeivor, AeAéxyPar Tapa
Tots “EM ypucots auyypapebow. cira. 6€ Tas pap-
Tupias THS ApXALoTTOS ex TaV map dAdoas ypop-
patrwy tapéEw Kat tovs PePAacdynpyKoTas jua@v
TO yevos amobelEw Alay adoyws* BrAacdynpodivras.
(12) ‘Hyets TOW OUTE Xepav olKodpev mapaAvov
our’ éuTroplais Yalpopev ovde Tats mpos dMous bua
TOUT UY emyugias, aad’ eta peev pay at moAeus
pLaKpav aro Jadacons dv@Kuopevar, ywpav be
ayabnv vewopevor TavTHy exTovodpev, padiora 87
mavTwy Tept matdotpodiay diAoKadobvTes Kal
to dvdAdttew Tovs vopous Kal THY kara ToUToOUS
mapadedoperny evaéPevav epyov dvaryKaLoTarov
TAVT TOS Tob Biov TET TOU] }LEVOL. _Tpocovens Towvuv
Tots cipnpevors Kal THS TEpt Tov PBiov Hud@v (d.0-
TITOS ovdev® év tots maAatots xpovors® ToLvoov TpLtv
m™pos Tovs “EMavas eee WaoTTEp Atyurrious
pev 7a Tap avTa@v efayopeva KQL mpos avToUs
eloayopeva, Tots be THY TapaAvov Tijs Dowikys
KaTouxodow 7) Tept Tas KamnAelas Kal Tepl Tas
peroptas omove7) O10. 70 proxpyparety. ov by
388 mpos Anotelas, wamep ardor TWES, 7) TO
miéov exyew a€vodv ToAcquobvTes* eTpamynoay jua@v
ot matépes, Kaito. moAdas Tis xwpas Eexovans
pupidoas avdp@v ovk atoAuwv. 61a TodTo DoiviKes
jeev avTol Kat éumropiay Tots “EAAnow ezevomA€ov-
1 Gdhéyws Hudson: €év rots Xd yas L. 2 4+ qv ed. pr.
+70ed. pr. * déodvres rps todh€uous Lat. (apparently).

186

3

4

——

AGAINST APION, I. 58-63

tradition of keeping chronicles of antiquity is found
rather among the non-Hellenic®% races than with the
Greeks, I propose, in the first place,’ to reply briefly
to those critics who endeavour to prove the late origin
of our constitution from the alleged silence of the
Greek historians concerning us. I shall then ¢ proceed
to cite testimonies to our antiquity from external
literature, and finally @ to show the utter absurdity
of the calumnies of the traducers of our race.

(12) Well, ours is not a maritime country ; neither (1.) explana,
commerce nor the intercourse which it promotes Honor the
with the outside world has any attraction for us. Greek
Our cities are built inland, remote from the sea ; and MSterans
we devote ourselves to the cultivation of the pro- Jews.
ductive country with which we are blessed. Above
all we pride ourselves on the education of our children,
and regard as the most essential task in life the
observance of our laws and of the pious practices,
based thereupon, which we have inherited. If to
these reasons one adds the peculiarity of our mode
of life, there was clearly nothing in ancient times
to bring us into contact with the Greeks, as the
Egyptians were brought by their exports and im-
ports, and the inhabitants of the sea-board of
Phoenicia by their mercenary devotion to trade and
commerce. (Nor, again, did our forefathers, like
some others, have recourse to piracy,’ or to military
schemes of aggrandizement, although their country
contained myriads of courageous men.) It was to
their coming on their ships to traffic with the Greeks

a ‘** Barbarian.”’ ® 8§ 60-68.

¢ §§ 69-218. @ Ap. i. 219-ii. 144.

¢ After Thue. i. 5 (who says that before the time of Minos
piracy was regarded as an honourable occupation); ef.

Eons, Od. iit; “71: ff.
187

JOSEPHUS

tes eDO0s eyvaabnoav, Kai dv éexetwwwr Atydrrwot
Kal mavTes ad’ wv Tov doprov ets Tovs “EAAnvas
64 duexdpulov preydda meAdyn Siatpovtes. Majdou de
peta tadra Kat Ilépoar davepot Katéotnoav Tis
’Acias éemapEavtes, of b€ Kal péxpe THs €Tépas*
nmelpov Ilépcar orpatevoavtes. Opaxes 5€é dua
yeiToviay Kal TO UKvOiKov bro" Tav eis Tov IldvTov
65 €yvwabn mAEdvTWV. GAws yap AmaVTES OL Tapa THY
Qararrav Kal THVv Tmpos Tats avatoAais Kal? THY
EO7TEpLOV KatouKodvres Tots ovyypapew TL Bov-
Aopévois YVEIpyLeOTEpor KaTeoTy aay, ot Oe Tavrns
avwTepw Tas olK TEs ExovTes € emt mActorov nyvon-
66 Oncav. Kal TotTo daiverar Kat wept THY Edpwoany
oupBeBnKos, O7TOU ye Tis ‘Pwpatwy modews,
TowvTny eK paKkpod Sdvvaylw KEKTHMEVNS Kal
TovavTas mpateus katopGovons ToAepuKas, ovb"®
‘“Hpddotos ovre Oovevdidys otte THV Gya TovTOLS
yevopevwy ovde eis euvnpovevKev, aAX’ oie rote
Kal Loris avrav ets tous “EAAnvas 7 yeas
67 dueEq AD ev. mepl peev yap Vadarav te kal “IBypwv
OUTWS Tyvon cay ot SdoKobdvTEs axpiBeorarou ovy-
ypagets, av eorw “Egopos, WOTE moAw oleT at
play civae TOUS “IBjpas TOUS ToaovTo pLepos TiS
eo7replov Yijs_ Katouxobyras, Kal TG pre yevopeva
Top’ abrots €0n unre Aeyopmeva ypadew ws exelvav
68 avrots YX pwpevav eToAun cay. atrvov d€ TOO pev tay)
vyyvwmokew TadAnfés tO Alay averipiKTov, Tod Sé
ypadew evd) TO BovrAecbar SoKeiv te wA€ov TOV

1 érépas (=Lat. alteram) Hudson: jperépas L.
2 Niese: d7é L. 3 + pos L. #+6L.

* So Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1st century B.c.), Ant.
188

AGAINST APION, I. 63-68

that the Phoenicians owed their own early notoriety ;
and through their agency the Egyptians became
known and all whose merchandise the Phoenicians
conveyed across great oceans to the Greeks. At a
later date, the Medes and Persians were brought
before the world by their dominion in Asia, the latter
more particularly by their invasion of the other
continent. The Thracians were known as _ near
neighbours, the Secythians through the navigators of
the Euxine. As a general rule, all the nations with
a sea-board, whether on the eastern or the western
sea, were better known by authors desirous of
writing history, while those who lived further inland
remained for the most part unknown. That this
rule holds good also for Kurope appears, for instance,
from the fact that the city of Rome, which had long
before their time attained such power and been so
successful in war, is mentioned neither by Herodotus
nor by Thucydides nor by anyone of their contem-
poraries ; it was only at quite a late date that a
knowledge of the Romans with difficulty penetrated
to the Greeks. On the Gauls and Iberians such was
the ignorance of persons reputed to be the most exact
of historians, such as Ephorus, that this writer
imagined that the Iberians, who occupy so large a
portion of the western world, were a single city ;
while others ventured to ascribe to them customs
destitute of all foundation in fact or tradition. While
their ignorance of the facts is explained by their
never having had the remotest relations with those
peoples,’ their false statements are due to an am-
Rom. i. 4. 2, “‘ The ancient history of the city of Rome is
still unknown to wellnigh all the Greeks.”
’ Or, perhaps, “by the complete isolation [of these
nations] from the world.”
189

JOSEPHUS

aM toTopetv. TOS ovVv ETL Bovpalew TpoonKey,
el nde TO TILETEPOV EGvos moAdois éytyvwoKeETo
pnde tis ev Tots ovyypdppace pynpns apoppny
TApEaXer, OUTWS peev dq KLG}LEVOV THS Gardcons,
ovtws dé Piorevew mponpynevov ;

69 (13) Pepe ToWUV mpas ag cody TeKpnpl xpAicbat
Tepl TOV “EAjveor, OTL per) maAavov € éoTw avTav TO
yevos, T@ pnbev ev ais TET Epaus dvaypapats Tept
avr av eipjoBat. ap ovxi maVTOS av KateyéAwy
avr ds, ola, Tas tm €uod vov etpyyLevas KopiCovtes
airtas, Kal _baprupas av Tovs mAnovoxespous

70 TapelyovTo THs ab’t@v apyaioTynTos; Kaya Tolvvv
Teipaooj.at TovTo movetv. Alyvmrio yap Kal
Doge pahora or) Xpncopae pdptvow, ovK av
Twos ws wevd7 TI peapruptay dvaBidAAew Ouv7)-
Bévros: dativovtar yap Kat 57 pahora Tmpos 7uLas
dvopevOs diatebevtes Kowh pev amravtes Alytrrvot,

71 Dowikwv 5é Tupio. epi pévto. XarSdatwy obKére
TAvTO TobTo ; Ouvatpny av Aéyew, emrel Kal 708
yevous 7peGv apxnyot KafeotiKace Kat dua TH
ouyyevevay ev rats avrav avaypapais “Tovdatey

72 pvnpovetovow. oray d€ Tas Tapa* TovTwY TloTELS
Tapacxw, ToTe Kal TaV ‘EXijvov ovyypapewy
amopave) Tovs penny "lovdaiwy memounKoTas,
iva pede Tavryy eTt THY Tpopacw ot BacKatvovtTes
EXwou THs TpOs 7LGs dyridoyias.

73. -< (44) > ApEopa on) m™pa@rov aro TOV Trap ’ Aiyumriots
ypapparwy. avdTa prev otv ovx olov Te Tapa
Tiecbar Taxewwv, Mavébws*? & jv ro yévos At-

1 +at7Té To0To| hoc Lat. 2 conj.: epi L.
3 Eus.: Mave#av L Lat. (and so elsewhere).
190

AGAINST APION, I. 68-73

bition to appear better informed than the rest of the
world. Surely, then, it should no longer excite
surprise that our nation, so remote from the sea, and
so deliberately living its own life, likewise remained
largely unknown and offered no occasion to historians
to mention it.

(13) Suppose that we were to presume to dispute
the antiquity of the Greek nation and to base our
contention on the absence of any mention of them in
our literature. Would they not undoubtedly laugh
us to scorn? They would, I imagine, offer the very
reasons which I have just given for such silence,
and produce the neighbouring nations as witnesses
to their antiquity. Well, that is just what I shall
endeavour to do. As my principal witnesses I shall
cite the Egyptians and Phoenicians, whose evidence
is quite unimpeachable ; for the Egyptians, the whole
race without exception, and among the Phoenicians
the Tyrians, are notoriously our bitterest enemies.
Of the Chaldaeans I could not say the same, because
they are the original ancestors of our race, and this
blood-relationship accounts for the mention which is
made of the Jews in their annals. After producing
the evidence supplied by these nations, I shall then
bring forward those Greek historians who have spoken
of the Jews, in order to deprive our jealous enemies
of even this pretext for controversy.

(14) I will begin with the Egyptian documents. I
cannot quote from the originals ; but in Manetho “ we

# An Egyptian priest who lived under the first and,
probably, the second of the Ptolemies, ‘the first Egyptian
who gave in the Greek language an account of the doctrines,

wisdom, history and chronology of his country,’ based on
Egyptian records; his History was divided into three books.

191

(I1.) Witness
of various
nations

to the
antiquity of
the Jews.

(A) Evi-
dence of
the
Egyptian
MANETHO.

74

~I
OL

78

JOSEPHUS

yUTTLos, av7p THS “EAA nvucis peTEaXTKOS mraudetas,
ws O7jAos €oTU" yéypade yap “EM aor duh THY
mar pLov toToplay €K dehraw" lepav, ws dnow
abtos, petadpacas, 6s* Kat zoAAa tov ‘Hpo-
doTov Sh TOV Atyurriakay on dyvotas
efevopevov. 0 ovTos 61 Towvy oO MaveGus év TH
devTépa TaV AtyurriaKxay TavTa mepl 7L@v
ypager- Tapabyjcopar de Ty A€Ew atbrod Kabamep
avTov éKetvov Trapayayeov pdprupa:

= Touzipravos.’ émt TOUTOU OUK O10 ors 6* feds
avrémvevoev Kal TapadoEws eK TOV mpos avaToAny
ep@v avopwrrou 70 yevos donpoe katabappycavres
emt THY xepay €oTpatevoav Kal padios dprayyre
TaUTHY KOTO. Kpdtos etXov, Kal TOUS TyeHovevoay-
Tas ev avTh xXeipwoduevor TO Aowrov Tas TE 7OAELS
Ouas evérpyoavy Kat Ta Tov Oedv cepa Kar-
eoxaisay, maa. b€ Tots émtywplois éyPpotaTa ws
expycar7o, TOUS [Lev ogdlovres, TOV b€ Kal Ta

7 TéeKva KOL yuvaikas Els dovAetar ayovres. mépas

de Kat Baowréa eva. e€ avr av ezolnoav, @ ovojia
jv UdXutis.2 Kat odtos ev TH Méudids Kateywero
~ \

THY TE GVW Kal KaTw xwpav Sacporoy@v Kat
dpovpav ev ois emitndevordtois KaTtadeizwv®

/ / A \ \ A > \ >
Tomois. pdAvota b€ Kal Ta pos avatoAny noda-
Nicaro pépn, mpoopHpevos “Acaupiwv more petlov
ioxvovTwy ecomevnv éemfvpia’ tis av’tod Bact-

/ » e A \ >] z ~ ~ »; A nA 8
Neias Edodov. etpav b€ &v voun@d TH LUeOpoiry

1 6€\rwv Gutschmid: re 7y L. 2 6s Eus.: om. L.

3 After Gutschmid and Reinach: rod Tiuasos évoua L Eus.
(the last word probably a gloss).

* o Eus.: om. L.

° Sairys Manetho as cited by others.
8 ed. pr.: kaTradurwyv L. 7 Bekker: émiOupiay L.

192

AGAINST APION, I. 73-78

have one who was both a native of Egypt and also
proficient in Greek learning. ‘This is evident from
the history of his nation which he wrote in Greek, a
translation, as he says himself, from the sacred books,@
in which he convicts Herodotus of being misled
through ignorance on many points of Egyptian
history. In the second book of his History of Egypt
this Manetho writes about us as follows. I will quote
his own words, just as if I had produced the man
himself in the witness-box :

“ Tutimaeus. In his reign, I know not why, a
blast of God’s displeasure broke upon us. A
people of ignoble origin from the east, whose
coming was unforeseen, had the audacity to invade
the country, which they mastered by main force
without difficulty or even a battle. Having over-
powered the chiefs, they then savagely burnt the
cities, razed the temples of the gods to the ground,
and treated the whole native population with the
utmost cruelty, massacring some, and carrying off
the wives and children of others ° into slavery.
Finally they made one of their number, named
Salitis, king. He resided at Memphis, exacted
tribute from Upper and Lower Egypt, and left
garrisons in the places most suited for defence. In
particular he secured his eastern flank, as he fore-
saw that the Assyrians, as their power increased in
future, would covet and attack his realm. Having
discovered in the Sethroite nome .a city very

e2Or.; tablets.”
» Possibly “ massacring the men... their wives and
children.”

8 Manetho (as elsewhere cited): Sairy L.
VOL, I O 193

His account
of the
Hycsos
dynasty.

JOSEPHUS

TOAW émiKalpoTaTyV, KEelLevny ev pos avatoAny
~ ~ > 5 /
TOU BouBaortrov TOTO LOD, Kahovpevny ) azo
TWOS apxaias Deodoyias Avapy, TaUTyy EKTLOEV
TE KGL Tots Telxeow oxUpwTaTnv evolnoey, ev-
ouioas avTH Kal mAGos 6mAuTay eis eikoot Kat
/ Z / > ~ / > / 1
79 Téooapas peupuddas dvdp@v mpopvAanyp. evade
Kata Oépeay TPXETO Ta peev ovropLeTpav Kal
pcoGodoptayv TAPEXO[EVOS, Ta O€ Kal Tats ef-
omAciais mpos doBov Tov €Ewbev emiyeAds yupva-
A > ae) / ” \ / > 7
Cwv. dap€as 8 evveaxaideca €r7n Tov Blov ereAcUT GE.
80 peta ToUTOV O€ ETEpos ePacthevoev Técoapa Kal
4
TecoapdKovTa eT Kadrovpevos Brov,? pel’ ov
+ > \ a“ \ / yA \ ~
aAdos “Amayvas €€ Kal TpiaKovTa ETH Kal pHvas
¢ / ” \ nase “A \ ¢ / \
émTd, emeita b€ Kal "Azwdis Ev Kal eEjKovTa Kal
> ~ ~~
81 lavas mevtiKovTa Kal phnva eva, emt maou Se
Kat “Aoots evvéa Kal TecoapaKovTa Kal wAvas dvo.
Kal ovTor pev EE ev adtrois éeyeriPyoav mparor
+ A ~ 3 7 oe \ ~ ~ At /
apyovtes, ToUobryTes*® aet Kat paAAov tis Atyvmrov
6A \ e/ > ~ \ \ / > ~_4
82 e€apau TIHV pilav. exadciro d6€ TO ovpTav avTav
0 Ai & / 5 ~ PS) / > A ~ J 7
efvos “Vxous,® todro d€ €orw Baotdeis TOULEvES
TO yap dK Kal? iepav yABooar Baowrea onpatver,
TO de CWS TOLL €oTe KOL TTOLLEeVvEs Kara, TH
Kowny dudAeKTov, Kal OUTWs ovvTiewevoy yiveTaL
st / \ 8 \ ef / s \ cA > )
Kows. Twes d€ A€yovaw atrodvs *ApaBas eivar.
> > A > / ~ /
83 [ev? 5° adlw avrvypadw od Baotrets onpatvecBar
évOa 6é Lat.
Jul. Africanus: Bywy L.
mopotvres L: text of clause doubtful.
cturay aitav Eus., Lat.: om. L.
‘Txovgows Eus. (and so always).

2 The bracketed clause (already in Eus.) is apparently a
gloss.

Pon

5

194

AGAINST APION, I. 78-83

favourably situated on the east of the Bubastis
arm of the river, called after some ancient theo-
logical tradition Auaris,? he rebuilt and strongly
fortified it with walls, and established a garrison
there numbering as many as two hundred and
forty thousand armed men to protect his frontier.
This place he used to visit every summer, partly
to serve out rations and pay to his troops, partly
to give them a careful training in manceuvres, in
order to intimidate foreigners. After a reign of
nineteen years he died. A second king, named
Bnon, succeeded and reigned for forty-four years ;
his successor, Apachnas, ruled for thirty-six years
and seven months ; next Apophis for sixty-one,
and Jannas for fifty years and one month; and
finally Assis for forty-nine years and two months.
The continually growing ambition of these six,
their first rulers, was to extirpate the Egyptian

uyc in the sacred language denotes ‘ king,’ ae
SOs in the common dialect means ‘ shepherd ’
‘shepherds’; the combined words form Hees
Some say that they were Arabians.”

[In another copy, however, it is stated that the

@ Cf.§ 237. Auaris is perhaps Pelusium.

> The correct form Hycussés means, according to W. E.
Crum (art. Egypt, Hastings, B.D. i. 659 b), “* Sheikhs of the
(south Syrian) Bedawin’’; he regards the interpretation of
the last syllable as “‘shepherd”’ as a late gloss. The
domination of the Hycsos lasted from (?) c. 1800 B.c. to ¢
15808.c. They were finally expelled by Ahmose, the founder
of the eighteenth dynasty. ‘Their connexion with the Jews
is a disputed question, but in the opinion of some critics
(e.g. Dr. H. R. Hall) Josephus is correct in regarding their
expulsion as the original of the Biblical story of the Exodus.

195

a
i“

?
people. Their race bore the generic name of |

Hycsos,2. which means ‘king-shepherds.’ For |

JOSEPHUS

\ ~ a A / 3 \ b) / ,
dua THS TOD UK mpoonyoptas, aAAa TobvayTiov aty-
, a : , 1 \ \ a ,
padruirous dynAotcbar Toysevas* TO yap UK maAWw
Alyumtioti Kat To ak Sdacvvopevov aixpadedtous
pyT@s pnvver.| Kal TodTO paAAov miBavedTepov pot
A /

daiverar Kal TaAaas toTopias EexXopevov.

84. Totrovs Tots mpoKkatwvopacpuevovs Bactréas
[kat] tods TOv moévwv Kadovpévwv Kal Tods
> ~ ~ ~
e€ attav yevouévous Kpatica. THs AtyvmTov

~ /

g5 bnow €Tn mpos Tois TEvTaKoGloLs EvdeKa. pETO

~ \ ~ b] ~ oh \ ~ +
Tratta d€ Tov eK THS Onfaidos Kat THs aAAns
>] , / / \ eee | \
Alytnrov Baowléwv yevéofa. gdyow emi Tovs
\ /
Touevas eTavaoTacw Kat moAEmov" ouppay va
/ \ / 20% \ a

86 peyav Kal moAvypoviov. emt Oe po @
ovopa evan Muodpaypovtwous,° NTT wWLevous* pnt
TOUS ToyLevas® eK Lev THS aAAns Atydrrov moons

>

éxtecelv, KatakAeoOAvar 5 Els ToTOV apoupa@v

/ la

éyovTa pupiwy tiv mepieTpov’ Avapis ovoua TO

~ / e /
g7 TOTmW. TodTov dyow 0 Mavébws amavtTa Tetyer
\ *. ~ ~
Te peydAw Kal toxup@ mepiPareiv Tovs Troevas,
OmwWs THY TE KTHOW aTacav Exwow ev oXUPa
\ \ / \ ¢e ~ \ be M
gg kal tiv Aelav THVv eavT@v. Tov de Micdpaypov-
1 After Eus.
2 + atrots L Lat.: om. Eus.*
3 me. : “Ada Pparywoudwars L (Lat.) and so below.

* a7rquévous should probably be read (Niese).
5 + é€ airod L: om. Eus.

39

« If this passage is genuine, “in another copy > must
mean “in another book (of ee ; ef. § 91. But
dvriypagov is not interchangeable with BiBXos, and the
paragraph i is suspicious on other grounds, viz. (1) its partial
repetition in § 91, (2) the proximity of two marginal notes inthe
Ms. of J osephus, i in §§ 92 and 98, referring to readings found

196

AGAINST APION, I. 83-88

word uyc does not mean “kings,” but indicates, on
the contrary, that the shepherds were “ captives.”
For nyc in Egyptian, as well as uac with an aspirate,
expressly denotes “ captives.’’] ¢

This view appears to me the more probable and
more reconcilable with ancient history.

The kings of the so-called shepherds, enumerated
above, and their descendants, remained masters of
Egypt, according to Manetho, for five hundred and

eleven years.

Then ° the kings of the Thebaid and of the rest of
Egypt rose in revolt against the shepherds, and a
great war broke out, which was of long duration.
Under a king named Misphragmouthosis, the
shepherds, he says, were defeated, driven out of
all the rest of Egypt, and confined in a place called
Auaris, containing ten thousand arourae. The
shepherds, according to Manetho, enclosed the
whole of this area with a great strong wall, in order
to secure all their possessions and spoils. Thoum-

*‘ in another copy,”’ i.e. as is clear in § 92, of Josephus. The
bracketed words Ae: are doubtless a similar gloss which has
crept into the text. What the “ other copy’’ may have been we
do not know; but Josephus, who contemplated a fuller treat-
ment of this subject (§ 92), may have revised this work as he
revised his Antiquities, and conceivably we have in these
glosses relics of another edition. ‘The last sentence of § 83
apparently forms no part of the gloss. The “‘ view’ here
referred to is that the Hycsos were Arabians, which Josephus
regards as “‘ more probable ” than that mentioned later, that
they were ancestors of the Jews.

’ In this paragraph Josephus gives a paraphrase of
Manetho.

¢ Vit. “containing a circumference of 10,000 arowrae:”’
The aroura was an Egyptian measure of land (=about half
an acre), which Josephus, by his paraphrase, appears to have
mistaken for a measure of length. For Auaris cf. § 78.

197

Their ex-
pulsion
from Egypt
and founda-
ion of
Jerusalem.

JOSEPHUS

e ~
bacews viov Oovppwow emyetpyoa prev adtovs
dua. 7oAvopKias €Aciv Kata KpaTos, OKTW Kal TEC-
GapaKovTa pupiaoL oTpaTod mpocedpevoavTa Tots
/ ~
relyeow: émel d€ THS ToAWpKias’ améyvw, ToLj-
/ \ ow > /
cacba ovpBdacets, Wa tHy Alyumrov exdurovTes

89 Grout BovdAovrar mavtes aBAaBets amwéAPwor. Tous
Se é€mt tats opodoyiats mavoiknoia peTa TOV

\

KTnCEwWY OvK eAdTTOUS pUPLddwY GYTAS ElKOTL KAL
~ /

Tecodpwv amo ths Aty’arou tiv Epnpov ets Luptiav

90 dtodormophoa. doPovpévovs Sé tiv *“Acoupiwy
Suvacrelay, TOTE yap eKelvous Tis “Actas Kpartety,
> ~ ~ > / / / 2
ev 77H viv “lovéaia Kadovpéevn zoAw otkodopyoa-

> =.
uéevovs TooavTais pupiaow avOpwTwyv apKécovaav
‘lepoodAvpa Tatty dvoudacat.

91 °Ev addy 5é tar BiPAw rev AtyurriaKdv
Mavéfws totro dyno <to> efvos Tovs Kadov-
pévovs Toyevas aixpaddtouvs ev Tais tepais

~ ~ \
ait@v PiPrAos yeypadba, A€ywv opbds: Kat
yap Tols avwrdTw Tmpoydovols Hav TO ToYLaivew
TaTplov HV Kal vopadiKov exovTes Tov Piov ovTWS

92 exadodvtro moyeves. aixypadwrot te mdaAw ovK

aAo e \ ~ Ai / > / > 8 /

dyws tro Tav Alyurtiwy aveypadynaay, emedy-

~ > \

mEp 6 mpoyovos Huav "lwonmos €avTov Edy mpos
\ , ~ >] / > / >

cov Paowéa tav Alyurtiwvy atyydaAwrov iva,

\ \ > A > \ y 4

Kat tovs dadeAdods eis tiv AtyumTov voTEpov
~ >

pereréuaro Tob Paowéws emitpéfavtos. adda

1 hv Todopkiay Eus.

198

AGAINST APION, I. 88-92

mosis, the son of Misphragmouthosis (he continues),
invested the walls with an army of 480,000 men,
and endeavoured to reduce them to submission by
siege. Despairing of achieving his object, he con-
cluded a treaty, under which they were all to
evacuate Egypt and go whither they would un-
molested. Upon these terms no fewer than two
hundred and forty thousand,* entire households
with their possessions, left Egypt and traversed
the desert to Syria. Then, terrified by the might
of the Assyrians, who at that time were masters
of Asia, they built a city in the country now called
Judaea, capable of accommodating their vast com-
pany, and gave it the name of Jerusalem.

In another book of his Egyptian history Manetho
states that this race, the so-called shepherds, were
described as captives in the sacred books of his
country.2 In this statement he is correct. Sheep-~
breeding was a hereditary custom of our remotest
ancestors, and from this nomadic life they came to
be called shepherds. But their other name of
captives in the Egyptian records was given not with-
out reason, since our ancestor Joseph told the king
of Egypt * that he was a captive, and afterwards,
with the king’s permission, had his brethren brought

4 The number of the garrison mentioned in § 78.!

>’ Lit. “‘in their sacred books’; § 92 shows that the
Egyptian books are intended.

¢ In the Biblical account he told his cup-bearer (Gen.
xl. 15). The Florentine ms. adds the following marginal
note: “In another copy was found this reading: ‘ was
sold by his brethren and brought down into Egypt to the
king of Egypt; and again afterwards, with the king’s
permission, sent for his brethren.’ ’’ See note % on p. 196.

1g

JOSEPHUS

\ \ / > + / \ > Pd
TEpt prev TOUTWY ev GAXoLs TOoLnGopaL THY e€€raoW
axpipeorepay.

93 (15) Nuvi dé THs apyavdtynTos TavTys TapaTiBepat
tovs Alyumriovs pdptupas. amdaAw ovv Ta Tov
Mavéfw' mas exer mpos THY TOV xpdvwv Taéw

94 Uroypaww. dyoi dé ovtws: “petra To e€edOetv €€
Alytarov tov Aaov THv Toyevw ets “lepoooAvpa
6 exBadwv atrovs €€ Atytmrov Bacveds Tébuwors
eBacikevoey peta Tatta ern ElKooWTEVTE Kal
pfvas téocapas Kat éredeUTnoev, Kat mrapeAaPev

\ > \ e b] ~ e\ / y /
THY apxiv O atvtod vios XéPpwv ern Sdexarpia.
> “A > / * \ ~ e / ~

95 we? dv “Apevwdis elkoot Kal pavas émTd. TOO

\ 3Q \ > \ av “a \ ~ > /
6€ adeAd7) “Apecors etkoot Ev Kal penVvas evvea.

~ \ / 72 \ ~ > / ~
ths b¢-Midpys dwdexa Kat prvas evvéa. Tov
dé MydpapotvOwos eikoow mévTe Kal pAvas déKa.

96 TOO b€ Op@os evvéa Kal pHvas OKT. ToD &
i. / / \ ~ / ~ \
Apévmdis tpiakovTa Kat pivas béxa. Tod dé
*Qpos tpidkovTa €€ Kat pqvas wévte. Tod be
buyatnp “AKeyxepns Sadexa Kal phva eva. THs

97 5€ ‘Pafwris adeAdos evvéa. tod dé “Akeyxynpys
dweeka Kal phvas mevte. Tod bé€ “Akeyynpns
er / \ ~ a ~ kA ae
Erepos Swoeka Kal pyvas tpets. Tod dé “Appais
Téooapa Kal pyva eva. tod de “Payeoons ev Kal
pjvas técoapas. tod bé€ “Apyécons Muapodv
¢ / a \ ~ / ~ \ a /
é€jkovta €€ Kat phvas dvo. tod de “Apéevwdis

98 dexaevvéa Kal pivas €€. Tod b€ Lébws oO Kat
‘“Papéoons® immxiy Kal vavtTiuxny exw dvvaynw

1 MaveOdvos L.

2 Sé0ws 6 kai Pay. Eus.: DéOwors cai ‘Payéocons L.

200

——E

AGAINST APION, I. 92-98

into Egypt. However, I propose to investigate these
matters more fully elsewhere.“

(15) For the moment I am citing the Egyptians as Bubseauens
witnesses to our antiquity. I w ill therefore resume Beate
my extracts from Manetho bearing on the chronology.

The following are his words:

‘After the departure of the pastoral people
from Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmosis,? the king
who expelled them from Egypt, reigned twenty-
five years and four months, and on his death the
kingdom passed to his son Chebron, who reigned
thirteen years. After him Amenophis reigned
twenty years and seven months; then his sister
Amesses twenty-one years and nine months ;_ her
son Mephres twelve years and nine months ; then
from father to son Mephramouthosis twenty-five
years and ten months, Thmosis nine years and
eight months, Amenophis thirty years and ten
months, Orus thirty-six years and five months ;
his daughter Akenchéres twelve years and one
month; her brother Rathotis nine years; then
from father to son Akenchéres twelve years and
five months, Akenchéres II twelve years and three
months, Harmais four years and one month,
Ramesses one year and four months, Harmesses
Miamoun sixty-six years and two months,
Amenophis nineteen years and six months, and
then Sethosis,° also called Ramesses. The last- Ram(es)ses

: Il ec. 1340-
named king, who possessed an army of cavalry and Erne

“4 Perhaps looking on to §§ 227 ff., where he reverts to
Manetho. But we should expect tcrepoy or the like; ێv
té\N\os usually refers to a separate work.

» Called Thoummosis above, §88. Perhaps Thmosis(§ 96)
is the correct form. ¢ Perhaps “ Sethos ”’ (cf. § 231).

201

JOSEPHUS

Tov pev adeAdov “Appaiv ézitpomov ths Alydarov
KaTeOTHOEV Kal Tacav pev av’T@ tiv adAnv Ba-
oun 7 mepreO kev eCovotay, puovov de everetaro
OuddnpLa pen popety pende tiv Bachioa prepa TE
TOV TEKVWV GOLKEIY, améxecbat de Kal Tov addwv
99 BaciAtKkav BA SS Gare be ee Kuzpov Kat
Dowikyny Kat madw *Acoupiovs te Kat Mydovs
oTpatevoas amavTas, TOUS pev Sopare, Tous 6¢
OpLaxnTe pope de 77S moMijs Ouvdpews D droxerplous
eAape, Kal peya dpovijcas emt Tats eUmpaylats ETL
Kat Gapoadeudtepov émemropeveto Tas pos avatoAds
100 70Aets. TE ~KAL YWpas KaTaoTpepopevos. yXpovoU
Te tKavod yeyovotos “Apyais 6 Katadedfeis ev
Aiyir7w mavTa tapmadw ois adeAdos’ rapier
Li) Tovey ade@s Expattev’ Kal yap THv PBaowrida
Biaiws €oyev Kat tais aAAats madAaKkicw adedas
dueTeAce ypupevos, mevBopevos de? bro Tov didwy
101 Ouddna. epopel Kal avrijpe T@ adeAd@. o dé
TETAYPLEeVOS ETL TV lep@v® Tis “Aiyénrov ypaibas
BiBAtov ezeppe TH Ueboioer, SyASv at7G wavra
KGL OTL avrijpev 0 adehdos atT@* “Appais. Tapa-
xpTa ovy UTéoTpewev ets TInAovovov KaL expaTncev
102 THs idias Baourelas. 7) de xwpa eKAnOn amo TOD
avTod ovopatos Atyumtos.” Aéyer yap OTL O pev
1 adekgdos Gutschmid: ddedgos L.
2 re Niese.

3 Hudson (after Lat. and Eus.): iepéwy L.
4 Niese: avrod L.

2 In § 231 called Hermaeus.

> The ms. has the marginal note: “‘ In another copy was
found this reading : *‘ After him Sethosis and Ramesses, two
brothers. The former, possessing a strong fleet, blockaded

202

AGAINST APION, I. 98-102

a strong fleet, made his brother Harmais * viceroy
of Egypt ® and conferred upon him all the royal
prerogatives, except that he enjoined upon him
not to wear a diadem, not to wrong the queen, the
mother of his children, and to show similar respect
to the royal concubines. He then departed on a
campaign against Cyprus and Phoenicia, and later
against the Assyrians and Medes, and with or
without a contest, through the terror inspired by
his mighty army, reduced all these nations to sub-
mission. Emboldened by these successes he, with
yet greater audacity, continued his advance, sub-
duing the cities and districts of the east. Mean-
while, some time after his departure, Harmais,
whom he had left in Egypt, unscrupulously defied
all his brother’s injunctions. He violated the
queen, freely indulged himself with the concubines,
and, at the instigation of his friends, put on a
diadem and rose in revolt against his brother. The
keeper of the Egyptian temples thereupon wrote
a letter which he sent to Sethosis, telling him
everything, including the insurrection of his
brother Harmais. Sethosis instantly returned to
Pelusium and recovered his kingdom; and the
country was called after him Aegyptus.”
this maritime opponents who were causing great loss of
lifet [text doubtful]. Not long after he slew Ramesses and
appointed Harmais, another of his brothers, viceroy of Egypt.’”’
See note* on p. 196, and, for the naval action of Sethos(is) in
the Red Sea, Herod. ii. 102, to which Josephus alludes in 4.
viii. 260 ff.; Herodotus calls him Sesostris, Josephus there
identifies him with Shishak, the enemy of Rehoboam. The
relationship of Ramesses to Sethos(is) is variously stated
in the accounts. In the text above R. is another name of

Sethos(is); in the marginal note he is his brother; in § 231
below Rampses is his son.

203

JOSEPHUS

Lébws exadeizo Atyumros, “Appais b€ 6 adeAdos
avtod Aavaos.

103 (16) Tatra pev 6 Mavéfws. SAdov & €or ex
TOV elpnuevwy eT@v Tod xpovov oavdAdoyiobevTos
oTt of KaAovpevor TroLeves, TLEeTEpoL Se’ TpPdyovot,
TpLOl Kal EVEVKOVTGA Kal TpLaKOOloLs TpoOcbEy ETEOW
éx THs Aliytnrov amaddayévtes THY Xwpav TavTHV
éexwkyoav 7 Aavaov eis "Apyos adixéobau: Kaitou

104 TOUTOV dpxarorarov “Apyetor vopiCovat. dvo towov
rs) Mavebws Tptv TA peylora pepapTupyKev eK TOV
Tap Atyurttous VpPapLpaTov, Tp@Tov pev Ti €Te-
polev adi€w eis Aiyumtov, emeita 6€ 77 exeiev
amadidayiv ovtws apxatiav tots xpovols, ws eyyvs
Tov mpotepetv® attiy tav “Ihuak@v erect yAiots.

105 b7rep av om 0 Mavé@ws otk éx tay map’ Aliyumtious
ypapparov, ® ard’ ws attos wpoddynKkey Ex TOV
aOdEeoTTOT WS pvdoroyoupeven ampootélerkev, VoTEpov
e€ehéyEw Kata pépos amodekvds Tv a7iPavov
avtod wevdodoyiav.

106 (17) BovAopiat Tolvy amo TOUTWY 7301)" peveMBetv
emt TA 7 Tapa Tots Doinew avayeypappeva TEpt TOU
yevous Tpe@v Kal TOS €€ EKELV OV jeapruptas Tapa-

107 oxew. E07 TOLWUV Tapa Tupitous amo ee oAAwv?
eT@V ypappara Onpoota YEypappeva KGL mepvday -
peva Atay emyred@s TEpl TOV Tap avrots yevo-
peeve KL ™pos adAovs® mpaxGevrwv pvHpNs atta.

108 €v TovToLs yéeypamrar OTL O &V ‘TepocoAvpous WKO-

1 6¢ Eus.: om. L Lat.
mou mpotepety Eus., Lat.: tot mpérepor L.
3 arpayuarov L. 4 Eus.: é7c L (Lat. rursus).

5 ad mau. | wo\\Gv L Lat.
6 Gutschmid: dj ous L Lat.

2

204

AGAINST APION, I. 102-108

For Manetho states that Sethos was called Aegyptus
and his brother Harmais Danaus.

(16) Such is Manetho’s account ; and, if the years
which he enumerates are summed up, it is clear that
the so-called shepherds, our ancestors, left Egypt
and settled in our ® country 393 years ° before Danaus
came to Argos. Yet the “Argiv es regard him as one
of the most ancient of men.4 Manetho has thus
furnished us with evidence from Egyptian literature
on two most important points: first that we came
into Egypt from elsewhere, and secondly, that we
left it at a date so remote in the past that it preceded
the Trojan War by nearly a thousand years. His
additional statements, which he derived not from the
Egyptian records, but, as he admits himself, from
fables of unknown authorship, I shall refute in detail
later on ® and show the improbability of these lying
stories.

(17) I therefore now propose to pass on to the
allusions to our race in the Phoenician chronicles,
and to produce the evidence which they afford. For
very many years past the people of Tyre have kept
public records, compiled and very carefully preserved
by the state, of the memorable events in their in-
ternal history and in their relations with foreigti
nations. It is there recorded that the Temple at

a Of. § 231. Pioneer hises

¢ The total length of the reigns enumerated in chap. 15
from the expulsion of the Hyesos to the accession of Sethosis
is only 333 years. ‘To this Josephus (or his source) seems
to have added sixty years for the reign of Sethosis, the
duration of which is given in § 231 as fifty -nine years.

4 The mythical Inachus was held to be still more
ancient. € §§ 297 ff.

205

Importance
of Manetho’s
evidence.

(B) Phoeni-
cian
evidence:
(i) Tyrian
archives.

JOSEPHUS

SopunOn vaos tro Lodopevos Tob Bactréws € eTEOL
barrov EKaTOV TECOUPAKOVTA Kal TpLOW Kal pnow
109 OKTw TOD KTicat Tupiovs Kapyyédova. aveypady
6€ Tap exelvols ovK addoyws* 1 zo vaob Kara-
oxevi) Tod Tap jpiv: Etpwyos yap 6 Tav Tupiwv
Baotreds diros i Tob Bacttéws hay LoAdpwvos
110 Tarr puKTy mpos avTov diriav duadedeypevos. obTos
otv oupdiroryovpevos els TH TOD KaTacKevd-
oparos 7@ Lohopave AapmpoTyTa xXpvatov pev
ElKOOL Kal eKaTOV cdwKe TdAavra, teow Oe Kah-
Atorqy vAnv €k ToD dpous, 6 KaXetTaL AtBavos, cls
Tov Opodov arméoretev. dyTedwprj caro be avrov"
6 Zohopev aMous te ToAAois Kal yf KaTa ywpav
LLL THs DPadtAatas € ev TH XaBovdwy Acyouery. pddvora
6° adrovs eis purtav 7) h THs codlas cuviyev emifvpia:
TpoPAnpara. yap aAArjAows avramearehhov Avew
Kehevovres, Kal KpeiTTwY ev TOUTOLS TV O Lodopev
<av>* Kal taAAa coduitepos. aowdlovTar dé pexpe
vov mapa tots Tupiots moAAat tO émuctoA@y as
éxeivo pos adAnjAovs eypaibay.
112 “Oru & od Adyos eat tm euod ovyKeipsevos oO
TEepl TOV Tapa Tots Tuplow ypappaTwv, Tapa-
y

Ajcona pdptupa Aiov, dvdpa zept tHv DowiKiKny

1 oix dd\éyws Eus.: om. L Lat.
2 Naber: aizto L. The text of the whole sentence is
doubtful.

3 ins. Niese.

* Calculation derived from the duration of the reigns of
the Tyrian kings; see chap. 18, especially § 126, below.
The date given for the foundation of Carthage varies in
different authorities from c. 1234 to c. 793 B.c.

> Biblical Hiram, occasionally spelt Hirom (nn).

206

Ee

AGAINST APION, I. 108-112

Jerusalem was built by King Solomon 143 years and Temple ~=
eight months before the foundation of Carthage by oe
the Tyrians.* There was good reason why the
erection of our temple should be mentioned in their
records, for Hirom,® king of Tyre, was a friend of our
king Solomon, a friendship which he had inherited
from his father.© Sharing Solomon’s zeal for the
splendour of the edifice, Hirom gave him 120 talents
of gold, and also cut down the finest timber from
the mountain called Libanus and sent it to him for
the roof. In return Solomon, among many other
gifts, made him a present of land in Galilee in the
district called Chabulon.? But the main bond of
friendship between them was their passion for learn-
ing. They used to send each other problems to
solve; in these Solomon showed the greater pro-
ficiency, as, in general, he was the cleverer of the
two. Many of the letters which they exchanged are
preserved at Tyre to this day.¢

To prove that these assertions about the Tyrian (i) Divs on
archives are not of my own invention, I will call upon Solomon's

riddles.
Dius,f who is regarded as an accurate historian of

ENG. 2 ‘Sam. vali, 1 Kings vy. 1, where it. is Solomon
who inherits from his father David a friendship with Hiram.

4 1 Kings ix. 10-13. The district apparently took its
name from the town or village of Cabul, called Chabolo in
the Life § 213.

¢ Letters between Hiram and Solomon on the building of
the temple are given in | Kings v., paraphrased in Josephus, 4.
viii. 50-54, and others of a more literary character are quoted
from Eupolemus (2nd cent. B.c.) in Euseb. Praep. Hv. ix. 33 f.
None of these refer to the riddles mentioned below; the
origin of these may perhaps be sought in the story of the
Queen of Sheba and her ‘‘ hard questions” (1 Kings x. 1).

*f The same extract is quoted in A. viii. 147, Nothing
more is known of Dius.

207

113 7

114

116

117

JOSEPHUS

toroptav axpuBn Veyoveva TETLOTEVILEVOY obros
Tolvuv ev Tals mepl Dowikwyv taroptais ypaper TOV
Tpom tov totrov: “ ’ABiBadov TeAevTyCaVTOS: 6 vids
avToo Eipwpos éBactvevoev. ovTos Ta _Tpos ava
ToAds Lepy THis ToAews TpoceXWwoEV Kal petCov TO
GOTV eolnoev Kal Tob ‘Odvpurriov Atos TO lepov,
Ka? éavTo ov &v vijow, xwoas Tov peTtaed TomToV
ouvie TH TOAEL Kat ypvaots avaywacw EKoopnoer,
> \ \ > \ / e / \ \ ~
avapas d€ eis Tov AiBavov tAoTouycev Tpos THY TOV
va@v* KaTacKevyVy. Tov de TupavvooyTa, ‘lepoco-
Avro Lohopava 7 mrepipa gal Tpos TOV Eipwpov
aiviypara, Kal map avtod Aafetv agvoby, TOV de
pe) duvynfevra dSvaKpivar 7@ Avoavrt Xpnpara aro -
Tivew. opohoyijcavra d€ TOV Eipwpov KaL py) duv7)-
Oevra Adoat Ta alviypara toAAa Tov XpyUaTwY Els
To emulypuov avaAdaa. «ita de® “ABdypovvev twa
/ + \ / ~ \ > \ y
Tupiov avdpa ta mpotebevta ABoar Kai adrov adda
~ “A \ / \ ~ \ ~
mpoBareiv, a py Avoavra TOV Lodowava ToAAa TO
Eipoye mpogamorioas Xpnpare.. Atos pev obtv
oUTW TEpl 7 TOV Tpoelpy Leveny TL Hepaprupy Ker.
(18) *AAAa zpos tovTw Trapabjcopa. Kal Mevay-
dpov tov *Edéavov. yeypahev b& obtos Tas ed’
e / ~ / / \ \ a «@
exdoTov TOV Bacdewy mpagers Tas Tapa Tots EMqor
KaL i BapBapors yevopLevas, eK TOV 7 Tap: exdorous® em-
yoplov ypapparoy omovddcas Thv toTopiav pabetv.
ypapuv TolWUV® TEpL Tov ev Tupw BeBaorlevxoraw,
émeita yevouevos Kata Tov Eipwpyov ratra dyoat*

1 setroinxev L.
2 iepav Eus. and Jos. Ant. viii. 147.

3. 67 L. * Eus., Lat.: éxeivos L.
5 Eus.: 67 L.
@ Or “ tyrant.” ® In A. viii. 149 ‘“* Abdemon.”

208

HT f

AGAINST APION, I. 112-117

Phoenicia, for his witness. In his history of the
Phoenicians he writes as follows :

‘““ On the death of Abibalus, his son Hirom came
to the throne. He levelled up the eastern part of
the city with embankments, enlarged the town,
united to it by a causeway the temple of Olympian
Zeus, which was isolated on an island, and adorned
it with offerings of gold; he also went up to
Libanus and had timber cut down for the con-
struction of temples. It is said that Solomon, the
sovereign® of Jerusalem, sent riddles to Hirom
and asked for others from him, on the understand-
ing that the one who failed to solve them should
pay a sum of money to him who succeeded. Hirom
agreed, and being unable to guess the riddles,
spent a large part of his wealth on the fine. After-
wards they were solved by a certain Abdemun ®
of Tyre, who propounded others. Solomon, failing
to solve these, paid back to Hirom more than he
had received.”

Thus has Dius attested my previous statements.

(18) I will, however, cite yet a further witness, (ii) LN.
Menander of Enhesus.° This author has recorded Toners
the events of each reign,in Hellenic and non-Hellenic4
countries alike, and has taken the trouble to obtain
his information in each case from the national records.
Writing on the kings of Tyre, when he comes to
Hirom he expresses himself thus :

¢ The extract below is quoted also in A. viii. 144. The

writer is probably the same person as the Menander of
Pergamum quoted by Clement of Alexandria (Strom. i.
p- 140, § 114) as stating that ‘‘ Hiram gave his daughter in
marriage to Solomon “at the time when Menelaus visited
Phoenicia after the capture of Troy.”

@ ** Barbarian.”

VOL. I P 209

JOSEPHUS

q TehevT}oavT os de ae OvedeEaTo THY Baou-
delay adrod 6 vios Eipwpos, os Budcas eTn vy"
118 eBacthevoer € er7) Ad". obros EXWOE tov Etdpiywpov
TOV TE YpvoodY Kiova TOV ev Tots TOD Atos avebnKer,
ey, 12 , > \ ” I. 38 A
emt te’ vAnv EvAwy ameABow Exoev azo Tod Aeyo-
/ » / / / >] A ~
péevov opovs AtBdavov Kédpwa Evra eis tas TOV
lepav oTeyas, KabeAciy Te TO apxata tepa Kavos
vaovs” @Kodopuncey cov Te TOO ‘Hpaxddovs Kal THs

119 “Aoraprys,° mp@tov te Tod “Hpakdéous eyepow
el oaTO ev 7 7@ Wepitiw pnvi* trois te “IruKators*®
emeoTpaTevouTo p17) amodLdotct Tovs ddpovs, ovs

120 Kat troTaéas €avTa@ wadw avéorpedev. emt TovTov
> > / ~ A “A ~ ee | Sy, 6 A
fv “ABdipovvos mats vewrepos, Os ae evixa® Ta

/ a 3 / \ Os ,
mpoPpAnpata, & emétatte LoAopwyv o ‘lepocoddpwv
/ x) My \ e / > \ / ~

121 PactAeds.”’ udilerar d€ 6 ypovos azo TovTov TOO
Baoitéws dypr tas Kapynddvos Kricews ovTws:
tedeutjcavtos Eipapov duedé€ato tiv BactAetav
BaABalepos’ vids, 6s Buocas ér ’ €BaciXevoev

Sep SP cal
Tae 78 A ~ of] A 5 / ev /

122 ern wC’.8 peta Ttodrov “ABdacrTpatos vios Budoas
” 0S / 4 / ~ e ~ ~
ern AW’ éBaciAevcey Eryn 8. TodTov ot zHS Tpodod
avrob viol Téaaapes e7iBovAetoartes aTwMAEcay, BV
6 mpeoBUTEpos eBacthevoev MeOovodorapros 6

eAaaoraprov, os Bucioas evn vd €Bacirevcev
~ > /

123 €77 18’. pera TodTov 6 adeAdos atrobd ’Acbapupos

1 ézi re Eus. (Lat.): érecra L: @r 6 Jos. Ant. viii. 145.
2 xawovds vaovs Dind.: kai vaols L.
3 + réuevos aviépevoev L. 4 + ira 76 77s “Aotdaprns L.
§ trois re Ir. Gutschmid (cf. Ant. viii. 146): 6767e Tirvots L.
§ + \iwy Eus.
7 Badeatepos L. 8 érra L Lat.
9 4 érn dexadvo and (for Me@.) ue’ obs “Acrapros L.

@ Connecting old Tyre on the mainland with the new
island city.

210

AGAINST APION, I. 117-123

“On the death of Abibalus the kingdom passed
to his son Hirom, who lived fifty-three years and
reigned thirty-four. He laid the embankment of
the Broad Place,* dedicated the golden pillar in
the temple of Zeus,2> went and cut down cedar
wood on the mount called Libanus for timber for
the roofs of temples, demolished the ancient
temples, and built new shrines dedicated to
Heracles and Astarte. That of Heracles he
erected first, in the month Peritius.© He under-
took a campaign against the people of Utica who
refused to pay their tribute, and did not return
home till he had reduced them to submission.
Under his reign lived Abdemun, a young lad, who
always succeeded in mastering the problems set
by Solomon, king of Jerusalem.”

The period intervening between this king and the
foundation of Carthage is computed as follows :

4 On the death of Hirom the throne passed to his
son Balbazer, who lived forty-three years and
reigned seventeen. His successor Abdastratus
lived thirty-nine years and reigned nine. The —
four sons of his nurse conspired against him and
slew him. The eldest of these, Methusastartus,
son of Deleastartus, mounted the throne and lived
fifty-four years and reigned twelve. He was
followed by his brother, Astharymus, who lived
’ According to Eupolemus a present from Solomon to
Suron (= Hiram); Eus. P.H. ix. 34. Herod. (ii. 44) saw a
golden stele in the temple of Heracles, probably the temple
here called that of Zeus ; he mentions two temples of Heracles
and none of Zeus.

¢ The fourth month of the Macedonian year (? January).

4 In this paragraph Josephus apparently paraphrases his
authority.

211

JOSEPHUS

4 »” 4 >] J ” / * 5
Budcas ern vy’ €Bactrevoey ern 0’. obdros am-
wAreto bo Tot adeAdod DédAnTos, 6s AaBow TV
Baotreiav jp€ev pivas n° Pidoas ety v’. TodTov
5 ~ 5 ' e ~ 5 vA e wa “a
aveiAev “I06Bados 6 THs “Aotapryns tepevs, Os

124 Biacas ETN pn’ éBactAevoev ET? Ap’. ToUTOV OLEdE-
Eato Bakélwpos vids, ds Budcas ern pie’ €PactAevoev

oy oe 4 , , / , go. Siew

125 €rn €€.' tovtTov diadoxos yéyove Mertrnvos* vios,
6s Buacas ern AB’ eBacirevoev ern KO’ TovTov
duddoxos yéyovev IlvypaXiwv, ds Budcas ern vy"*
, / »” 4 >) \ ~ >) >] >) ~ e /
eBactAevoev ern pC’. ev b€ TH Em avTod EBdouw
ETEL 1) adeAdr avToo duyotca ev TH AtBvy TOAW
OKOOOUyNGEV Kapyyéova.

5 mas oO povos ato TIS Eipajov

/ / / } »” 4

Bactrcias péxpe Kapyndovos Kticews ETN pve
ufves yn’. emet 6€ OwoeKdTw ETEL THS avTod Baot-
delas 6 &v ‘lepocoAvpots pxodopnOn vaos, yeyovev
azo THs oucodopj ews Tod vaob pexpe Kapynddovos
KTLIGEWS ern py” Hives n’.

126 Lvuvayerar [677 |

127 As pev ovv Tapa Dowikwv pLapTupias ti det

mpoobeivar mA€ov; BAémerar yap tadnbés iayupds
wpodoynueévov. Kat moAv Simov mpoayer THs Tob
ved) KATAaCKEUTS 7) TOV Tpoyovwv jUa@V Els THV
yopav adi€is: ote yap avTiy macav ToAeum Tap-
éhaBov, Tore TOV vewv KaTeoKevacay. Kal TadTa
cadhds ex TOV tep@v ypappatwv br’ Eod d<ed7jAw-
Ta Old THS apxyatodoyias.

1 7’ (elsewhere ty’) Eus.: ¢’ Theophilus.
2 Marrnvos L. 3 yl. évvéa Li, éxTw, Ke’.
Ss’ L Lat. > ins. ed. pr.
212

AGAINST APION, I. 123-127

fifty-eight years and reigned nine. He was slain
by his brother Phelles, who seized the throne and
reigned eight months, having reached the age of
fifty, when he was slain by Ithobal, priest of
Astarte, who lived forty-eight years and reigned
thirty-two. He was succeeded by his son Balezor,
who lived forty-five years and reigned six. He,
in turn, was succeeded by his son Mettén, who
lived thirty-two years and reigned twenty-nine ;
and he by Pygmalion, who lived fifty-eight years
and reigned forty-seven. It was in the seventh
year of his reign that his sister @ took flight, and
built the city of Carthage in Libya.

The whole period from the accession of Hirom to
the foundation of Carthage thus amounts to 155 years
and eight months; and, since the temple at Jeru-
salem was built in the twelfth year of King Hirom’s
reign,’ 143 years and eight months elapsed between
the erection of the temple and the foundation of
Carthage.

What need is there to add further Phoenician
evidence ? The agreement of the witnesses, as will
be seen, affords strong confirmation of their veracity.
Of course our ancestors arrived in the country long
before the temple was built; for it was not until
they had conquered the whole land that they erected
it. The facts, derived from the sacred books, have
been clearly stated in my Archaeology.“

2 Elissa, commonly known as Dido.

» There has been some corruption in the figures for the
individual reigns, which do not amount to the total here given.

¢ The source for this statement is unknown. In A. viii. 62
the date given for the commencement of the building is the
eleventh year of Hiram’s reign.

@ A, viii. 61 f.

213

=O

JOSEPHUS

128 (19) Aééw 5€ viv 7107 TO. Tapa Xahdators dva.-
engrate Kat toTopovpeva mept TLOV, dep Exel

nV Spodoyiav Kal Tepl rOv dAAwy Tots Tere

129 a YpEppLact. pedprus d€ TOUTWY BypGoos, aviip
Xadéaios pev TO yévos, yrwpiwos de Tots TEpt
maLdetav eA a oe e7ELO1) TEL TE GOTPOVO-
pias Kal TEpl 7 mapa Xadédatous procopovpevav
avTos eis TOUS *EANqvas ebyveyKe Tas ovyypadas.
130 ovros Tolvuy Oo Bypaaos tats dpxavordrass em -
akoAovlay dvaypapats mept TE TOU yevopevou KaTa-
KAvopov Kat THS EV avT@ plopas TOV avopurrey,
Kkallazep Mavojs, ourws toropyKev Kat mepl THIS
Adpvaxos, ev 7, N@yos 0 Tob yéevous jpav apxnyos
dveowOy mpocevexGeions avris rats aKpwpetats
131 TOV "Appeviow 6 opa@v. ci7a TOUS G70 Na@xov KaTa-
héywv Kal Tovs xpovous adtots mpoaTieis exit NaBo-
7aAdocapov TapayiveT at, TOV | BafvAdvos kat Xad-
132 daiwy Baowréa, KaL TAS TOUTOU mpages adyyou-
peevos: Aéyet TWa TpoToVv mepufas emt Ty Atyurtov

A e /
KaL el TIV TETEepav viv TOV vloV TOV éavTod
NafBovyodovecopov pera ToAAfs duvdpuews, ere
OnmEep adecT@tas avtovs e7vUeTo,* madvTwY EeKpa-
THOE Kal TOV vaov evérpnae Tov ev ‘lepocoddpois,
dAws TE TaVTA TOV Tap Hav Aaov avacTiHaas Eis
BaBvAdva perodixicev ovveby b€ Kal THY TOAW
épnuwljva xpovov era@v ePdop.7jKovTa pwexpe Kdpov
133 700 Ilepo@v PactAéws. Kparjoa. b€ gdyow Tov
BaBvAdvuov Aliytarov Xvpias Dowixyns *Apafias,
/

e , ~ / \ \
dvtas vmepPaddpevov tats mpafeot tovs apo

1 NaBSoxodpécopor (after Eus.) Niese; and so below.
* Emend. (after Eus. and Lat.) L. Bos: twé@ero L.
214

AGAINST APION, I. 128-133

(19) I will now proceed to the allusions made to
us in the records and literature of the Chaldaeans ;
on various points these are in close agreement with
our own scriptures. My witness here is Berosus,¢ a
Chaldaean by birth, but familiar in learned circles
through his publication for Greek readers of works
on Chaldaean astronomy and philosophy. This
author, following the most ancient records, has, like

\
(C) Chal-
daean
evidence :
BEROSUS.

Moses, described the flood and the destruction of On the

mankind thereby, and told of the ark in which Noah,
the founder of our race, was saved when it landed on
the heights of the mountains of Armenia. Then he
enumerates Noah’s descendants, appending dates,
and so comes down to Nabopalassar, king of Babylon
and Chaldaea. In his narrative of the actions of this
monarch he relates how he sent his son Nabuchodo-
nosor with a large army to Egypt and to our country,
on hearing that these people had revolted, and how
he defeated them all, burnt the temple at Jerusalem,?
dislodged and transported our entire population to
Babylon, with the result that the city lay desolate for
seventy years until the time of Cyrus, king of Persia.
He adds that the Babylonian monarch conquered
Egypt, Syria, Phoenicia, and Arabia, his exploits
surpassing those of all previous kings of Chaldaea

* Beros(s)us, priest of the temple of Bel at Babylon,
c. 330-250 B.c., wrote a history of Babylon (XaNéaika or
BaBvAwvika) comprising at least three books (§ 142), besides
works on astronomy and astrology.

®’ An extract from his account of the flood is given in
A. i. 93. ‘The name mentioned by Berosus was not Noah,
but, as we learn from Syncellus, Xisuthrus.

¢ The burning of the temple, not mentioned in the extract
which follows, is presumably interpolated by Josephus, and
erroneously placed in the reign of Nabopalassar,

215

flood.

625-604 B.C,

Nebuchad-
rezzar
604-561 B.c.

CAD OBC:

JOSEPHUS

avtod' Xadébaiwv Kat BaBvdwvic BeBaotAevKoras.

134 [ei0” €€fs troKar TaPas oAtyov 6 Bnpacos maAw

135

136

137

mapatiberat ev TH THS dpXavornTos toTopto-
ypadia.|* avra be Tapabjcopat Ta TOU Bypacov
ToUTOV EXovTAa TOV TpoTroV: “ axovoas 6° 0 TarT)/p
ee NaBoraAdcapos OTt ° TETAY}LEVOS carpamns
TE Atytar Tw) Kab Tots mept THV Lupiay Tay KotAny

KQL T7V Dowireny Tomots amooTaTys yeyover, od
Ouvdpevos avTOS ETL KkaxoTrabety, ovoTnoas T@
vi@ NaBovyodovocdpy ¢ ovre eTL ev TAucia pepn Twa
THs Svuvdpews eerrepibev én avrov. ouppgas dé
NaBovxodovdcopos TO amooraTy Kat mapatagd-
jeevos avTot T éxupievoe Kal Ty Xepay e€ apx7s
b770 THY av7@v® Baotiretay émoujoato. T@ TE Tarpl
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petadAdEar Tov Btov evn BeBaotrevxore KOs
aicbouevos de pet od TOAD THY Tob TarTpos 7 Tehev-
THY Nasiaccbarisdask KaTaorT}aas Ta Kara TV
Atyurrov Tpayyara Kal T1V Aoumy xwopar, Kal
TOUS aixpadcir ous ‘Tovdate te kat Dowikwv Kat
Lvpwv Kat | TOV KATA THY Alyumtov €bv@v ovv-
rdgas Tit TOV didwy peta THs Bapurarns durdjews
Kal TAS Aourijs. wpedetas avakopilew ets TV Ba-
viwviar, avros oppncas oAvyootos Tape yevEeTo

138 dua (THs EprpLov Eis BaBvAdva. katadaBov 6€ Ta

Tpdadypara Ovoovpeva timo Xaddaiwy Kat da-
THpoupev a THY Baowretay t b70 TOO BeAriorov avrav,
Kupievoas® oAoKAjpov Tips TATPLKHS apYAs Tots pmev
aixparwros Tapayevomevors ouvérakev® azoKkias

1 ed. pr.: abtav L.

216

AGAINST APION, I. 133-138

and Babylon.* But I will quote Berosus’s own words,
which are as follows :?

‘“ His father Nabopalassar, hearing of the defec- on Nabu-
tion of the satrap in charge of Egypt, Coele-Syria, “Motos”
and Phoenicia, and being himself unequal to the
fatigues of a campaign, committed part of his army
to his son Nabuchodonosor, still in the prime of
life, and sent him against the rebel. Nabu-
chodonosor engaged and defeated the latter in a
pitched battle and replaced the district under
Babylonian rule. Meanwhile, as it happened, his
father Nabopalassar sickened and died in the city
of Babylon, after a reign of twenty-one years.
Being informed ere long of his father’s death,
Nabuchodonosor settled the affairs of Egypt
and the other countries. The prisoners—Jews,
Phoenicians, Syrians, and those of Egyptian
nationality—were consigned to some of his friends,
with orders to conduct them to Babylonia, along
with the heavy troops and the rest of the spoils ;
while he himself, with a small escort, pushed across
the desert to Babylon. There he found the ad-
ministration in the hands of the Chaldaeans and
the throne reserved for him by their chief noble-
man. Being now master of his father’s entire
realm, he gave orders to allot to the captives, on
« Here follows the gloss: “ Then again [a passage] a little

lower down in Berosus is cited in his history of antiquity ”’
(or perhaps “ in the narrative of the Antiquities.”’ with refer-

ence to A. x. 219).
> 'The passage is quoted also in A. x. 220 ff.

2 The bracketed words, omitted by Eus. and Lat., are an
obvious gloss in cod. L.

3 avrod Eus. cod. and JA. x. 221. 4 Kus.: elkoovtevvéa L.
64 ¢& L. 6 Text follows A. x.

217

JOSEPHUS

év tots émitndevoTtatos THs BaBvAwvias tézrots
139 dmodetEat, atdtos 8° amo TOV €x TOD TodEpov Aadv-
pov TO TE ByjAov tepov Kat Ta. Aowra. Koopnoas piro-
TiLWws THY Te UTApYovaay €E a apxis TOdw Tad érepav
efwbev TpocYapladLevos Kal dvayKdcas,}* Tpos TO
pnkere Stvacba tods modopKotvTas TOV ToTApOV
avactpédovras emt TIv moAW KaracKevdlew,” Trept-
eBaAero Tpets pLev Tijs evoov mohews mrepuBorovs,
Tpets de Tijs e£w, Tovtwy [dé] Tovs pe €& OomT hs
7AivGov Kal aopdArov, Tous 6€ ef avTis TAS. a7iv-
140 fov. Kai retxyicas afvoAdyws tv moAW Kal TOUS
murABvas Koopjnoas lepompeT@s Tpookateckevacev
tots tatpikots BaotAelos erepa Pacideva exopeva
exeivwv, @v® ravdornua* Kat tiv Aoi zoAv-
Téhevavy pakpov tows €oTar eav Tis eEnynrar, wAnV
ovTa ye brepPoAny ws peyaAa Kat UrEpjdava avv-
141 eteAéoty npepais Sexamrevte. ev S€ Tots BactAetous
TovToUs avaAjppata Aibwa swydra dyouKodopnaas
Kal THY Ow aTrodovs OpoLvoTaTHY Tots OpeEct, Kara
dutevous Sévdpect mavrodamois, eEeipydoato Kal
KaTeoKEevace TOV KaAOUPLEVOV KpELLAOTOV TApadELoOV
dua TO THY yuvaika adtod éemiOupely THS dpetas
diablécews Tebpapyperny ev Tots Kata THY Myédiay
, re
TOTOLS.
142 (20) Tatra pev ovTus® toropy Kev TEplt TOO mpoeipn-
pLevov Bacthéws Kal moa mpos TOUTOLS EV TH TPIT

BifAw tdv XaddaikGv, év 7 péudetar Trois “EAAn-

1 Text corrupt. Perhaps for dvayxdcas read davaxawicas
with two mss. of A. (or dvaxwécas Gutschmid), omit the
preceding xai and transpose the participle after roku. For
Tpocxapic. mpocoxupicduevos has been suggested (Herwerden).

2 accedere Lat.

218

AGAINST APION, I. 138-142

their arrival, settlements in the most suitable
districts of Babylonia. He then magnificently
decorated the temple of Bel and the other temples
with the spoils of war, trestored7 the old city, and
added a new one outside the walls, and, in order to
prevent the possibility in any future siege of
taecess being gained{ to the city by a diversion of
the course of the river, he enclosed both the inner
and the outer city with three lines of ramparts,
those of the inner city being of baked brick and
bitumen, those of the outer city of rough brick.
After fortifying the city on this grand scale and
adorning the gateways in a manner worthy of their
sanctity, he constructed a second palace adjoining
that of his father. It would perhaps be tedious to
describe the towering height and general magnifi-
cence of this building ; it need only be remarked
that, notwithstanding its immense and imposing
proportions, it was completed in fifteen days.
Within this palace he erected lofty stone terraces,
in which he closely reproduced mountain scenery,
completing the resemblance by planting them
with all manner of trees and constructing the so-
called hanging garden“; because his wife, having
been brought up in Media, had a passion for
mountain surroundings.”

(20) Such is the account given by Berosus of this. Further
king, besides much more in the third book of his ey 307%...
History of Chaldaea, where he censures the Greek

* Regarded as one of the seven wonders of the ancient
none A fuller account is quoted from Ctesias in Diodorus,
is jee dts

3 gv A.: Urép dv Syncellus: éraipwyv L.
4 Gutschmid: dvaornua L. 5 otros Naber.
219

145

144

145

146

JOSEPHUS

vuxots ovyypapebow Os parnv oloprevols bro Lepu-
papews ths “Acoupias KricOjAvar Ty BaBuAdva
Kat TO. Gavpdaova KaTacKkevacbjvar mepl avriy on
exes Epya pevdas yeypaddor. Kal Kata TadrTa
TV pe TOV XaAdatwv avaypadry agvomLorov
Ty nTEov: od pnv adda Kay Tois apxelois TOV Pou-
viKwv ovpouva tots t70 Bynpwoov Aeyopevois a ava.-
VEYpaTrT aL TEpl TOO Tov BaBvAwviey Bacréws, 6 OTL
Kal TV Lupiav Kal TV Powikny aTacav exeivos
KaTeoTpepato. mept TOUT WY yoov ouppevet Kat
MiAdotpatos ev Tats toToplais pep pevos Tis
Tvpou TmohvopKtas kat Meyaobévyns ev tH TeTapTy
TOV ‘Toucdv, du As amopatvew Teuparar TOV Tpo-
evpnpevov Bactréa tav BafvrAwviwy ‘Hpaxdréovs
avopeta Kat peyeler mpakewv Suevyvoyévar: KaTa-
atpefacba: yap adrov dyat kat AiBins tiv todd
Kat “IBnpiav.

Ta d€ wept Tod vaod mpoeipnyéva tod év “lepo-
cohvpous, OTe KaTeTpyGOn ev d70 TOV BaBvAwviwv
ETLOTPATEVTAVT UY, ip&aro d€ mddAw davotkodopet-
ofa Kuipou ris ’“Acias tiv BaotAetav mapeAndotos,
eK TOV Bypacov capes emdetxOnoerau Tapa-
TeDevTwy* Aéyet yap ovTws Oud THs Tpitns: ““ NaBov-
xodovocopos juev odv peta TO ap€acba TOD mpoeipy-
pevou TELYOUS ELLTETWV els dppworiay petnAAake
TOV Brow BeBaotlevxass erT) py’ , THS de Bacrreias
KUpitos eyeveTo 6 vios atrobd EveApapaédovyos.

* Ctesias (4th cent.) is the main authority for the story of
Semiramis and Ninus, the mythical founders of the Assyrian
Empire; cf. Herod. i. 184.

» Philostratus, writer on Indian and Phoenician history,

known to us only through Josephus; cf. A. x. 228 (allusion
to the same passage).

220

EEE Oa

AGAINST APION, I. 142-146

historians ® for their deluded belief that Babylon
was founded by the Assyrian Semiramis and their
erroneous statement that its marvellous buildings
were her creation. On these matters the Chaldaean
account must surely be accepted. Moreover, state-
ments in accordance with those of Berosus are found
in the Phoenician archives, which relate how the
king of Babylon subdued Syria and the whole of
Phoenicia. To the same effect writes Philostratus
in his History, where he mentions the siege of Tyre,?
and Megasthenes? in the fourth book of his History
of India, where he attempts to prove that this king
of Babylon, who according to this writer subdued the
greater part of Libya and Iberia, was in courage and
in the grandeur of his exploits more than a match for
Heracles.4

The assertions which were made above * concern-
ing the temple at Jerusalem, that it was burnt down
by the Babylonian invaders and that its re-erection
began on the succession of Cyrus to the throne of
Asia, will be clearly proved by a further quotation
from Berosus. His words in his third book are as
follows :

“After beginning the wall of which I have
spoken, Nabuchodonosor fell sick and died, after
a reign of forty-three years, and the realm passed
to his son Evilmaraduch. This prince, whose

¢ The writer to whom later Greek authors mainly owed
their knowledge of India; was sent by Seleucus I (Nicator)
on an embassy to the Indian king Chandragupta (Sandra-
cottus) ¢. 300 B.c. :

d The same passage is referred to in A. x. 227, and quoted
(from Abydenus) in Eus. P.#. ix. 41.

¢ §132. The quotation which follows obviously affords
no proof of these assertions.

221

147

148

149

150

151

152

JOSEPHUS

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> \ e A ~ \ > \ ” >’ ~
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d€ TO avaupeO vat Totrov dvadeEdpevos TH apxny 6
emBovdevoas avt@ NnpvyAtcapos €Bacthevoev € er7)
6’. tovTov vios AaBopocodp8oxos* exuplevoe Lev
THs Paotrelas mats av phvas 8’, émPovdrevbeis B€
dia TO 7OAAa eudaivew Kaxo7nOn t70 Tov didwy an-
eruptravichy. amoAopévov S€ tTovTov avveAfovtes
ot emPovAdetcarvtes atta Kowh tiv Baorretav
/ T / A ~ > ~

mepieOnkavy Nafovv7jiw twit tav ex BafvdAdvos
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\ \ \ / ~ / / >
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exAciofy eis TH Bopouranvav TOAw. Kopos dé
BaBvAdva KatadaBopevos Kat ovvtagas Ta €&w
Ths moAews Telyn KaTacKkaibar dia TO Alay adTa
Tpayyatikny Kat SvodAwrov daviva. tiv moAWw
avélevéev emt Bopotmmav? extroAvopK oa TOV

153 NaBovyydov. Tov dé NaBovv7dou ovx drropelvavT os

THY mohopktav, dA’ éyyxeipicavTos avrov Tporepov,
xpnoduevos Kipos diravOpeizms Kat dovs oiknth-
> ~ , b] / > ~
piov att@® Kappaviay eférepibey ex ths Bafv-
1 Eus.: Nypvy\tccopodspou L (and so below).

; 2 Niese: -yodos L.
222

AGAINST APION, I. 147-153

government was arbitrary and licentious, fell a
victim to a plot, being assassinated by his sister’s
husband, Neriglisar, after a reign of two years.
On his death Neriglisar, his murderer, succeeded
to the throne and reigned four years. His son,
Laborosoardoch, a mere boy, occupied it for nine
months, when, owing to the depraved disposition
which he showed, a conspiracy was formed against
him, and he was beaten to death by his friends.
After his murder the conspirators held a meeting,
and by common consent conferred the kingdom
upon Nabonnedus, a Babylonian and one of their
gang. In his reign the walls of Babylon abutting
on the river were magnificently built with baked
brick and bitumen. In the seventeenth year of
his reign Cyrus advanced from Persia with a large
army, and, after subjugating the rest of the
kingdom, marched upon Babylonia. Apprised
of his coming, Nabonnedus led his army to meet
him, fought and was defeated, whereupon he fled
with a few followers and shut himself up in the
town of Borsippa.* Cyrus took Babylon, and after
giving orders to raze the outer walls of the city,
because it presented a very redoubtable and
formidable appearance, proceeded to Borsippa to
besiege Nabonnedus. The latter surrendering, with-
out waiting for investment, was humanely treated
by Cyrus, who dismissed him from Babylonia,
but gave him Carmania ® for his residence. There

@ Mod. Birs Nimrud, south of Babylon.
> A district on the Persian Gulf.

SOM US. lua.
4 Kus.: ’Aciav L Lat.
5 Gutschmid: Bépoirroy L Kus.

223

JOSEPHUS

~

, + , \ : \ \ a ,
Awvias. NaBdovvndos pev otv 70 Aourov Tod ypovov
duayevopevos ev ekelvn TH Xopa KaTéoTpepe Tov

Btov.”’

154 (21) Tatra ovppevoy € Exe Tals TET Epats BiBrous
Thy aAjbevav. yéypamTat yap ev avrais ovt Na ovxo-
dovecopos oKT@KadeKaTy THS avrod Paoiretas € erTeL
Tov Tap Hiv vaov Apywwoev, Kal Hv apavys em
- ; A , ee ;
éTn TevT7KovTa, devtépw de THs Kupov Baotrctas
ere, TOV Beyedtwv troBAnbévtwv Sevtépw* amadAw

155 THs Aapetov BaotAetas ameTeAéab7. mpocbijaw de
Kal Tas TOV Dowixwy dvaypapds: ov yap. mapa
Acureov TOV aT odeifew THY meptovotay. cote Oe

156 ToLavTT TOV xpovev 7 KaTaplOunats: én ‘TOaBaAov
Too Bacwews ezoALlopKyaE NaBovxodovdcopos THY
Tupov em ET?) dexarpia. [eT Ta TOUTOV eBacthevoe

157 BaaA ern) d€Ka. per, Tobtov dikaorTal KaTeoTa-
Gnoav Kat €dikacav “ExviBados BacdAnyov peivas B’,
XABns °A Bdaiov pijvas u’, “ABBapos* dpxvepeds
pyvas y’; Murzuvos Kal Depaesienes zod °>AB6dn-
Aipov ducaoral € ev =’, av peragv eBacirevoe Bada-

158 TOopos eviavTOV Eva. TOUTOU tedeuTyoavTos aro -
orelAavres peter euupavTo _MeépBadov eK 7Hs Bafv-
ABvos, Kat éBactievcev érn 8°. tovtov tedevTH-
cavrTos petevéusavto Tov adeAdov atdrod Eipwpov,

1 Eus.: éx7dé L Lat.

2 dexatw Eus. P.E.: sexto Eus. (Arm.).
3 Abalus Lat. Eus. (Arm.).

2 ** The nineteenth year,”’ according to 2 Kings xxv. 8 and
Jer. lii. 12, was the date of the burning of the Temple by
Nebuzaradan ; the eighteenth year was that of the capture
of the city by Nebuchadrezzar (Jer. lii. 29).

* The captivity, reckoned from the fall of Zedekiah

224

AGAINST APION, I. 153-158

Nabonnedus spent the remainder of his life, and
there he died.”

(21) This statement is both correct and in accord- agrees with
ance with our books. For in the latter it is recorded (ys ane
that Nabuchodonosor in the eighteenth ¢ year of his records.
reign devastated our temple, that for fifty ° years it
ceased to exist, that in the second ¢ year of the reign
of Cyrus the foundations were laid, and lastly that in
the second @ year of the reign of Darius it was com-
pleted. I must not, however, neglect any of the
superabundant proofs available, and will therefore
append the Phoenician record. The chronological
calculation there appears as follows :

Under King Ithobal,’ Nabuchodonosor besieged
Tyre for thirteen years. The next king, Baal,
reigned ten years. After him judges were
appointed and held office as follows : Eknibal, son
of Baslech, two months ; Chelbes, son of Abdaeus,
ten months ; Abbar the high-priest, three months ;
Myttyn and Gerastratus, son of Abdelimus, six
years ; after them Balator was king for one year.
On his death his subjects sent to Babylon and
fetched from there Merbal, who reigned four
years ; and on his death they sent for his brother

(587 B.c.) to the edict in the first year of Cyrus (538 B.c.),
lasted forty-nine years. The seventy years of Jer. xxv. 12
(§ 132 above) was a round number.

°_ Cf. Ezra iii. 8.

@ Of. Ez. iv. 24; but this date marks the resumption of
the interrupted work. The building was not completed till
four years later (7b. vi. 15).

¢ Probably from Menander of Ephesus.

f Ithobal II. An earlier king of the name is mentioned
ijn § 123.

9 A. x. 228 (on the authority of Philostratus).

VOL. I Q 225

JOSEPHUS

os <Baothevoev ET) €lKOOW. emt TOUTOU Képos

159 Ilepoay eduvdorevoey. ovKobv 6 ovpras Xpovos
evn vo" Kal Tpeis paves mpos adrois: €Bddum* pev
yap ére. THs NaBovyodovoccpov Baowretas npgaro
moAvopKetv Tvpov, TecoapeoKadeKaT & €reu THs
Eipapov Kipos o [lépons TO Kpdtos mapehafev.

160 Kat ovpouva pev em To8 vaod Tots 7JL€ETEpols
ypappace TO. Xaddatev KaL Tupiov, dporoynpern
dé Kal dvavtippyyTos 7 mept TOV etpnweveny jou
peaprupta THs ToD yévous Lav dpXxa.oTntos.. Tots
jLev ouv un obddpa didrovetkors apkécew vroAap-
Bavw Ta mpoeipnpeva.

161 (22) Act & apa Kat Tav dTrLaTOUVT WY pev Tats
ev? Tots BapBapous avaypadats povows de Tots
"EAAnot TuoTevEy ag vovvrav amomAnp@aa Ty
emilyntnow, Kat mapacyeiy moAAods Kat TovTwY
emiatapevous TO eOvos Huadv Kat Kal” 6 Katpos jy
avrois pvyuovetovtas tapabécba ev idiow abt
ouyy papas.

162 Ilvfayopas Tolvuv 6 Ldytos dpxatos wv, codia
Oe Kal TH Teplt TO Oeiov evocBeta TavTwV drrevArp.-
pévos dueveyKety TOV dirdocodynodvTwy, od} povov
EYVOKOS: TO Tap: nptv d7Ads eoTW, aAAa Kat Cn-

163 Awris abttayv éx mAelaTov YEYEVTELLVOS. avToo pev
ovv ovdev opodroyetrar ovyypaypa, moAAoi be Ta

1 Text probably corrupt.
2 rais év ed. pr.: om. L.

* The total of the component figures given above is fifty-
five years three months. The total of J osephus seems. to be
reached by giving yeraid its classical sense, “‘ between,”’ and
excluding the one year of Balator. Reinach, with Gutschmid,

226

AGAINST APION, I. 158-163

Hirom, who reigned twenty years. It was in his
reign that Cyrus became monarch of Persia.

The whole period thus amounts to fifty-four Ares
and three months.*_ For it was in the seventh ? year
of his reign that Nabuchodonosor began the siege of
Tyre, and in the fourteenth year of Hirom’s reign
that Cyrus the Persian came into power. Thus there
is complete agreement, on the subject of the temple,
between our own books and those of the Chaldaeans
and Tyrians, and the evidence for my assertions as to
the antiquity of our race is consistent and incontro-
vertible. None but the most contentious of critics,
I imagine, could fail to be content with the arguments
already adduced.

(22) I am, however, it seems, under the further (D) Greek
obligation of satisfying the requirements of persons °°"
who put no faith in non-Hellenic documents, and
maintain that none but Greeks are to be trusted. I
must therefore produce a further array of these
authors who were acquainted with our nation, and
quote the occasional allusions which they make to
us in their own works.

Now, Pythagoras,° that ancient sage of Samos, who (i.) Pyrs-
for wisdom and piety is ranked above all the philo- pie
sophers, evidently not only knew of our institutions,
but was even in those distant ages 4% an ardent admirer
of them. Of the master himself we possess no

corrects the total to fifty years three months, to agree with
the fifty years of § 154 above.

» (?) Read ‘‘ seventeenth.”

¢ The famous head of the fraternity of Crotona in S. Italy
in the 6th century B.c.

@ éx mXelorov elsewhere in Josephus (4. xv. 223) has a
temporal sense “‘ long since.’’ Whiston, however, renders
‘to a very great degree,” and so Reinach.

227

JOSEPHUS

mepl avTov loTopyKast, KL TOUTWY eTLON[LOTATOS
coTw “Eppumos, av7p mpl maoay toroptay emu

164 peAns. déyer Tolwuy eV TO) TpwTa TOV TreEpt
IIv@ayopov BiBXiwv dre Ilvfayopas, vos adrob
T@V avvovatacta@v TeAevTicavTos, Tovvoya Kadd-
da&vros To yevos Kpotwuiatov, tiv exewou puyny
édeye ovvdvarpiew avT@ Kal voKTwp Kal pel
TPLEpav, kal ore Tapexehedero pny drépyecban TOToV
eh ov av? évos oxAdor), Kal Tov dufiwy vdaTwv

165 améyeo$ar Kal maons amexew | Bracdnpias. eita.
mpoortOnaor [ETO rabra KaL Tad€- “atta Se
éxpatte Kat édeye tas “lovdaiwy Kat Opaxav do€as
pLyovpevos Kal petadépwv eis eavtov. Aé€yerau
yap ws dAnf@s 6 avip exeivos oA\a THv mapa
*Tovdators vopipwv els THv adTod peTeveyKetv
dirAocodiav.

166 *Hy 6€ Kat Kata modes obK ayvwoTov nav
mdAat TO €Ovos, Kal ToAAa thv ebGv eis Twas 76H
dvavredournKer Kal CiAov Tap: evious 7)ELo0TO.

167 dqAot Ge 0 O<odpacros €v Tots mept vopav: r€yer
yap ore kwAvovow ot Tupieov VOMOL Eevexovs
OpKous ourvew, év ois peta tTwwv drwy Kal TOV
KaAovpevov ¢ Gpkov Koppay Kkarapibpet. Tap ovoevi
8 av obdros edpebeln Aj pdvois “lovdatois, SyAot

1 uel’ ed. pr.: cad L.
2 év ay ed. pr.: é6v L, ob av Niese.

2 Of Smyrna, 3rd cent. B.c.; wrote biographies of the
philosophers and others.

» Possibly referring to the fable of the Jewish cult of the
ass (Ap. ii. 80, etc.) ; “allusion to the story of Balaam (Numb.
xxii. 27) is improbable.

ae) | a thirsty ” ; exact sense uncertain. The Latin ver-
sion has “ dirty” (feculenta); Reinach “ brackish.” J.

228

AGAINST APION, I. 163-167

authentic work, but his history has been told by
many writers. The most distinguished of these is
Hermippus,? always a careful historian. Now, in the
first book of his work on Pythagoras, this author
states that the philosopher, on the death of one of
his disciples, named Calliphon, a native of Crotona,
remarked that his pupil’s soul was with him night
and day, and admonished him not to pass a certain
spot, on which an ass had collapsed, to abstain from
thirst-producing © water, and to avoid all calumny.?
Then he proceeds as follows :

“In practising and repeating these precepts he
was imitating and appropriating the doctrines of
Jews and Thracians.”’

In fact, it is actually said ¢ that that great man intro-
duced many points of Jewish law into his philosophy.
In ancient times various cities were acquainted
with the existence of our nation, and to some of these
many of our customs have now found their way, and
here and there been thought worthy of imitation.
This is apparent from a passage in the work of (ii.) THxo-
Theophrastus 4 on Laws, where he says that the laws "'"**""*
of the Tyrians prohibit the use of foreign oaths, in
enumerating which he includes among others the
oath called “ Corban.” Now this oath will be found
in no other nation except the Jews, and, translated

Miiller quotes from Diogenes Laertius an allusion to the
Pythagorean practice of drinking plain water (AiTév Udwp).

a Cf. Ux. xxii. 98: ev. xix. 16.

¢ e.g. by Aristobulus ap. Eus. P.E. xiii. 12, 664 a.

f Pupil and successor of Aristotle as head of the Peri-
patetic school. His work on Laws, recapitulating the laws
of various nations, seems to have been designed as a pendant
to Aristotle’s Politics. Another allusion of his to the Jews
is quoted by Eusebius, P.H. ix. 2, 404. S

229

JOSEPHUS

> e “A ” > ~ e / /
6’, ws av elmou tis, €x THS ‘EBpaiwv pebeppnvevo-
puevos OtaAgKTov O@pov Geod.

168 Kat pay ovde? Hpodoros o ‘Aducapvaceds 7 nyVvon-
KEV Tay TO eOvos, aAAd Tpom Twi alveTat
pewvynpevos. mept yap Kodywv toropav ev TH

/ / \ 4 ce ~ \ / )

169 devTépa BiBAw dyno ovtws: “ wodvor b€ TavTwr,

ce / \ > 7 A 197
onot, KoAxor KGL Atyiarvoe kat Aifiozes Tepe
TEUVOVTAL Gar” apxijs Ta aidoia.. Poivixes dé Kal
Lvpwor ot ev 7H LaAaorivy Kat otro opodoyotat
= > ’ , / , \ e \

170 wap Aiyurriwy pewabyKevar. Lvpior be ot zreEpt
Oecpywdovtra Kat I[lapbéru0v morayov Kxat Ma-
Kpwves ol TovTolow doTuyEeiToves OVTES a7rO
KoAywv dact vewott peualykévar. obdtor yap
elow ol mepitepvopevot avbpumwv podvot Kal
otto. Atyumtiow daivovta: towbyTes Kata TavTa.

b] ~ \ > / \ > / > 7 >] ~
attav 6€ Alyumtiwv kai Aifidmwv odk €xw eizetv

171 omrOTEpoL Tapa Tay eTEpwy eێualov. ovKodv
ElpyKeE Lvpous Tous ev Th HaAaorivy TEpUTELVE-
cba: ta&v 6€ Ty Haraorivyy KATOLKOUVTO povor
totro Towtow “lovdator. robdro apa yvyyvwoKwy
ElpHKEV TEPL AVTOV.

172 Ka Xoupiros dé apxatos® YEvopevos TounTns
peuvntar Tod eOvouvs u@v, OTe ouveotpdtevTat

1 ed. pr.: otte L. 2 atrol Herodotus.
3 Eus., Lat.: apxarérepos L.

¢ Strictly ‘‘a gift,’ as interpreted in Josephus, A. iv. 73,
Mark vii. 11; of oblations to God in the sense of *‘ tabooed,”’
and then apparently used of the oath which accompanied the
vow. For corban as an oath cf. Matt. xxiii. 16 with J.
Lightfoot’s note in Hor. Hebr.

> Herod. ii. 104; a passage to which Josephus alludes in
A. viii. 262.

230

ae

AGAINST APION, I 167-172

from the Hebrew, one may interpret it as meaning
S God's sitt.*

Nor, again, has our nation been ignored even by (iii.) Hxro-
Herodotus of Halicarnassus, who has an evident, if not °°""~
explicit, allusion to it. Speaking of the Colchians in
his second book,’ he makes the following statement :

“The Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethio-
pians are the only nations with whom the practice
of circumcision is primitive. The Phoenicians and
the Syrians of Palestine ° admit that they learnt
it from the Egyptians. The Syrians on the banks
of the rivers Thermodon and Parthenius,? and
their neighbours the Macrones,’ say that they .
have adopted it recently from the Colchians.
These are the only circumcised peoples in the
world, and it is clear that they all imitate the
Egyptians. Of the two nations of Egypt and
Ethiopia, 1 cannot say which learnt the practice
from the other.”

Herodotus thus says that the Palestinian Syrians
were circumcised ; but the Jews are the only in-
habitants of Palestine who adopt this practice. He
must therefore have known this, and his allusion is

to them.
Again, Choerilus, an ancient poet, mentions our (iv.) Cuor-
race as taking part in the expedition of Xerxes, king ™“”*

¢ If, as is probable, Herodotus refers to the Philistines, he
was mistaken, as they were uncircumcised in Biblical times.
Josephus is therefore justified in inferring that he alludes to
the Jews.

4 Rivers in Asia Minor. ¢ In Pontus.

f Of Samos, a younger contemporary and friend of Hero-
dotus. A few other fragments of his epic poem on the war
of the Greeks and Persians are extant, e.g. in Strabo vii. 9. 303.

231

JOSEPHUS

Fépén 7H Ilepodv Barret emi tiv ‘“EAAdéa.
karapipnadpevos yap mavTa Ta evn Tedev-
Tatov Kal TO HpeTEpov eveTake A€ywr-

173 TOv 8 omilev di€Bawe yévos Pavpaorov idécba,
yAdooav pev Dowwiccayv aro oropdatwv adiévtes,
7 1 > > > r / yy r / Le vNL
aKovv' & év LodAvpots opect tAatén Tapa” Avy,
abypaAgo. Kopudas TpoyoKoupdaoes, adtap vUmeplev
mw SapTa mpocwm eddpovv éoxAnKoTa Kava.

174 dfAov otv eoTw, as olan, maow 7pe@v avrov jue-
proton TO Kal TQ Lodvpa. opn ev 7H TLETEPG.
eival ywpa, a KaTouKoD}LeV, KaL TH ‘Aagadrirw
Aeyonevyy Ayuwwnv: avTn yap Tac@v Tav év 7H Xvpia
Nipvy® wAaTvTEpa Kat wetCwv KabéoTHKeEV.

175 Kat Xouipitos pev otv ottw péuvytar WU@v- ote
d€ od povov AmtoTavTo Tovs “lovdatovs, adda Kal
elavpalov dao. att@v éevttxyouev oby ot davdd-
rato. TOV ‘EXAjvwv, add’ of éxi codia peddvora.

176 TeHavpacpevor, _pqou.ov yvavar. Kieapxos yap °

"ApiototéAous @v pabytis Kat TOV €x TOU Tepimd-
tov didocodwv oddevos SevTEpos ev TA TPWTW TrEpL

1 So (or @xeov) Eus.: dixee L.
2 Eus.: évi L, émi Niese.
3 A\wrvey Eus.

2 Josephus adopts an older identification of Solymi and
its supposed derivative, Hierosolyma, with the Jews and
Jerusalem, and equates the “‘ broad lake’ with the Dead
Sea. His inference is more ingenious than sound. The
people referred to in the above lines are doubtless the eastern
Ethiopians. Choerilus takes over “‘ the Solymian hills ”
from Homer, Od. vy. 283 (where they are named immediately
after the Ethiopians); he has also in mind the description
of his friend Herodotus of the E. Ethiopians in his catalogue
of Xerxes’ army (Herod. vii. 70). These differed from the
W. Ethiopians “only in their language and their hair.”

232

AGAINST APION, I. 172-176

of Persia, against Greece. After enumerating all
the other nations, he finally includes ours in these
lines :

“Closely behind passed over a race of wonderful

aspect ;

Strangely upon their lips the tongue of Phoenicia
sounded ;

In the Solymian hills by a broad lake their
habitation ;

Shorn in a circle, unkempt was the hair on their
heads, and above them

Proudly they wore their hides of horse-heads,
dried in the hearth-smoke.”’

It is obvious, I imagine, to everybody that he is

referring to us, because the Solymian hills are in our -

country and inhabited by us; there too is the so-
called Bituminous Lake, which is broader and more
extensive than all the lakes in Syria.* Here then we
have an allusion to us in Choerilus.

Not only did the Greeks know the Jews, but they wv.) Aris-

admired any of their number whom they happene

TOTLE on
the author

to meet. ‘This statement applies not to the lowest ity of

class of Greeks, but to those with the highest reputa-
tion for wisdom, and can easily be proved. Cle-
archus, a disciple of Aristotle, and in the very first
rank of peripatetic philosophers, relates, in his first

66

They had * straight hair,’ and ‘‘ wore upon their heads the
scalps of horses, with the ears and mane attached . . . the
ears being made to stand upright’ (ébid.). They spoke
Phoenician, because “the Phoenicians, according to their
own account, originally dwelt by the Red Sea ”’ (7b. vii. 89)—
the “‘ broad lake” of the poet. The round tonsure was
practised by the neighbouring Arabs (7b. iii. 8), but was
expressly forbidden to the Jews (Lev. xix. 27; cf. Jer. ix. 26).

233

LEARCHUS

JOSEPHUS

\ > /
UmVvov PeBricn dyow ApuororeAqy tov §dacKadov
avTod mept twos avopos *lovéaiov tatra toropew,
avT@ te Tov Aoyov ’ApiototéAer wepitibyno Eort
= be iA / = ce LAAG aap. A rAG \
177 O€ OUTW YEeypaypEevov' GAAAa Ta peEV TOAAG PakKpoVv
A f ~ ad
av ein A€éyew, 60a 8° exer THY exelvov OavpaciTyTa
\ / e / ~ b] ~
Twa Kat dtAocodiay opoiws dueAGeiv ov xeipov.
~ | >
cages 8 tobi, eimev, “Yrepoxidn, [Pavpaorov |?
> / ” / / \ Cie /
ovelpois toa cor d0€w Aéyew. Kai 6 “Ymepoyxtdns
> / > > A / ” ~ \ ~
evAaBovpevos, du adto yap, ébn, TobTo Kat CnTod-
> = = s ,
178 pev akodoa mavtes. ovKodv, eimev 6 ’ApiototeAns,;
\ ~ ~
KaTa TO TOV pyTopiKav TapdyyeAua TO ‘yevos
avTod mparov diehfwpev, Wa pn amevbGpev Tots
~ > r A_3 / 7 > id Be
TOV aTayyehiav*® SibacKdAos. Aéye, eimev 0° V7e-
~ ~ \
179 poxidns, ovTws el* Soxe?. KaKelvos TolvuY TO eV
yevos tv “lovdaios éx tas KoiAns Lvpias. ovbTot
> > > / ~ > > ~ / ~
5° elow amoyovor tov ev “lvdois diAocddwyv, Kadodv-
> A
tat d€, ws dacw, of diddacodor mapa pev “lvdoi%s
Kadavol, wapa 5é€ Xdvpois “lovdator, tovvoya da-
~ \ a“
Bovres amo tot Tdomov' mpooayopeveTar yap Ov
KaToikobo. tomov “lovdaia. ro b€ THs moAEws
ia. , re ¢ pe 5
avTav ovopa avy oKxoAdv éotw: ‘lepovoadAnpny
180 yap attiv KaAotow. otros otv 6 avOpwros em-
~ ~ >
Eevovpevos Te moAois Kak TOV dvw TOT Els TOUS
> / e / e \ Ss >
emlJadarriovs taoKkataBaivwy ‘EAAnviKos qv ov
~ ~ ~ \ /
181 77 dvadéx7w povov, adda Kat TH puyR. Kal TOTE
1 Gutschmid: zaparideis L, dvaridqo. Eus.
2 Om. Eus. cod. 3 Eus.: érayyecov L.

4 oirws ei Eus., Lat.: ef ti co L.
5 ‘Tepovcadnu Eus.: hierosolyma Lat.

* Quoted also by Eus. P.F. ix. 5.
234

Le

AGAINST APION, I. 176-181

book on Sleep, the following anecdote told of a certain
Jew by his master. He puts the words into the
mouth of Aristotle himself. I quote the text : 4

“ “Tt would take too long to repeat the whole
story, but there were features in that man’s
character, at once strangely marvellous and
philosophical, which merit description. I warn
you, Hyperochides,’ he said, * that what I am about
to say will seem to you as wonderful as a dream.’
Hyperochides respectfully replied, ‘That is the
very reason why we are all anxious to hear it.’
‘Well,’ said Aristotle, ‘in accordance with the
precepts of rhetoric, let us begin by describing his
race, in order to keep to the rules of our masters
in the art of narration.’ ‘Tell the story as you
please, said Hyperochides. ‘ Well,’ he replied,
‘ the man was a Jew of Coele-Syria. These people
are descended from the Indian philosophers.?
The philosophers, they say, are in India called
Calani,° in Syria by the territorial name of Jews ;
for the district which they inhabit is known as
Judaea. Their city has a remarkably odd name :
they call it Hierusaleme. Now this man, who was
entertained by a large circle of friends and was on
his way down from the interior to the coast, not
only spoke Greek, but had the soul of a Greek.

® Clearchus in his work On Education traced the descent
of the Indian gymnosophists from the Magi, and Diogenes
Laertius (proem. 9), who is our authority, adds, ‘“‘ Some
assert that the Jews also are descended from the Magi.”
Jews and Brahmans are also associated by Megasthenes
(Clem. Strom. i. 15). I owe this note to Th. Reinach.

¢ Calanus was the name of a gymnosophist who followed
Alexander the Great, and burnt himself to death in presence
of his army (Plut. Alex. 65, etc.).

230

182

183

184

JOSEPHUS

/ e ~ \ \ 3 / \ >
diatpiBovtwy jua@v mept tv ’Aciav tapaPadwy ets
Tovs avTovs TOToUs avOpwros’ evTvyxyaver Tpiv TE
Kal TLioW ETeépols TOV oxoAacTLUK@V TeELpwLEVvos

~ ~ za ~ /
att@v THs aodias. ws dé ToAdcts THY ev Tadela
A a Sy aa
OVVWKELWTO, TapEdloov TL LaAAov wv elyev.”’ TadT
” e ~ iy / \ ~ / \
eipynKkev 0 ‘AptaototéAns mapa 7TH KAeapyw Kat
mpooeTt moAAjv Kat Gavpdo.ov Kaptepiav Tod

ig | 8 / > \ > ~ / \ rd
ovdatov avdpos ev TH Sdiaitn Kal owdpoovvyv
, ” \ ee / > > ~ \
bier. eveot 5€ Tots Povdopévois &€€ adtovd To
/ ~ ~ / / \ > \
méov yvOvat Tod BiBAiov: dvAdtropar yap eye

iva] mAciw TOV (kav@v taparifecba.
KAgapyos pev obv ev mapexBace: tab’ eipynKer,
> ~ >
TO yap TpoKeimevov Hv atT@ Kal? Etepov, ovTws
~ ~ ~ >
nav pvnpovedoa. ‘Exatatos b€ o *ABSnpirys,
oe, / o \ \ \ / € ce
avnp pidccodos dpa Kal mept Tas mpd€eis tkaved-
~ /, ~ A / \
tatos, AdcEdvdpw 7t& Baoret ovvaxpdoas Kai
/ ~ /

IItodcpaiw 7 Adyov cvyyevopevos, ob Tapépyws,

tAAG \ > ~ “a 8 / / ri
aAAa wept att@v “lovdaiwy ovyyéypade BuBAtov,
> e / = ’ ~ ” ~
e€ ot Bovropar Kkedadrawwdds emdpapetv Evia TOV

> ~

elpnpevov. Kal mp@tov émidei&w Tov ypovov"

/ \ ~ / \
pvynpovever yap THs IIlroAeaiov wept Valav mpos
; / / : \
Anprrpiov payns, avtn Sé yéyovey evdexdtw [ev
zt ~ "AA / 8 r ~ > \ de A 19
eve. THS AAcEavdpou tedevtAs, emt 5é dAvpTados
coe \ ~ ~
eBdouns Kat dexdrns Kal éxatooris, ws totopet

5 Kactwp. mpoobeis? yap tavtny tiv oAvpmidda

dnow: “emt ravrns IItoAeuatos 6 Aayou évixa
1 dvO@pwros Eus. (-ov L). 2 apobeis Cobet.
* At Atarneus, in Mysia, with his friend Hermias, c. 347—
344 B.c.
® That Hecataeus (4th-3rd cent. B.c.) wrote on the Jews,
whether a separate work or as part of his History of
236

pe Cia

AGAINST APION, I. 181-185

During my stay in Asia,* he visited the same
places as I did, and came to converse with me and
some other scholars, to test our learning. But as
one who had been intimate with many cultivated
persons, it was rather he who imparted to us some-
thing of his own.’ ”’

These are the words of Aristotle as reported by
Clearchus, and he went on to speak of the great and
astonishing endurance and sobriety displayed by. this
Jew in his manner of life. Further information can
be obtained, if desired, from the book itself; I for-
bear to quote more than is necessary.

This allusion of Aristotle to us is mentioned
parenthetically by Clearchus, who was dealing with
another subject. Of a different nature is the
evidence of Hecataeus of Abdera,? at once a philo-
sopher and a highly competent man of affairs, who
rose to fame under King Alexander, and was after-
wards associated with Ptolemy, son of Lagus. He
makes no mere passing allusion to us, but wrote
a book entirely about the Jews, from which I propose
briefly to touch on some passages. I will begin with
fixing his date. He mentions the battle near Gaza
between Ptolemy and Demetrius, which, as Castor ¢
narrates, was fought eleven years after the death of
Alexander, in the 117th Olympiad. For under the
head of this Olympiad he says :

“ In this period Ptolemy, son of Lagus, defeated

- Egypt, appears certain. But it is no less certain that apo-
eryphal Jewish productions were fathered upon him. Recent
critics (T. Reinach, J. G. Miiller) regard the extracts which
follow as genuine. All refer to the time of Alexander and
the Diadochi and seem above suspicion.

¢ Author of work on chronology, probably 2nd cent. B.c.

237

(vi.)

HECATAEUS.

His book on
the Jews.

312 BIC:

JOSEPHUS

\ / / / A > / \
kara Talay payn Anpirpiov tov “Avtuydyou tov
emuxAnbévta lodvopkynriv.” °*AAéEavdpov de te-
Ovdvar mavtes Opodoyotow emi THs EKaTooTHs TEa-
capeckaidekatyns dAvpmidbos. SiAov obv OTL Kat

> > ~ \ \ > / ” e ~
Kat exeivov Kat Kata “AddEavdpov jKpwalev nuav

Lin oF, / / Fa3 a oy / iA
186 70 €Ovos. Héyer Toivuv 6 “Exataios maw Td8e, Ort

\ A > / / e A a / ~
peta THY ev Valyn pdynv o IIrodepatos eyevero TOV
mept Luplay tomwv eyKpatis, Kat moAdo. Tov
avOparov muvOavopevor tiv jmioTyTa Kal piAav-
Opwatav tod [rodepaiov ovvarraipew eis Atyumrov
atT@ Kal Kowwvety TOV Tpaypatwv jPovdAjbycar.

oy (Oe ee e ae ) / cc? / 3 \ ~ >
187 ‘‘ ay ets fv,” dyoiv, “’Elexias apyrepeds THv “lov-
/ + \ \ e / e e / a“
Saiwv, avOpwros tiv pev HAKiav Ws éEjKovTas €E
éerav, TO & akidpat. TH Tapa Tots opoebvors
/ \ \ \ b) > / ” \ \ /
péyas Kal THY wvynv odK avonTos, ETL dé Kal A€yew
duvatos Kal Tois TEepl TOV TpayyaTwv, EeimEp TIS
+ ” / ” / ce ¢ / e val
188 dAAos, €umetpos. Kaitor, dyotv, “ot mavTeEs Lepets
~ / ~
tav “lovéaiwy of tiv Sexatny TOV ywouevwv Aap-
/ =
Bavovtes Kal Ta Kowd S.toLKodYTES TrEpi ytAtous
/ ~
1g9 paALoTa Kal mevraKootous elo.’ mdadAw b€ Tod
TpoELlpy|Levov pn Lovedoov dvd pos a ovTos, ojow,
“6 dvGpwros TETEUXOS THS TYyLAS TavTnS Kal
cuv7nOns hutv yevopevos, mapadaBuv twas TOV wD
e ~ ~ ~
éavtod tiv [te] duadopav avéyva macav advrots:
eiyev yap TI KaTOLKnOW av’T@v Kal THY TroALTELaV
190 YEYPAppeVny we cira ‘Exaratos OnAot amadw 7s
éyomev TpOS TOVS VOpLOUS, OTL TAaVTA TAGKXEW UTEP

* dpxcepevs (without article) need not mean “the high-
priest.”’ Ezechias is not mentioned elsewhere; the high-
priest at this epoch was apparently Onias (A. xi. 347).

238

AGAINST APION, I. 185-190

in a battle at Gaza Demetrius, son of Antigonus,
surnamed Poliorcetes.”’

And all agree that Alexander died in the 114th 393 5.c.
Olympiad. It is evident, therefore, that our race

was flourishing both under Ptolemy and under
Alexander.

Hecataeus goes on to say that after the battle of On Jewish
Gaza Ptolemy became master of Syria, and that {j'2"""
many of the inhabitants, hearing of his kindliness and Alexandria.
humanity, desired to accompany him to Egypt and
to associate themselves with his realm.

‘““ Among these (he says) was Ezechias, a chief
priest * of the Jews, a man of about sixty-six years
of age, highly esteemed by his countrymen, in-
tellectual, and moreover an able speaker and un-
surpassed as a man of business. Yet? (he adds)
the total number of Jewish priests who receive a
tithe of the revenue and administer public affairs
is about fifteen hundred.”

Reverting to Ezechias, he says :

“This man, after obtaining this honour ® and
having been closely in touch with us, assembled
some of his friends and read to them [a statement
showing] all the advantages [of emigration]; for
he had in writing the conditions attaching to their
settlement and political status.” ;

In another passage Hecataeus mentions our regard
for our laws, and how we deliberately choose and

> The exact sense of the word xa:roi in § 188 and of “ this
honour”? in §189 (the high-priesthood or some special
appointment awarded him by Ptolemy Soter ?) is not clear:

Josephus is probably condensing his authority.
239

191

192

193

194

JOSEPHUS

Tov p17) TapaPAvar TovTOVs TpoaLpovpeba Kal KaAoV
etvat vopilopev. “‘tovyapoty,’ dat, “ Kat KaK@s
axovovTes v70 TOV doruyerTovey Kal TOV eload-
LKVOUPLEVONY TavTes’ Kal mpomnAareCoprevor mohAdxus
tro tav Iepoudv Bactréwy Kal caTpaT@v ov
dtvavTar petameobjvar 7H Savoia, adda yeyup-
vopevws TEept ToUTwY Kal alkiats Kat GBavarots
dewotarois pdAvoTa TavTwVY aTavT@ot, p17) apvov-
pevol Ta TaTp@a.”’ TapéxeTar S€ Kal TEKNpPLA
THS loxvpoyvaLoovr7s THS TEpl TOV vopwv ovK
driya. dot yap, “AdeEdvdpov mote ev BaBvAduu
yevopevov Kal mpoeAopevov TO TOD ByjAou | TETTO)~
Kos lepov avaxaldpar Kal maow avTod Tots oTpa-
TLUITALS Opolws dépew TOV yovv mpooTd£arTos,
pLovous Tovs “lovdatovs ob mpoccyety,® adda Kai
moAAas tropetvar mAnyas Kat Cyuias azoricar
pueyaAas, ews awrois uy yvovTa, TOV Baotrea dodvat
THY adevav. ert’ ye pny TOV els THY xXpav, dyot,
T™pos avrovs Ad uKvoupLeveny vews kal Bw.ovs KaTa-
OKEVACEYTWY ATaVvTA TADTA KATéCKaTTOV, Kal TOV
pev Cnutav Tois catpamais eێtwov, mepi Twwv be
Kal ovyyvapns peteAduBavov. Kal mpocemiTiOnow
67 Sikavov emt TovTois attovs éoTr Gavyalew.
Aéyer 6€ Kal wept TOD ToAvavEpwroTaToV yeyovevat
nav To €Bvos: moAAds pev yap juadv,® dyow,
avaomdatous ets BafvAdva Ilépoar amporepov
\abvtav |® ézoinoav pupiddas, ode oAtyar be Kat
peta Tov >AXeEdvdpov Bavatrov eis Aiyumtov Kat
1 ravTwr ed. pr. * warp Niese.
3 Bekker: zpocyxeiv L. 4 Niese: ézret (sic) L.
5 Josephus is paraphrasing; hence no need to reject

(Niese) or to emend to atrav (Bekker).
6 Om. Lat., Bekker.

240

AGAINST APION, I. 190-194

hold it a point of honour to endure anything rather
than transgress them.

“And so (he says), neither the slander of their
neighbours and of foreign visitors, to which as a
nation they are exposed, nor the frequent outrages
of Persian kings and satraps can shake their deter-
mination; for these laws, naked and defenceless,
they face tortures and death in its most terrible
form, rather than repudiate the faith of their
forefathers.”

Of this obstinacy in defence of their laws he
furnishes several instances. He tells how on one
occasion Alexander, when he was at Babylon and had
undertaken to restore the ruined temple of Bel,¢
gave orders to all his soldiers, without distinction, to
bring materials for the earthworks; and how the
Jews alone refused to obey, and even submitted to
severe chastisement and heavy fines, until the king
pardoned them and exempted them from this task.
Again, when temples and altars were erected in the
country by its invaders, the Jews razed them all to
the ground, paying in some cases a fine to the satraps,
and in others obtaining pardon. For such conduct,
he adds, they deserve admiration. Then he goes
on to speak of our vast population, stating that,
though many myriads of our race had already been
deported to Babylon by the Persians,’ yet after
Alexander's death myriads more migrated to Egypt

« This enterprise is attested by Arrian, Haped. Alex. vii.
17, and Strabo, xvi. 1. 5, 738. I owe these references to
Reinach.

b A mistake of Hecataeus for the Chaldaeans ; a Jewish
forger (as the writer here quoted is suspected of being) would
not have been guilty of such a confusion.

VOL. I R Q41

On the
loyalty of
Jews to
their laws.

On their
vast popula-
tion.

195

196

198

199

JOSEPHUS

Dowteny peTeoTnoay Oud TH ev Lupia ordow. 6
d€ avTos OvTOS avnp Kal TO peyebos THS X@pas nV
KaToucodpev KaL TO KaAXos toTopnKev" TpLaKo-
cias yap pupiddas a apoupa@v oxedov THS dplors Kal
TapLPopwTarns yaopas vépovta,’ dyoiv: “ 7) yap
“Tovdata TooauTn 7 dros” éotlv.” adda pry ort
Kal Ty Tow abray Ta ‘lepoodAvpa kadAtorqy Te
KaL weyloTny eK maAaLoTarou KaTouKoopev Kal mepl
7An fous avdpav Kal TTEpl Ths Too vew KaTacKevis
oUrws avtos® Sunyetrau: “ éort yap TOV ‘Tovdaiwy
7a prev ToAAG oxXvpwpaTa KaTa THY xXwpav Kal
KGpat, pia b€ mods dxupa mevTiKOVTA pdALoTa
oTadiwy THY TEpleTpoV, AV olKodaL pev avOpurTrwv
mept Sudexa pupiddes, Kadodar 8 atti ‘lepoad-
hupa. evtatda 8 éoti Kata pécov padiota Tis
moAews mreptBoros AiBwos, LLnKoS ws mevrdrAcpos,
evpos O€ 7™X@v p's Exo dutAds mUAas: ev & Bwpos
€oTt 7 TeTpayevos OT TTOV ouMexrow apyav AiBosv
oUTW avykKelwevos, mAEvpay pev exdoryy etkoot
7XOY, vifos b€ SexdanXy. Kal Tap avdTov olKnpua
péya, ov Bepos éoTe Kal Avyviov, audorepa xpvoa
dvo tdAavrTa Ty oAKiy. emt TOUTWY gas eoTw
dvamdéafeaoTov Kal Tas vUKTaS Kal Tas Tpéepas.

1 Hudson: z7A7Gos L.
2 6 avros (after Lat.) Bekker.

@ See § 86, note. :

> Galilee alone had 204 cities and villages in the time of
Josephus ( Vita, 235).

¢ The stade was a little longer than ourfurlong. 50 stades
is an exaggeration. Other estimates are 40 stades (Timo-
chares ap. Eus. P.E. ix. 35, Aristeas, 105); 33 (Josephus, B.
vy. 159); 27 (‘‘ the land surveyor of Syria,”’ ap. Eus. ib. 36,

242

AGAINST APION, I. 195-199

and Phoenicia in consequence of the disturbed con-
dition of Syria.

The same writer has referred to the extent and On the
beauty of the country which we inhabit in the [70°

following words :

“They occupy almost three million arourae * of
the most excellent and fertile soil, productive of
every variety of fruits. Such is the extent of
Judaea.”’

Again, here is his description of Jerusalem itself, on
the city which we have inhabited from remote ages, 2°4°"
of its great beauty and extent, its numerous popula- Temple.

tion, and the temple buildings :

“The Jews have many fortresses and villages
in different parts of the country,? but only one
fortified city, which has a circumference of about
fifty stades® and some hundred and_ twenty
thousand inhabitants; they call it Jerusalem.?
Nearly in the centre of the city stands a stone wall,
enclosing an area about five plethra® long and a
hundred’ cubits broad, approached by a pair of
gates. Within this enclosure is a square altar,
built of heaped up stones, unhewn and unwrought ;
each side is twenty cubits long and the height ten
cubits. Beside it stands a great edifice, containing
an altar and a lampstand, both made of gold, and
weighing two talents ; upon these is a light which
is never extinguished by night or day. There is

whose figure for the 2nd cent. B.c. is probably nearest the
mark).

@ ** Hierosolyma.”’

¢ The plethron was 100 Greek (about 98 English) feet.

* Another exaggeration apparently; 60 cubits was the
breadth prescribed by Cyrus (Ezra vi. 3).

243

200

201

202 Ba

203

204

JOSEPHUS

ayaAwa 5° otK €oTw obtd’ avabnua TO Tapamay ovde
gutevpa tavTeA@s odd€ev, olov aAc@bes 7 Tt TOLod-
TOV. dvarptBovor o ev avTa Kal Tas vuKTas kal
Tas TiHEpas tepets ayvelas Twas ayvevo vTES Kal TO
Tapdmav oivov ob mlwovtes ev TA Lep@.” ETL ye pay
ort Kal “AheEdvdpe 7@ Baowret guveoTparevoavTo:
Kal pera rabra Tots dvaddxous avrod jewapTupyKev:
ois O° avros Taparvxety dnow bn avopos *Tovdatov
KATO TH oTparetav yevopevols, TobTo* mapanao-
par. A€yer 8 ovtTws: “euod yotv emi tiv *Epu-
Gpav badaccayv Badilovtos ovvyKodovie: tis pera
Tav GAAwy Tv TapaTeuToOVTWY Huds imméwv
‘Llovdatev® ovopia Mocodapos, avipwrros icavos
Kata wvy7ny, eUpworos Kat To€oTys* oy) TAVTOW
opohoyouperws” Kal TOV ~EMyvev Kal T@v Bap-
dpwyv dpiotos. ovtos otv 6 avOpwros bvaPade-
Covrwy woAA@v Kata THV OdOV Kal pavTEws TWWOS
opvifevopevov Kal mavTas emuaxety a€iodvTOS Npa-
Tyhoe, dia TL Tpoopevovar. deiEavTos b€ Tod pav-
TEWS atT@ Tov opvila Kai dycavtos, éav prev adToo
peg 7 Tpoomevew oupLpepew maow, €av 6 avaoras
els Toupmpoobev 7 TéTnTAaL Tpodyew, eav & Els TOv-
mabey avaywpetv adfis, cwmjoas Kal TtapeAKtcas
To Tofov €Bade Kat Tov opvila wardéas améxrewev.
ayavaktovvrwy b€ Tod pavTews Kai Twwv adAdAwv
Kal KaTapwpevwy atT@, “Ti patveobe,” éby),
‘ kakodaimoves;’ e€ita TOV opyia.. AaBerv els Tas
xetpas, ““7@s yap,” edn, “ otros THY abTob GwTn-

1 Eus., Lat.: cuvecrparetiovev L.
2 L Eus.: raira Niese.
3 ’Iovdaios conj. Niese. 4 +706 Eus.
5 Niese (after Lat.): duodoyotmevos L Eus,
244

AGAINST APION, I. 199-204

not a single statue or votive offering, no trace of a
plant, in the form of a sacred grove or the like.
Here priests pass their nights and days perform-
ing certain rites of purification, and abstaining
altogether from wine while in the temple.” ¢

The author further attests the share which the
Jews took in the campaigns both of King Alexander
and of his successors. One incident on the march,
in which a Jewish soldier was concerned, he states
that he witnessed himself. I will give the story in
his own words :

“When I was on the march towards the Red
Sea, among the escort of Jewish cavalry which
accompanied us was one named Mosollamus,? a
very intelligent man, robust, and, by common
consent, the very best of bowmen, whether Greek
or barbarian. This man, observing that a number
of men were going to and fro on the route and
that. the whole force was being held up by a
seer who was taking the auspices, inquired why
they were halting. The seer pointed out to him
the bird he was observing, and told him that if it
stayed in that spot it was expedient for them all
to halt ; if it stirred and flew forward, to advance ;
if backward, then to retire. The Jew, without
saying a word, drew his bow, shot and struck the
bird, and killed it. The seer and some others were
indignant, and heaped curses upon him. ‘ Why
so mad, you poor wretches?’ he retorted; and
then, taking the bird in his hands, continued,
‘ Pray, how could any sound information about our

Bey... 9s tihzek. xliv, 21 2 67..Ap. ii 108:
® Hellenized form of Meshullam (Ezra viii. 16).

245

On
Mosollamus,
the Jewish
archer.

205

206

208

209

JOSEPHUS

piav od mpoiday TEpl TAS TpeTEpas Topeias pty
av TL byves annyyeMev ; et yap iBivaro mpoyry-
vwoKkew To p<Adov, els TOV TOTTOV ToOTOv ovK ay
7AGe, doBovpevos Ly Togevoas avTov amoKTEly
MoodAAapos 6 O Tovdatos.”

"Aa tav pev “Exaratov peapTupiay aAus* Tots
yap Bovdopevors meio pabetv TO BuBrécp pgouov
coTw evtvyelv. ovK oKVicw de Kal Tov em ev-
nbetas Svacuph@, Kkabdrep avTos olerat, pv hpnv
TETTOUNLEVOV TpOv "Avabapyidnv Gvopacan. 6u-
TyOUpEVOS yap TO. 7 mept Ltpatovixyy, dv Tpozrov 7AGev
pe eis Lupiav ex Maxedovias karaduzotca TOV
eaurins avopa. Anpajrpioy, LedrevKov Sێ yapetv adryy
ov GeAncavros, orep exe TpocedoKy cer, Tmowou-
pevov (de |? Ty, a0 BaBvAdvos oTparetay avrod,
TA TEpt TIP ’ AvTioyevav evewrepioey” ei?’ ws
dvéotperev 6 Baotrevs, dAvoKopevns Tis “Avtuo-
yelas, els LedevKevav dvyotoa, Tapov avTH TAXEWS
amomAe, evuTTviw kwdvovre mevatetoa eAnpbn Kal
anéGavev' tadta mpoemav o “Ayabapxions Kal
ETLOKWITWY TH Zrparovixy TH devovdayroviay
Tapadety ware Xpyra. To TEpL TpGv oy Kal
yeypapev ovTUs. “ot Kadovpevor *Tovdato. moAw
oikobvTeEs oxupwrarny macy, Vv Kadeiv ‘lepood-
Avpa oupPaiver TOUS eyxwpious, apyel elOropevot
Sv éBddpuns Hpepas Kat pyre’ 7a oda Bacralew

1 Om. Lat. 2 Bekker: y7éé L.

2 Of Cnidos, 2nd cent. B.c., author of many historical and
geographical works, in particular one on the Erythraean
(Red) Sea.

» Stratonice, daughter of Antiochus I (Soter), was married
to Demetrius II of Macedonia. When Demetrius contracted

246

ari cin Die a

AGAINST APION, I. 204-209

march be given by this creature, which could not
provide for its own safety? Had it been gifted
with divination, it would not have come to this
spot, for fear of being killed by an arrow of Mosol-
lamus the Jew.’ ”

But I have given enough evidence from Hecataeus ;
any who care to pursue the subject can easily peruse
his book. ‘There is another writer whom I shall name
without hesitation, although he mentions us only to
ridicule our folly, as he regards it—I mean Agath-
arcides.* He is telling the story of Stratonice,” how
she deserted her husband Demetrius and came from
Macedonia to Syria, and how, when Seleucus dis-
appointed her by refusing to marry her, she created
a revolution at Antioch while he was starting on a
campaign from Babylon; and then how, after the
king’s return and the capture of Antioch, she fled to
Seleucia,° and instead of taking sail immediately,
as she might have done, let herself be stopped by a
dream, was captured and put to death. After telling
this story and deriding the superstition of Stratonice,
Agatharcides quotes in illustration a tale told about
us. The following are his words : 4

“The people known as Jews, who inhabit the
most strongly fortified of cities, called by the
natives Jerusalem,¢ have a custom of abstaining
from work every seventh day ; on those occasions

a second marriage, about 239 B.c., she fled for aid to her
nephew, Seleucus II (Callinicus). A slightly different account
in Justin, xxviii. 1.

¢ Seleucia Pieria, the Syrian port near the mouth of the
Orontes.

“ Quoted in a condensed form in A. xii. 6.

¢ ** Hierosolyma.”’

(vii.) Aca-
THARCID ES.

On Jewish

observance
of the :

Sabbath.

JOSEPHUS
€v Tois Elpnevols Xpovols pITE yewpylas antecBat
pare adAns emerctobac Aevroupyias pndepas,
adn’ ev Tots tepots EKTETAKOTES was xetpas evyeoUat
210 pEXpL THs éo7répas, elovovTos els THY TOAW IIroAe-
pualov Tov Adyov PETA THS duvdpews Kal TOV
avoparwy avtt Tod duAatrew tiv TOAW dvaTypovv-

: Tw THY dvovay, 7) bev TaTpis etAnpet deoTroT HV

TUKpOV, 6 b€ voyLos cEndeyx0 7) paddrov € exw eGuopiov.
21170 b€ ovpPav aAqy eKelvwv TOUS aAAous mdvTas

dedldaye THViKaDTa dvyeiv eis’ evUmVia Kal THY

TEpl TOO vopov Tapadedoperyy b7ovolay, TVviKa av

tois avipwrivois Aoyiopois mept THv Sdva7ropov-
212 weve eEaclevicwow.' TodTo pev “Ayabapxton
Katayehuros a€vov dokel, Tots de LA) peta dvc-
pevelas eferalovat eee peya Kat moAA@v
aé.ov éyKwpiwv, €l Kal owrnpias Kal mar pidos
avopwrot twes vopwv dvdrakiy Kat Thy pos Oeov
evoeBeay del TpoTYL@ow.

(23) “Ort 6€ odK ayvoobyTes Eviot THY Ovyypadéwv
70 efvos POV, adn’ bo Plovov twos 7 bu dAAas
airias ovx vyleis THY py nNV mapehumov, TEK[LT pLov
oiwar mapeEew. ‘lepwmvupos yap 6 TH mepl TOv
diad0xwv ltoTopiay cuyyeypadws Kata Tov avTov
pev jv “Exataiw xpovov, didos 8 ay *Avtuydvov
214 rot Baoitéws THY Lupiayv émeTpozrevev. aA’ opus

‘Exataios pev Kal BiBAtov | eypaipe mepl 7pov,
‘lepesvupos 8° otdapod Kata TV toTopiay epvn-

213

1 eis L Lat.: om. Grotius, the sense then being ‘‘ to avoid
dresanis: 5. Sy Wash cs! are

* Date unknown. Appian refers to the reduction of
Jerusalem by Ptolemy I (Syr. 50).
® Of Cardia in the Thracian Chersonese, c. 360-265; his

248

AGAINST APION, I. 209-214

they neither bear arms nor take any agricultural
operations in hand, nor engage in any other form
of public service, but pray with outstretched hands
in the temples until the evening. Consequently,
because the inhabitants, instead of protecting
their city, persevered in their folly, Ptolemy, son
of Lagus, was allowed to enter with his army ; 4
the country was thus given over to a cruel master,
and the defect of a practice enjoined by law was
exposed. That experience has taught the whole
world, except that nation, the lesson not to resort
to dreams and traditional fancies about the law,
until its difficulties are such as to baffle human
reason.”

Agatharcides finds such conduct ridiculous ; dis-
passionate critics will consider it a grand and highly
meritorious fact that there are men who consistently
care more for the observance of their laws and for
their religion than for their own lives and their
country’s fate.

(23) That the omission of some historians to
mention our nation was due, not to ignorance, but
to envy or some other disingenuous reason, I think
I amin a position to prove. Hieronymus,’ who wrote
the history of Alexander’s successors, was a con-
temporary of Hecataeus, and, owing to his friendship
with King Antigonus,° became governor of Syria.
Yet, whereas Hecataeus devoted a whole book to us,
Hieronymus, although he had lived almost within

history of the Diadochi from the death of Alexander to that
of Pyrrhus was a leading authority on that period. His
Syrian appointment is not mentioned elsewhere.

¢ Surnamed the One-eyed, c. 381-301 B.c., general of
Alexander and after his death monarch of Asia.

249

Malicious..
silence of &
Hieronymus
ete.

JOSEPHUS

povevoe, Kalrou oxedov év Tots TOToLs SiaTeTpLdeds.
Toaobrov at Tpoapecets Tov avopwmav OujveyKay:
T@ pev yap edoFapiev Kal omovdaias elval pv7ins
dév, T@ 5€ mpos tiv adjfevay mdvtws Te ma0os
215 odK eVyvwpov éemeckoTHOEV. GapKotar 8 Guws eis
TH amodelw THs apyaoTnTos al te Alyumtiwv
Kat Xaddaiwy Kat Dowikwv avaypadat mpos
exelvals Te ToootTo. THv “EAAjvwv ovyypadeis.
216 é7. 5é Kal mpos Tots eipnuevois Oeddiros Kal
@ecddoros Kat Myvacéas Kal “Aptorogpavns Kal
‘Eppoyerys, Edjpepos Te Kal Kove Kal Zesruptov
Kal mohoi twes dAdo Taxa, ov yap eywye mow
evreTvynKa Tots PuBAtous, ov TapEepyws 7)JL@V
217 epvnpovedKaow. ot moAAot b€ TeV elpnuevwy
avopav THs pe dAnGetas Tov ef a apyis Tpayydr ov
OujpapTov, 6 OTL [L7) 7 Tats tepais Tpeav BiBAous € EVETUXOV,
KOWOS pevTou Tept Tis apxaLoTnTos ATavTES [LE-
218 peaprupyKaow, bmrép hs TA vov Aéyew mpoeGeuny. 6
[LEVTOL Dadnpevds Anparpios, kat Dilwy oO mpe-
oBuUTepos Kal EdzroAeos od moAv Tis dAnfevas
Oujpaprov. ols ovyylyvwoKelw aEvov: ov yap evi
atbrois eTa TAaonS aKpiPelas Tots HeTEpoLs ypap-
pact tapakodovbeiv.

219 (24) “Ev ére prow keddAaiov brodeimerar TOV KaTa
THY apynv mpotebevtwv Tob Adyou, Tas SiaBoAds Kat

* Josephus perhaps owes his knowledge of these names to
second-hand information, whether written (Alexander
Polyhistor or Nicolas of Damascus), or orally supplied by
literary friends in Rome. Reinach thinks they are all
derived from Alexander Polyhistor. This is probable in the
case of the two first named. Theodotus (if the author of a
hexameter poem on Sichem and the story of Dinah is meant)

250

AGAINST APION, I. 214-219

our borders, has nowhere mentioned us in his history.
So widely different were the views of these two men.
One thought us deserving of serious notice ; the eyes
of the other, through an ill-natured disposition, were
totally blind to the truth. However, our antiquity
is sufficiently established by the Egyptian, Chaldaean,
and Phoenician records, not to mention the numerous
Greek historians. In addition to those already
cited, Theophilus, Theodotus, Mnaseas, Aristophanes,
Hermogenes, Euhemerus, Conon, Zopyrion,* and,
may be, many more—for my reading has not been
exhaustive—have made more than a passing allusion
to us. The majority of these authors have mis-
represented the facts of our primitive history, because
they have not read our sacred books ; but all concur
in testifying to our antiquity, and that is the point
with which I am at present concerned. Demetrius
Phalereus,? the elder Philo, and Eupolemus® are
exceptional in their approximation to the truth, and
[their errors] may be excused on the ground of their
inability to follow quite accurately the meaning of
our records.

(24) I have still to deal with one of the topics pro-
posed at the beginning of this work,? namely, to

was probably a Samaritan. Mnaseas is mentioned again in
Ap. ii. 112 and A.i. 94. Aristophanes may be the famous
Alexandrian librarian. Euhemerus is celebrated for his
rationalistic explanation of Greek mythology.

> ¢, 345-283 B.c.; an Attic orator and afterwards librarian
at Alexandria under Ptolemy I, credited by pseudo-Aristeas
and Josephus (Ap. ii. 46) with having been instrumental in
obtaining a Greek version of the Pentateuch. But he is here
probably confused with another Demetrius, a Jewish historian.

¢ Jewish writers on Biblical subjects of the second cent.
B.c.; ‘* the elder Philo” an epic poet, Eupolemus a historian.

assaf.

251

Further
Greek
witnesses.

JOSEPHUS

Tas Aovdopias, ais KéypyvTat Twes KaTa TOD yevous
TpOv, a. mrobetE at wevdeis, Kal Tots yeypadoat

220 TavTas a EauT@v xpijcacbar paprvow. OTL pe
obv Kal €Tépots TobTO ToAAois oupBeBnke dua THV
Evie Svopeverar, ofjae yuyvwoKkew TOUS aAێov
Tats toroptas EVTUYXGVOVTAS. Kal yap ebay
TWwes Kal TOV evdokoTaTwy moAewy puTaivew THY
evyevetayv Kal Tas ToAtTElas emexeipycav AoLdopeiv,

221 Oeomop7os pev TI “AGnvaiwy, tiv be Aakedai-
peoviewy IloAvkpazys, 6 de TOV Tpuodurucov ypupas,
ov yap 67 Oedmopmos e€oTW Ws olovTal TWWeS, Kal
civ OnBaiwy woAw mpocddaxev,’ moAAa be Kat
Tiatos €v Tats toTopiats mepl TOV mpoerpnwevwv

222 Kal trept dAAwv PePrAacdruynKkev. pddtota d€ TodTO
mowodat Tois evdoEoTaTols TpoaTAeKOpeEvot, TWES LEV
dua povov Kat KaKo7Jevav, dAdo b€ bia TOU Kawo-
Aoyetv" pens afnnoecbar vopiCovres. Tapa. pev
ovv Tots avorjrous Tauris od dtapapravovor Tis
éAridos, ot 6° tyvatvovtes TH Kpioer TOMY adbTa@v
poxOnpiay Karabucalovar.

223 (25) Tév & eis Huds PAaodnpwayv 7ipEavro pev Ai-
yUTT LOL’ BovAdcpevor 6° é€xelvois twes xapilecbar
Tapatpémew emexelpnoav tiv adjfevav, ovtTe THY
els Alyurtov adiéw ws eyévero TaV TeTéepwv
mpoyovwv oporoyodvtes, ovTe tHv e€€odov adAn-

/

224 Mevovtes. airias dé moAdas €eAaBov tod pucety

1 So, with Naber, I conjecture, from the Lat. momordit :
mpocédaBev L.

2 Dind.: xevoroyeiv L.

@ Of Chios, ¢. 378-300, pupil of Isocrates and an acri-
monious historian.

252

~ 59 eane

AGAINST APION, I. 219-224

expose the fictitious nature of the accusations and (IIL)Calum-
aspersions cast by certain persons upon our nation, iA”
and to convict the authors of them out of their own Semites.
mouths. That many others have, through the Similar
animosity of individuals, met with the same fate, is Soups
a fact of which, I imagine, all habitual readers of nations.
history are aware. Various authors have attempted

to sully the reputation of nations and of the most
illustrious cities, and to revile their forms of govern-

ment. Theopompus? attacked Athens, Polycrates ®
Lacedaemon; the author of the Tripoliticus ¢

(who was certainly not, as some suppose, Theo-
pompus) included Thebes in his strictures ; Timaeus 4

in his histories freely abused these and other states
besides. These critics are most virulent in their
attacks on persons of the highest celebrity, some out

of envy and spite, others in the belief that the novelty

of their language will procure them notoriety. In

this expectation they find fools who do not disappoint

them; by men of sound judgement their depravity

is severely condemned.

(25) The libels upon us originated with the The _
Egyptians. To gratify them, certain authors under- eee
took to distort the facts; they misrepresented the ators of
circumstances of the entry of our ancestors into calumnies.
Egypt, and gave an equally false account of their Reasons for
departure. The Egyptians had many reasons for malignity.

» His Laconica is mentioned hy Athenaeus iv. 139 p; doubt-
fully identified with a fourth-century Athenian sophist.

¢ The “ Three states book,”’ also called the “ Three-
headed book ”’ (Tpixdpavos), a pamphlet attacking Athens,
Sparta, and Thebes, put out in the name of Theopompus by
his enemy Anaximenes of Lampsacus, who so successfully
imitated the style of Theopompus as to bring the latter into
universal odium (Pausan. vi. 18. 3).

4 Nicknamed ’Emuiriuacos, “* fault-finder”’; ef. § 16 note.

253

225

226

JOSEPHUS

Kat dOovetv, TO ev €€ apyfs oT KaTa THY KwWpav
att@v edvvdotevoav Huadv of mpoyovor KaKkeilev
amadXayévtes emi THY oikelay madAw eddayLovyncay.
<i? 7 TovTwV" UmevavTvorns mohAny avTots eVv-
ezolnoev €xOpayv, Tooovrov THs TET epas dadhepov-
ons evocBelas mpos THY Um exelvwY vevomLoperyY,
Ocov Ge0b pvars Cou dAdyoo bieaTH KE. KOWOV
puev ‘yap avrots €oTL mdr pLov TO TabTa Jeods vopicew,
idia d€ mpos aAAjAous ev tais Tysats adt@v d.a-
dépovtar. Kotdor b€ Kal avonto. TavTdTacWw av-
Opwrot, Kak@s && apxis etfopevor dofalew mept
bedv, pyujoacbat jeev THY cepvornra THS Hp<eTEpas
bcodoylas ovK Eexwpnoar, opavres de CnAovpevous
v70 Tov epfovynoayv. eis ToooOTov yap 7AGov
avolas Kal puuKpoivyias €vio. TOV Tap” avrots, wor
ovde tats apyatais avr ay dvaypapats wKvnoay
evavTia Aeyew, aAAd Kat odiow avrots evayTta ypa-
dhovtes v70 Tuphorytos TOO maGous 7 qyvoncay.

(26) "Ed’ Ev0s de TPWTOV oT TOV Aoyov, @ @ Kal
pedprupe juKpov eumpoabev Tis dpxasoryros exp7-
odpny. 0 yap Mavebus otros, 6 Thy AtyumTiaKny
toroptav eK TOV tep@v Ypappar ov peDeppnvevew
DTEayn[Levos, TpoevTanv Tovs TLETEPOUS TpoyovousS

7oAAats pupudow em THY Alyurrov éMovras
KpaThoa T@v eVOLKOUVTO”, ett” avros opohoyay
xpovw mdaAw voTepov éexmecdvtas tiv viv "lov-
daiavy Katacyetv Kal Kticavtas ‘lepoodAvpa tov
veav KaTackevaoacbar, wéexpe ev ToUTWY HKOAOU-

1 rotrwy L Lat.: 7&v iepSv Spanheim.

*7.¢. in the time of the patriarch Joseph. Josephus
254

AGAINST APION, I. 224-228

their hatred and envy. There was the original
grievance of the domination of our ancestors over
their country,* and their renewed prosperity when
they had left it and returned to their own land.
Again, the profound contrast between the two cults ®
created bitter animosity, since our religion is as far
removed from that which is in vogue among them as
is the nature of God from that of irrational beasts.
For it is their national custom to regard animals as
gods, and this custom is universal, although there are
local differences in the honours paid to them.? These
frivolous and utterly senseless specimens of humanity,
accustomed from the first to erroneous ideas about
the gods, were incapable of imitating the solemnity
of our theology, and the sight of our numerous
admirers filled them with envy. Some of them
earried their folly and narrow-mindedness so far that
they did not hesitate to contradict their ancient
chronicles, nay, in the blindness of their passion, they
failed to perceive that in what they wrote they
actually contradicted themselves.

(26) The first writer, on whom I propose to dwell (i.)calum-
at some length, is one whose evidence has already Vso"
served me a little way back ¢ to prove our antiquity—
I mean Manetho. This author, having promised to
translate the history of Egypt from the sacred books,
begins by stating that our ancestors entered Egypt
in their myriads and subdued the inhabitants, and
goes on to admit that they were afterwards driven
out of the country, occupied what is now Judaea,
founded Jerusalem, and built the temple. So far

apparently identifies the Hycsos with the ancestors of the
Jews (§ 103). ’ Or “ nations.”

¢ Cf. e.g. Juvenal, Sat. xv., and Ap. ii. 65 below.

i Uf

290

229

230

232

JOSEPHUS

Once tais avaypadais. emerta b€ Sods eEovatav
avT@® dia Tob davar ypaew Ta pvbevdpeva Kat
Aeyopeva mept tov “lovdaiwy Aoyous amvldvous
TmapevePadev, dvayi€ar BovAcpevos Tey mAjGos
Atyurtiov Aempav Kat emt adAXows appworipacw,
as 701, puyelv € ex THs Aly’mrov Karayvaobevtwv.
‘Apevod yap Bacrea mpoabets, wevdes ovo,
Kal dua TOTO Xpovov avrod Tijs Bactretas opicar
Ley) ToAUHoAS, Kalrou ye emt TOV aMav Baoréuv
axpiBas Ta €Tn TpooTieis, TovTw mpooamret
twas pvlodoyias, émAabdjevos oyedov OTL 7rEV-
TaKoolols ETEOL Kal SEKAOKTE) TpPOTEpoV LoTOpHKE
‘08 WV TO : efodov eis “le ooodv a.
yevertar THY TOY ToyLevW € p Up
Tebprwors _yap jv PBaowreds OTe efjjecar, amo de
TOUTOU Tov peTaév" Bacrréwr Kar avTov €oTL
TplLaKOOLG evevnKOVTaT pia ery, [EXPL TOV dvo
adeAbav Leb KaL Eppatov, @v tov pev Lebwv
Aiyurtov, tov 6€ “Epyasov Aavadov. petovopa-
objvai gnow, ov exBaAcy 6 Lédbws éBactAevcev
er7) vO Kat pet adrov o mpeaBurepos TOV vidv
av7o0 ‘Papibys Es’. ToGoUToUS obv 7 poTepov €Teow
ameAfety €€ Alyt’mrov tovs matTépas 7uU@v wpyo-
AoynKkws eita Tov “Apévwdw eloToijoas éuBoAyov

1 rovrov Tay weTakd (after Lat.) Niese: rovrwy peraéd Tay L.

« Cf. “ the boil of Egypt ’’ (perhaps elephantiasis), Deut.
Xxvill. 27.

® Lit. “ adding.”

¢ Josephus’s criticism is unreasonable. Manetho clearly
distinguished between two expulsions from Egypt: (1) that
of the Hycsos who founded Jerusalem (§ 85-90); (2) that of
the lepers, etc., under Osarsiph (= Moses) who, with the
descendants of the Hycsos, returned and overran the country

256

AGAINST APION, I. 229-232

he followed the chronicles ; but at this point, under

the pretext of recording fables and current reports

about the Jews, he took the liberty of introducing

some incredible tales, wishing to represent us as

mixed up with a crowd of Egyptian lepers and others, on the
who for various maladies* were condemned, as he fant Bae
asserts, to banishment from the country. Inventing ®

a king named Amenophis, an imaginary person, the Story of _
date of whose reign he consequently did not venture Am s°Ph's
to fix (although he adds the exact years of the other lepers.
kings whom he mentions), he attaches to him certain
legends, having presumably forgotten that he has
already stated that the departure of the shepherds

for Jerusalem took place 518 years previously.° For

it was in the reign of Tethmosis @ that they left, and,
according to Manetho, the succeeding reigns covered

a period of 393 years ® down to the two brothers,

Sethos and Hermaeus,/ the former of whom, he says,

took the name of Aegyptus and the latter that of
Danaus.’ Sethos, after expelling Hermaeus, reigned
fifty-nine years, and his eldest son Rampses, who
succeeded him, sixty-six. Thus after admitting that

all those years had elapsed since our forefathers left

Egypt, he now interpolates this fictitious Amenophis.

(§ 232-250). The identification of the Amenophis under whom
the second expulsion took place is doubtful, but Josephus
is not justified in calling him ‘‘an imaginary person.”
Manetho has already mentioned three kings of that name
(§ 95-97). Josephus, notwithstanding his criticism, clearly,
by his calculation of an interval of 518 years (= 393 + 59 +66,
§ 231f.), identified him with a later Amenophis IV. This,
according to most commentators, was also the identification
of Manetho. Reinach, however, gives reasons to show that
Manetho identified him with Amenophis III (§ 97).

@4§94; =Thoummosis, § 88. PCy. SlOS:

f Called Harmais §§ 98 ff. 9 § 102.

VOL. I S 257

JOSEPHUS

/
Baowréa pyar TODTOV emOvu oar fev yevécbar
Geary, womep “Op eis TOV Tpo avToou BeBactrev-
KOT, aveveyKe dé Hv embupiav Opreov ope
pev att@ “Apevorder, watrpos b€ Lladmuos* ovzt,
~ / h
feias 5€ SoxobvTt petecyynKévar PvUoews KaTA TE
~ > ~ os
233 codiav KL Tpoyvwow TOV ECOMEVOV. ELTTELVY OUV
~ ~ \
avT@ tTovTov Tov OpLeaVU}LOV OTL Ouv7jgeTau feovs
’ ~
idetv, €f Kabapay am 0 te Ae m™pav KaL TOV aa
puap@v avOpetwv tiv xopav amacav Trouncetev.
234 nolévta Sé€ tov Baoi\éa wavtas Tovs 7a cwyaTa
~ -~ /
AchwBnpevous eK THS Atybarov ouvayayety" yeve-
235 afar de TO 7AjGos* pupudoas OKT: Kal TOUTOUS ae
tas ABotouias tas €v TO mpos avaTtoAny pepe
tod Neidov éufadrety atrov, omws épyalowtTo Kat
~ > > /
Tov dddwy Aiyurtiwy elev Kexwpropevor.® eivar dé
~ ~ \
Twas é€v avtois Kat T@v Aoyiwv lepéwy dyat rA€7pa
an \
236 ovveyouevous.* tov be “Apévadw €xeivov, Tov
~ /
codov Kal pavTiKov avopa, tmodeicat® mpos avTOV
\ \ / / ~ ~ > /
Te Kat Tov Bao.réa yodAov TOV Gedy, et Bracbevtes
offyjcovrat: Kat mpooléuevoy eimeiv OTe ovppayy-
Govol TiwWes Tois papois Kat THS Aty’mTou Kpa-
THGOvowW em €eTy SekaTpia, p17 ToAUjoaL pev
\ > ~ ~ ~ ~
avTov eimety TadTa TH Pacrrel, ypadyy de KaTa-
/ \ ~ >] > 6
Limovta mepi mavTwy éavtov avedciv, ev abvpia
= \ — A , BA \ / 4
237 6€ evar Tov Paciréa. Kameita kata A€Ew ovVTWS
/ ~ > ~ / /
yeypagev’ ““tav 8 ev Tais AaTopmiats ws xpovos
1 ed. pr. (cf. § 243): Tlamos L.
2 Niese (after Lat.): roi rAnGous L.
3 ciey xex. (with Holwerda): oi éyxexwpicpévor L.
4 Dindorf: cuyxexusuévous L.
5 Dind.: trodetcAa L.

* Orus, ninth king of the XVIIIth Dynasty (§ 96);
258

AGAINST APION, I. 232-237

This king, he states, wishing to be granted, like
Or,” one of his predecessors on the throne, a vision
of the gods, communicated his desire to his name-
sake, Amenophis, son of Paapis,? whose wisdom
and knowledge of the future were regarded as
marks of divinity. ‘This namesake replied that he
would be able to see the gods if he purged the
entire country of lepers and other polluted persons.
Delighted at hearing this, the king collected all the
maimed people in Egypt, numbering 80,000, and
sent them to work in the stone-quarries ° on the
east of the Nile, segregated from the rest of the
Egyptians. They included, he adds, some of the
learned priests, who were afflicted with leprosy.
Then this wise seer Amenophis was seized with a
fear that he would draw down the wrath of the
gods on himself and the king if the violence done
to these men were detected ; and he added a pre-
diction that the polluted people would find certain
allies who would become masters of Egypt for
pucteen years. Te did; not venture to tell this
himself to the king, but left a complete statement
in writing, and then put an end to himself. The
king was greatly disheartened.

Then Manetho proceeds (I quote his actual words) :
“When the men in the stone-quarries had con-

probably confused with the god Horus. Herodotus (ii. 42)
tells a similar story of Heracles in Egypt desiring a vision
of the Theban Zeus (Amun).

® Apparently a historical person, viz. Amenothes (or
Amenophis), son of Hapi, minister of Amenophis III, whose
statue with an inscription was discovered by Mariette
(Maspero, Hist. ancienne, 1897, ii. 299, 448; quoted by
Reinach).

ey Herod: it...

259

JOSEPHUS

ikavos Oundfev tadraitwpotvTwv, a€vwheis 6 Bact-
Neds va pds KardAvow abrois Kal oKémnv azro-
Leplon Thy TOTE TOV ToYLevwY epnuwlkeicay woAW
Avapw ovveympynoev: ott 8 1 ods (kaTa THY
238 Beodoylav dvwhev) Tuduivios. of 8€ eis tadTnv
eiceMfovres Kal Tov Tomoy TobToY els amooTacW
éyovres, ayepova attav Aeyopevov twa TeV
‘HAvorodirav iepéwv “Oodpordov éatioavTo Kat
touTw Telapyncovtes’ ev Gow wpKwpoTnaay.
239 6 de 7 P@TOV peev avTots VO|LOV eBero [LTTE Tpoo-
Kuvelv eos pyre Tov pdrdwotra ev Atyiarw
Beuictevopevwv tepav Cawv arméxecbar pndevos,
mavTa Se Bew Kat avadrotv, cvvamrecbar dé
240 pnoevt TAnv TOW CUVW[LOG LEVON. TovavTa de
vowobernoas Kal mAcora dAAa padota Tots
Atyumriow eGiapots évaytiovpeva exéAevoev zodv-
yelpla Ta THS TOAEwWS emicKevalew TElyn Kal TpOS
moAeuov éroljous yivecBat Tov mpos “Auévwdw Tov
241 Bacwléa. adtros 6€ mpocdaBdopevos pel” eavTod
Kal TOV GAAwy lepéwv Kal ovppentappeven emrepre
mpéaBers mpos Tovs bro Tebuwcews amedacbévtas
Touevas els TOAW tiv Kadovpevnv ‘lepocddupa,
Kat Ta Kal? éavtov Kat tovs aAAovs Tovs our-
atytacbervras SyAwoas jElov cuveToTpaTevew opo-
242 Oupadov én’ Atyumrov. émd€ew? péev otv advrovs
emnyyelAato mp&tov ev eis Avapw tiv mpoyoviKny
a’t@v matplda Kal Ta emuTHdeva Tots dyAots
mapecew adbbdovws, tbreppwayjocobar de dre Sdéor
Kal padilws vroyelpiov adbtots TV Kwpav ToLnoew.
1 ed. pr.: -joavtes L. 2 éravatewv Cobet,

260

AGAINST APION, I. 237-242

tinued long in misery, the king acceded to their
request to assign them for habitation and protec-
tion the abandoned city of the shepherds, called
Auaris, and according to an ancient theological
tradition dedicated to Typhon.¢ Thither they
went, and, having now a place to serve as a base
for revolt, they appointed as their leader one of the
priests of Heliopolis called Osarsiph,? and swore
to obey all his orders. By his first law he ordained
that they should not worship the gods nor abstain
from the flesh of any of the animals held in special
reverence in Egypt, but should kill and consume
them all, and that they should have no connexion
with ‘any save members of their own confederacy.
After laying down these and a multitude of other
laws, absolutely opposed to Egyptian custom, he
ordered all hands to repair the city walls and make
ready for war with King Amenophis. Then, in
concert with other priests and polluted persons
like himself, he sent an embassy to the shepherds,
who had been expelled by Tethmosis, in the city
called Jerusalem, setting out the position of him-
self and his outraged companions, and inviting
them to join in a united expedition against Egypt.
He undertook to escort them first to their ancestral
home at Auaris, to provide abundant supplies for
their multitudes, to fight for them when the
moment came, and without difficulty to reduce the
country to submission. The shepherds, delighted

a Cf. §§ 78, 86.
Although Osarsiph plays the part of, and is identified
with, Moses (§ 250), the name, as Reinach suggests, looks
like a transformation of Joseph, the Egyptian Osiris being
substituted for the first syllable, incorrectly regarded as
derived from the Hebrew Jan.

261

243

244

246

247

JOSEPHUS

ot O€ tmepyapets yevomevor TavTes mpob pws
~ >
eis kK’ j.upiddas avdp@v ovveEwpynoav Kal [eT
> ne ures > ” yy 7 32 we =
od odd FKov ets Avapw. “Apévwdis 8 6 TOV
A > / \ e > / \ \ \
Aiyumtiwvy Baoitdevs ws emvbeTo Ta KaTa THD
/ ~ A
exelvwv edodov, od peTpiws avvexv0y THs Tapa
“Apevagews TOU Iladzvos pvyabeis TpodnAucews.
Kal TpOTEpoV ouvayayov 7AjGos Atyumtiav Kal
5
BovAevoapevos peta TOV ev ToUToLs ayepoveny Td.
TE tepa Coa Ta Tpara + pddvoTa €v Tots ‘epots
TYLOPLEVE ws €auTov” pereneuiparo Kal TOlS KATO
p€pos lepetat Tapyyyerev ws aopareorara TOV
Decv cuppa TO. foava. Tov Oe viov Letwy,
tov Kat “Papyecony amo “Paibnots tot matpos
Wvopacpevov, TevTaeTn ovtTa e€€letTo mpos Tov
e ~ / >] \ \ \ \ ~
€avtod dtdov. attos 6€ diaBas <ovv> Tots
dAAots Alyumtiow, ovow eis TpiaKovTa pupiddas
avopa@v HAXYLWTATWY, Kal Tots moAeiows am-
avTjoas” ov ouveBahev, ara peAdew* Peopayety
vopicas TaAwdpopjaas 7) HKEV Els Mendy, avadaBow
te tov Te “Azw Kal ta adda Ta exeioe peTamep-
dbévra tepa Cia edOds eis Atfiomiav otv aravte TO
/ \ / ~ 5 / > / /
oT0Aw Kat 7AnGer tev AlyuTtiwv aviyOy: yapere
yap iv atta vroyxeipios 6 TOV Aifidmwv Bactreds.
“a 5 e 8 Pe yee \ \ oA Xr / ¢e nt \
Os° b7r0 ed jrevos Kal Tovs OxAous TavTas b70 aBaw
ois e€ayev 1 xXwpa TOV T™pos avOpurtvny Tpogyy
SAE rs Kat TOAEis Kal Kapas mpos TH. TOV
pili tie TproKkatoeKa eT@V aro THS apxas
atvTov® exmTwow a ovx WTTov O6€ Kal

- bi Lat. 2 Niese: és ye atrov L.
- Niese (after Lat.): dravrjcacw L.
4 un deiv (cf. § 263) Herwerden.
5 Niese anes Lat.): d6ev L.
+eis ryv Ls; a verb such as rapécyev is desiderated.

262

AGAINST APION, I. 243-247

with the idea, all eagerly set off in a body number-
ing 200,000 men, and soon reached Auaris.

“The news of their invasion sorely perturbed
Amenophis, king of Egypt, who recalled the pre-
diction of Amenophis, son of Paapis. He began
by assembling the Egyptians, and, after delibera-
tion with their chiefs, sent for the sacred animals
which were held in most reverence in the temples,
and instructed the priests in each district to conceal
the images of the gods as securely as possible.
His five-year-old son Sethos, also called Ramesses
after his grandfather Ra(m)pses,* he entrusted to
the care of a® friend. He then crossed [the Nile,
with] 300,000 of the most efficient warriors of
Egypt and met the enemy. Instead, however, of
engaging them, he, under the belief that he was
about to fight against the gods, turned back and
repaired to Memphis. There he picked up Apis
and the other sacred animals which he had ordered
to be brought thither, and at once, with all his
army and the Egyptian population, started up
country for Ethiopia, whose king was under obliga-
tion to him and at his service. The latter made
him weleome and maintained the whole multitude
with all the products of the country suitable for
human consumption, assigned them cities and
villages sufficient for the destined period of thirteen
years’ banishment from the realm, and moreover °¢

* The genealogy here given supports Reinach’s opinion
that the King Amenophis of this story (according to
Josephus an imaginary person, § 230)=Amenophis III
(cf. § 97).

® Literally, “‘ his’’; (?) the king of Ethiopia named later.

Or above all.”

263

248

249

250

251

252

JOSEPHUS

otpatoredov Aiftomikov mpos dvAakiy émétake
tots map “Apevwdews tod PBacwéws emi TeV
CAsf a ACS, ae \ \ \ \ \ >
dpiwy THs AlyUmrov. Kal Ta wev Kata THv Aibo-
miav tovatrta’ ot b€ Lodvpirar KateAPdvtes ovv
Tots pLlapois THY Atyurtiov ovTws avociws’ Tots
avOparm ous mpoanvexOnoar, WOTE THY TOV Tpoetpy)-
peeveny KpaTynaw xpucov paivectar Tots TOTE TA
tovtwy aoeBruata Bewpévoiss Kat yap ov pLovov
moves Kal KWEas EvéTpnoav, ovdE LepoavdAodbyTeEs
> \ / / ~ >] ~ > \ \
obdé Avpawopevor Edava Fev jpKobdvto, adda Kat
Tots advTols* émTavios THY ceBacTevowevwy Lep@v
4 A
Cawv xpdpevor SietéAovv, Kat GdTas Kat odayeis
TOUTW lepets Kal mpodrtas yvayKalov yweobat
/ \ a ¢ \
KaL ‘yupvous feBaMov. Aéyerar d€ OTe <O> THY
Tohuretav Kal TOUS VOLLOUS avrois xataBahopevos
tepevs to yevos “HAvomzoXirns sovopa ’Ocapaid
> A ~ b ¢ / iS / e
amo tod ev ‘HXtouvmoAe Geod “Ocipews, ws per-
é€Byn «is tTotrTo To yevos, peteTeOn Tovvowa Kal

mpoonyopev0n Mwvojs.’’

(27) “A pev obv Atybrrwoe dh€épovor TEpl TOV ‘lov-
datwy Tabr €oTl Kal eTEPO. mXelova, a Tapinpw
ouvTopias evexa. Aéyer d€ 0 Mavébws maAw ore
pera Tatra em7Afev o “Apevenpis azo Atfomias
pera peyadns dvvdpews Kal 0 vios avTou ‘Papibns,
Kal avros Exar dvvapw, Kal oupBadovres ob ovo
Tots TOYLEDL KQL TOs pLLapots Evin aay avrovs Kal
moAXovs amoKteivavtes ediw€av attods aypt TaV
oplwy THs Lvpias. tadTa pev Kal Ta Tovatra
Mavédws cuvéypayev' ote 5€ Anpet Kai Pevderau

1 +xai L. 2 Bekker: adrois L.
264.

AGAINST APION, I. 247-252

stationed an Ethiopian army on the Egyptian
frontier to protect King Amenophis and_ his
subjects.

“Such was the condition of affairs in Ethiopia.
Meanwhile the Solymites * came down ? with the
polluted Egyptians, and treated the inhabitants in
so sacrilegious a manner that the regime of the
shepherds seemed like a golden age ¢ to those who
now beheld the impieties of their present enemies.
Not only did they set cities and villages on fire,
not only did they pillage the temples and mutilate
the images of the gods, but, not content with that,
they habitually used the very sanctuaries as
kitchens for roasting the venerated sacred animals,
and forced the priests and prophets to slaughter
them and cut their throats, and then turned them
out naked. It is said that the priest who gave
them a constitution and code of laws was a native
of Heliopolis, named Osarsiph@ after the Helio-
politan god Osiris, and that when he went over to
this people he changed his name and was called
Moses.”

(27) Such and much more, which, for brevity’s
sake, I omit, is Egyptian gossip about the Jews.
Manetho adds that Amenophis subsequently
advanced from Ethiopia with a large army, his son
Rampses at the head of another, and that the two
attacked and defeated the shepherds and _ their
polluted allies, killing many of them and pursuing
the remainder to the frontiers of Syria. That, with
more of a similar kind, is Manetho’s account. Before

2 j.e. the inhabitants of Hierosolyma (§ 241); ef. §§ 173 f.

with note.
Or ** back.” ¢ Literally, “* gold.” a CPaS 238.

265

JOSEPHUS

~ > / / ’ ~ ~
Tepipavas emidelEw, mpod.acTetAdpevos EKeivo TOV
iv 4 A ” 1 / iA Yas)
voTEpov Tpos aous AexOnoopévwv evexa. d€dwKe
\ \
yap obros mp Kal wpodoynkev €€ dpxis TO” [7
wf
eval TO yévos Atyurrious, oAN’ avrovs e€wlev
eveMfovtas Kpatnoa ths Alydmrov Kat maAw &€&
~ > A A
253 av7HAs ameAeivy. ote 8° ovK aveptyOncay piv
/ ~ j
votepov Tov AlyumTiwy ot ta owpata AeAwfn-
pevol, Kal OTL eK TOUTWY OvK HV Mwvors oO TOV
\ > / > . \ ~ ’ / A
Aaov ayaywv, adda moddais éeyeyover yeveais
TpoTEepov, TavTa Tepdcouar Sia TV Da avToo
Aeyopevwv édéyyew.
254 (28) [pasnv 67) Tv altiav Tob wAdopatos b70-
/ / e \ /
TieTar Katayédactov. 6 Paoctrevs yap, Pyow,
> A / 7 A / \ @ \ ts) ~ / z
Apevwdis eebvpinoe tTovs Yeovs ideiv. otous;
> A \
el pevy Tovs map avtots vevopofeTrnévous, TOV
~ /
Botdv Kat tTpayov Kal KpokodetAous Kat KuvoKeda-
~ 7 \
255 Aous, €wWpa. Tovs odpavious b€ THs edvvaTo; Kat
\ P. /
dua Te TavTHVv eoxe THY emiOvplav; oTe vy Ata
mark / > ~ \ ” e ,
Kat mpoTepos attod PactAeds aAAos ewpaker.
> > / >
Tap €KEelvov TOW éeTéTUOTO TOTATOL TWEs EloL
\ / > ~ ~
Kal TWa TpoTOV avrovs cidev, WoTE KaWHs avT@
, > ” > \ \ > . , > a
256 TEXVNS OvK EdeL. GAAA Godos HV O pavTis dL Ov
~ / e \ e / \
TovTo KatToplwcew o BactAeds treAduPave. Kat
~ ~ ~ /
TOs od Tpoeyvw TO advvarov avTod THs éemluptas ;
> \ > / / \ \ / > \ \
ov yap améBy. twa dé Kat Adyov eixye bia ToOvS
> 7 ~ “a >
nKpwTynpiacpevovs 7 Aemp@vtas adavets eivar
/ > / A > /
tovs Ueovs; opyilovtra: yap emt Trois acePypacw,
: | ~ ~ > \
ovK emt Tots eAaTTwWpact TOV GWEATwWY. OKT

bo
Or
~I

1 Niese: addy ous L. 2 Niese: re L.

* Literally, ** (yes,) by Zeus.’ This common Greek phrase,

266

~

AGAINST. APION, 1. 252-257

proceeding to show the manifest absurdity and un-
truthfulness of his statements, I will make one pre-
liminary observation, which bears on the replies to
be made later on to other authors. Manetho has
granted us one fact. He has admitted that our race
was not of Egyptian origin, but came into Egypt
from elsewhere, conquered it, and afterwards left it.
The further Picts that we were not, in the sequel,
mixed up with Egyptian cripples, and that Moses, the
leader of our people, so far from being one of them,
lived many generations earlier, I shall now endeavour
to prove from Manetho’s own statements.

(28) At the outset, the very hypothesis of. his
fictitious story is ridiculous. King Amenophis, he 5
says, desired to see the gods. What gods? If those
established by their law are intended—bull, goat,
crocodiles, and dog-faced baboons—he saw them
already. Or the celestial gods—how could he have
seen them ? And w hy had he this passionate desire ?
Because, forsooth,“ another king ® before him had
seen them. He had ¢ therefore learnt from his pre-
decessor what they were like and how he saw them ;
consequently no new method of procedure was re-
quired. Again, the seer, by whose help the king
hoped to achieve his end, was a sage. How was it
then that he failed to foresee the impossibility of
attaining it? For it was not realized. And what
ground was there for attributing the invisibility of
the gods to the presence of mutilated persons or
lepers? Impiety excites their wrath, not physical
deformities. Then, how could 80,000 lepers and
which sounds strange in a Jewish work, recurs (according
to the restored text) in Ap. ii. 263. Or (§ 232):

¢ Possibly we should insert dv, ‘“‘ would therefore have
learnt.”

207

seat ga

Manetho’s
story. It:
various

absurditie:

JOSEPHUS

de pupiadas Tov AeTpav Kat Kak@s drakeyrevwv
T@s olov TE juua oxedov WuLEpa avdAdeyHvaL; Tas
d€ TapiKovoey Tod pavtews 0 Baotrets; oO pev
yap avrov exédevoev e€opioa: 7Hs Alytmrov tovs
/ e > >) \ > \ /

NeAwfhynpevovs, 0 & atrovs els tas AGoTopias
Pee A 4 ~ b] A / > >
eveBadev, womep TOY Epyacopevwy dedpievos, aAA
258 obi kaapat THY xwpav TpOatpovpLevos. pyar
6€ Tov pev pavrw atrov aveAeiy TH opymy. Tay
beady Tpoopesevov Kal TO. cup By copeva mrepl THY
Atyurrov, T@ de Paci VEY PappevaV TH T™pop-
259 pyow" katadurety. cita 7s ouK € apxis 0
paves TOV avrod Oavatov mponmictato; mas dé
otk €v00s avteimev TH Pactdet BovdAopéva tods
\ > ~ ~ > ” e A ~ \ >
feovs ieiv; mas 8° evAoyos 6 dofos THY pn Tap
avTtov cvpPycopevwv KaK@V; 7% TL yxetpov EedeL

maleiy ot dpav® Eavtov eomevder;
\ \ \ / > / ” A
260 To d€ 67 mavtTwy etyféoratov tdwyev. mvbd-
pLevos yap Tatra Kal Tept TOV peAAdvTwY hoPrbeis
tous AcAwBypevous Exelvous, wv ad’Ta@ Kabapedcar
mpoeipyto tiv Atyumtov, ovde TOTE THS yYwpas
> / > \ ~ > an ” / 4
e€jAacev, adda denfeiow adbtois edwKe modAW, ws
dyot, THv mada pev oikyletoay t7o THV TOWLEevwY,
: ” \ , lek > , > \
261 Avapw de KaAovpev ny. cosa abpovabevras QUTOUS
NVE{LOVa. pyow efeheobau Tov €€ ‘HAvouTroAews
mara yeyovoTev tepéwv, Kal TOoUTOV adrois cto
nyjoacba: pate Feovs mpockuveiy pte TaV ev®
Atytrtw OpnoKkevopevwy Cdwv améxeobar, mavTa
\ / / \
dé Wew Kat Kateobtew, ovvanrecbar de pendeve
TAny TeV UV @DPLOTHEVODY, opKots TE TO 7AjGos
EvOnodpevov, 7 pv TOUTOLS Eppevety TOs Vvopots,

1 ed. pr.: mpocpnow L.
2 of dpav Herwerden: ov’ ay L. + Niese: “€ada.

268

AGAINST APION, I. 257-261

invalids be collected in practically a single day ¢?
And why did the king neglect the seer’s advice ?
The latter had bidden him banish the cripples from
Egypt, whereas the king put them into the quarries,
like one in need of labourers, rather than one who was
determined to purge his country. Manetho further
states that the seer killed himself, because he fore-
saw the anger of the gods and the fate in store for
Egypt, leaving to the king his prediction in writing.
Then how was it that the seer did not divine his own
death from the first > Why did he not at once oppose
the king’s desire to see the gods? Was it reasonable
to fear misfortunes that were not to happen in his
lifetime ? Or what worse fate could have befallen
him than the suicide he was in such a hurry to
commit ?

But let us consider the most ludicrous item in the
whole story. Notwithstanding the warning he had
received and his dread of the future, the king even
then did not expel from the country the cripples, of
whose presence he had been already told to purge
Egypt, but instead gave them at their request a city
called Auaris, once (according to Manetho) the
residence of the shepherds. Here, he continues,
they assembled, and chose for their leader one who
had formerly been a priest of Heliopolis; and by
him were instructed not to worship the gods nor to
abstain from the flesh of the animals reverenced in
Egypt, but to kill and devour them all, and to have
no connexion with any save members of their own
confederacy. Then, after binding his followers by
oath faithfully to abide by these laws, he fortified

4 This is not mentioned in § 234,

269

JOSEPHUS

Kal Teixylocavta tiv Avapw mpos tov Baowréa
262 moAcpov e€eveyKelv. Kal mpoorTtbnow OTL ezrepibev
els ‘lepoodAvpa tapaxad@v éexelvovs attots ovp-
paxety Kat dwcew avtoits THV Avapw tmucyvov-
Levos, €ivar yap avryy TOUS €K Tov ‘lepocohvpa
adiEopievous Tpoyovikny, ad Hs Oppwpevous adrovs
263 Tacav THY Alyvu7rov Kkabefew. eita Tovs pev
émeAbeiv elkoot oTpatod pupiaor A€yer, Tov BaotAéa
d¢ tav Aiyurtiwy ’Apévwdw otk otdpevov Sbeiv
Geopayety eis THY At@torriav eds amroopavat, TOV
d¢ “Azw Kal twa Tov ddAwv tepdv Cowv Tapa-
teGerxévae Tots lepetor diadvAarrecba KeAcvoarTa.
264 eira Tovs ‘lepocodvpitas émeAfovtas Tas TE TrOAELS
GVLOTGVaL Kal Ta lepa KaTAKaleW Kal TOUS Lepeas*
dmooparrely, ohws Te pundelas améyecbar mapa-
265 vopiias Hoe WMOTNTOS. 6 6€ THY Touretav Kal
TOUS vopous avTots kavaPaAdopevos® epevs, dyoiv,
nv to yevos “HXwomoAitns, dvoua 8 "Ooapaid
amo Tod ev “‘HAvou7roAer feot ’Ocipews, wetabllepevos
266 6€ Mavojy atrov Tpoonyopevee. TprokaidenaTw
d€ dynow ere Tov ‘Apevady, TOGOUTOV yap avTa@
ypovov elvat THs EKTTUTEWS TET PUfLEVOV, é
Aifiomias émeOovTa pera moAAjs otpatids Kat
cuuPaddovta Tots ToyLeot Kal Tots pLLapots VuKAGAL
TE TH paxyn Kal KTelvar moddovs emidim€avTa
expt TaV THs Lvpias opwv.

267. (29) °Ev trovrows wddw od ovvinow amlavws pev-
ddpmevos. ot yap Aezpot Kai TO pet abTav TAOos,
el Kal mpoTepov wpyilovTro t@ Baotret Kat Tots
Ta Tept avTovs TeTounKoot Kata [Te]|® THD Tov
pdvTews mpoaydopevow, add’ ote TOV ASoTomidv

1 Bekker: irzéas L Lat,
270

AGAINST APION, I. 261-267

Auaris and declared war on the king. He also, adds
Manetho, sent an invitation to the inhabitants of
Jerusalem to make an alliance with him, promising
them the city of Auaris, as the ancestral home of any
recruits from Jerusalem, and as a base from which
to become masters of the whole of Egypt. There-
upon, he proceeds, they brought up an army of
200,000 men, and Amenophis, king of Egypt, think-
ing it wrong to fight against the gods, fled forthwith
to Ethiopia, after entrusting Apis and some of the
other sacred animals to the custody of the priests.
The Jerusalemites then overran the country,
destroyed the cities, burnt down the temples,
massacred the priests, and in short indulged in every
kind of crime and brutality. The priest who gave
them a constitution and a code was, according to
Manetho, a native of Heliopolis, named Osarsiph
after the Heliopolitan god Osiris, but changed his
name to Moses. Thirteen years later—that being
the destined period of his exile—Amenophis, says
our author, advanced from Ethiopia with a large
army, attacked and defeated the shepherds and
their polluted allies, and pursued them, with great
slaughter, to the Syrian frontier.

(29) Here again the author is unconscious of the
improbability of his fictitious tale. However in-
dignant the lepers and their horde may formerly have
been with the king and the others who had, under
the seer’s directions, so ill-treated them, yet surely
on emerging from the stone-quarries and being pre-

2 ed. pr.: kataBaddouevos L. 3 Om. Lat.
271

268

269

270

271

272

273

JOSEPHUS

e€nAGov Kat 7 mohw Tap avtod Kal xepay eAafov,
TavTws’ av yeyovevoav TpaoTepot mpos avrov.
el dé 67)" Kaketvov euicovy, idia pev av atT@®
émeBovAevov, ovK av de Tos OTAVTAS Tpavro
7OheLov, d7jAov OTe mActoras EXOVTES ouyyevetas
TogovTol ye TO TAAOos Ovtes. ops be Kat Tots
avOpwrrois Todepety SueyvwKotes ovK GV Els TOUS
att@v Geovs moAeueiv éroAuncav otd’ dtbrevav-
Tuwratous efevto vopous Tots mar plows avTa@v Kal
ols eveTpagyaay. det 5€ HLGs TO Mavebqp* xdpw
exe, 6TL TavTNS THS Tapavoptas odxt tous €€
‘lepocoAvpov eAGovras apynyovs yeveotas djow,
add’ adrovs exelvous ovras Atyumrious Kal TOUT
pddvoTa Tovs lepeas emwonoat Te TadTa Kal
OpkwyoTiaa TO TANBos.

Keivo pevTor THs ovK aAoyov, TOV bev OlKElwy
abtois Kal Tav diAwy ovvatooriva® obdéva pnde
Tod moAduov tov Kivdvvov cvvdpacbar, méuysar dé
Tovs puapovs ets ‘lepocdAvpa Kal THY Tap éKeivwv
erdyecbat cuppaxiav; motas adtrois diAdias 7
Tivos avTots olKeLoTHTOS mpotmnpypevyns; Tov-
vavTiov yap. joav ToAgutor Kal Tots eOeat® mActoTov
Oeepov. 6 b€ oqow evOvs traKovcat Tots om-
Loxvoupevols OTL THY Atyurrov xaeEovow, waomrep
aita@v od apodpa Tis xwpas epreipws: eXovTw,
7s Bracbevres EKTETTUKAOW El peev ovv amopws
7) KaK@s E€mpattov, lows av Kat mapePaAdorTo,
7oAw 6€ KarTotKotvTes evOaiwova Kal Ywpav

1 ed. pr.: wavres L Lat. 2 ei 6 ér. Lat. (apparently).
3 av atte ed. pr.: ava L. 4 Mavebou L.
5 Bekker: cuvarocrjca L.
§ Hudson (Lat. moribus): 76ecr L.

hs)
~I
vo

AGAINST APION, I. 267-273

sented by him with a city and land, their feelings
towards him would have been mollified. Even sup-
posing their hatred of him still persisted, they would
have conspired against him alone, and not have
declared war on the whole nation, which must
obviously have included very many relations of their
numerous body. Granted that they decided on war
with the Egyptians, they would never have ventured
to make war on their gods, nor would they have
framed laws directly opposed to the national code
under which they had been brought up. However,
we must be grateful to Manetho for stating that this
violation of the laws originated, not with the immi-
grants from Jerusalem, but with the Egyptians
themselves, and that it was their priests in particular
who conceived the idea and administered the oath
to the people.

Again, how absurd to suppose that, while none of
their own relations and friends joined in the revolt
and shared the perils of war, these pariahs sent to
Jerusalem and obtained recruits from that quarter !
What alliance, what connexion existed previously
between them? On the contrary, these people were
enemies, and their customs utterly opposed to their
own. Yet, says Manetho, they lent a ready ear to
the promise that they should occupy Egypt, as if
they were not intimately acquainted with the country
from which they had been forcibly expelled! Had
they been in straitened circumstances or unfortunate,
they might, conceivably, have undertaken the risk ;
but inhabiting, as they did, an opulent city and
enjoying the fruits of an extensive country, superior

VOL. T T 273

274

276

277

JOSEPHUS

A / ~ ; YL / \
ToAAT KpEtTTW TIS Aiytmrov Kapmovpevor, 810
ci mor av exOpots prev mada Ta 5€ owpara Ae-

~ /
AwBnpévois, os unde TOV oikelwy ovdEls UTEeMEVE,
tovtos éueAAov mapakwdvvetcew Borfodvrtes ; ov
A A
yap On ye TOV yevnoopevov mpoyoecayv Spacjov
~ A
tot Paoiiéws: totvaytiov yap adros eipnKev ws
e ~ ~
6 mais tod ’Apuevuidios TpidKovTa pupiadas exwv
, ~
eis 7d I[InAovowov sirnvtialev. Kat TodTo pev
joEelcavy TAVTWS OL TapaywopevoL, TIV bE peTa-
> ~ \ , \ / >] , ”
vovav avtob Kat tiv duyny wobev etkalew EpeAdov;
/ ~ >)
ézeita’ Kpatioavtas dyou THs Alytrrov roAAa
~ ~ ¢€ J
Kat Sewa Sdpav tos ex Tov ‘lepocoAvpewv ert-
J
oTpaTevoavTas, KAL TEPL TOUTWY overoile. Kabldmrep
a 3 ~ la
ov ToAEiovs abtots eTayaywv 7) d€ov Tots €€whev
emikArnbetow éyKadeiv, OmTOTE TaAvTA 77po THS
/ \
éxelvwv adi€ews empaTTov Kal mpakew OUwpo-
\
Kecav ot TO yevos Alytmrit. adda Kat Xpovous
VOTEpoV “Apeveangis emeAP av evixnge paxn Kat
KTEWWV TOUS 7oeptous HEXpe Ths Lupias 7a
Gev. ovTW yap TavTamacW eotw 7 Atyumtos Tots
omrofevdnroTobv émiovaw evdAwTos. Kal<To.>* ot
Uh ~ ~
Tote ToAguw KpatobyTes attiv, Cav muvGavopevot
A 5 4, A \ >) ~ >] / >, \
tov “Apévwdw, ovte Tas EK TIS AtOtomias éuBoAds
5 ~
wxUpwoav, ToAAW eis ToOOTO TapacKeuTV EXOVTES,
»” \ yy e / 4 ¢ \ \ z
ovte TH GAAny Hrotpacay dvvayw. Oo d€ Kal péexpL
THS Lupias avaip@v, dyna, avTOUS jKoAovOnoe
\ ~ / ~ 5 / ~ i< 4 , “wipe
dua THs Wdppov THs avvdpov, SAAov ort od padvov
, \ > an
ovde dpayel otpatoTédw dicAOeiv.

1 érera (after Lat.) Hudson: 74 oiria L.
2 kairo conj.: kal L

274

AGAINST APION, I. 273-277

to Egypt, what inducement could there be to hazard
their lives in support of their former foes, those
maimed cripples, whom not one even of their own
people would tolerate ? For of course they did not
foresee that the king would take flight. On the
contrary, the author himself has told us that the son
of Amenophis * marched to Pelusium to meet them
at the head of 300,000 men. Of his approach the
advancing enemy would undoubtedly be aware ;
how could they possibly conjecture that he would
change his mind and flee? After conquering
Egypt, our author proceeds, the Jerusalem invaders
committed many horrible crimes ; and for these he
reproaches them, as though he had not brought them
on to the scene as enemies, or as if actions when per-
formed by imported foreigners deserved reprobation,
which before their arrival were being performed by
the native Egyptians, who had sworn to continue the
practice. In the sequel, however, Amenophis re-
turned to the charge, won a battle, and drove the
enemy back, with slaughter, to Syria. So easy a
prey, it appears, is Egypt to invaders from whatever
quarter! And yet its former conquerors, though
aware that Amenophis was alive, neither fortified
the passes between it and Ethiopia, notwithstanding
their ample resources for the purpose, nor had the
rest of their army in readiness! Amenophis, says
our author, pursued them to Syria, killing them
all the way, across the sandy desert. But the
difficulty of marching an army across the desert,
even without a battle, is notorious.

“ Rather, Amenophis himself, the son being only five
years old (§ 245); probably written per incuriam. Reinach
reads “he,” regarding ‘‘ of Amenophis’”’ as a misplaced
gloss on “‘ the king ”’ in the previous line.

Rive

JOSEPHUS

278 (30) Kara Lev ovv tov Mavebowv ovre ex THS Al-
yUmTOV TO yévos Hu@v é€oTw ovTe TOV éeKeiDe
Twes aveulxyOnoav: tOav yap Aezp@v Kat vocotvTwv
moAAovs pev eikos ev tats Avlotopiats amobaveiv
moAvv ypovov eKet yevomévous Kal KaKo7ralobdvTas,
moAdovs 8 ev tats peta TadTa payais, mAEtoToUs
& ev 7H TeAcvTaia Kal TH dvy7.

279 (31) Aourov Lot mpos abrov etmety TeEpl Mwvoeéws.
TovTrov d€ Tov avopa Ofavyaoroy pev Atytarvoe
Kat G@etov vopilovar, PovAovrar de mpoorrote
avTots pera Pracgnpias amldvov, Aéyovres “HAwo-

moXrny elvac Tov exeifev tepewy eva Sia Ty

230 Aézpav cuveEeAnAacpévov. SelikvuTar 8 ev Tats
dvaypapats OKTWKALOEKA OUY TOS TEvTaKotoLs
TpOTEpov eTEGL Yyeyovas Kal Tovs TET Epous
eLayaywv éx tis AlytmTov matépas els THY

981 Xwpav THY viv oikovpéeryny th Fav. ote 6 odbde
ovpdopa tw Towa’Tn TEpl TO GOpa KEXpH|LEvos
jv, eK Tov Aeyopevew tr’ adbrtot SAAds €oTt. Tots
yap AempGow armeipnke pre pevew ev roAeu pyr
év Kw KaTouKelv, aAAa pLovous TEpiTaTEty KaT-
Ecxlopevous Ta lwdTia, Kal Tov arbdpevov avTav

282 7) Op4wpodvov YEVOJLEVOV ov Kkafapov TYELTAL. Kal
piv Kav Oeparev8 TO voonwa Kat THY avTov
dvow amodkdBn, mpoelpnKev Twas ayvelas,’ Kabap-
povs myyalwy bdaTwv Aovtpois Kat Evpyaets
maons THS Tpuyds, ToAAds te Kedever Kal Tav-
rolas emiteAécavta Ouaias Tore TrapeADety eis THV

983 tepav moAw. Kaltow® TobvayTiov etKos Tv 7povota

1 + xai_Lat. 2 ed. pr.: xai L.
276

AGAINST APION, I. 278-983

(30) We have therefore Manetho’s authority for
saying both that our race was not of Egyptian origin,“
and that there was no mixture of the races. For,
presumably, many of the lepers and other sick folk
died during that long period of hardship in the
quarries, many more in the subsequent battles, and
most of all in the final engagement and the rout.®

(31) It remains for me to say a word to Manetho
about Moses. The Egyptians, who regard that man
as remarkable, indeed divine, wish to claim him as
one of themselves, while making the incredible and
calumnious assertion that he was one of the priests
expelled from Heliopolis for leprosy. ‘The chronicles,
however, prove that he lived 518 years earlier ® and
conducted our forefathers out of Egypt into the
country which we inhabit to-day. And that he
suffered from no physical affliction of this nature is
clear from his own statements. In fact, he forbids
lepers either to stay in a town or to reside in a village ;
they must be solitary vagrants, with their clothes
rent ; anyone who touches or lives under the same
roof with them he considers unclean. Moreover,
even if the malady is cured and the victim returns
to his normal condition, Moses prescribes certain
rites of purification—to cleanse himself in a bath of
spring-water and to cut off all his hair—and requires
him to offer a numerous variety of sacrifices before
entering the holy city Yet one would have

® Cf. §§ 75, 104; 252.

’ Reinach supposes that there is a lacuna in this para-
graph ; as the text stands the argument is not very clear.

¢ Cf. § 230. Manetho never mentions Moses in con-
nexion with the expulsion of the Hycsos.

@ For the laws on leprosy, here summarized, see Lev. xiii.
(especially 45 f.) and xiv.

ae

Manetho’s
admissions

Manetho
on Moses.

His laws on
leprosy
could not
have been
made by a
leper.

JOSEPHUS

TWL KGL diravOpurria xpjoacbar TOV év TH oup.-
dopa TavTy yeyovoTa mpos TOUS opotws? avTa@
284 Ovor TUx}VOavTAS. ov provov Se TeEpt TOV Nem pav
ovtTws evopoblétncev, arr’ odd€ Tots Kal TO Bpayd-
TATOV TL TOU GWHpaTOs HKpwTNnpLacpEevols lepacUat
OVYKEXOPIKEV, aA et Kat peta€d tis lepupevos
TOLAUTY XpycaLTo ovppopa, my TYyLnV avToV
285 adetrero. TOS ovv €lKOS exetvov" TAUTA Vvo[Lo-
Gereiv GVOTITWS <7) Tous >* amT0 TOLOUTWV OUpL-
dopa@yv ovvetAeypévovs mpoceoba* Kal’ éavtav eis
oveldds Te Kat PAaByv vopovs ovvTiepevous;
286 aAXa pny KaL Tovvopa Nav ambavas pevtaTteUerkev’
‘Ocapaig® yap, gnow, EKaAELTO. TOUTO puev OvV
eis TH peTabeow ovK evappolet, TO 6 aAnflés
ovopa dnAot Tov ek TOD VdaTos cwhévta {[Mwajy |°*
TO yap vowp ol Atyorrvot u@u Kadrotow.
‘lkavas ouv VEyovEeva vop.ila kardon ov" OTL
Mavedws, ews peev jKcohovber Tals apyata ava-
ypagats, od moAv tis aAnfetas Ounudpraver, emt
d€ TOUS adeaToT0Us pvlous Tpamopevos 7) Ouv-
éOnkev adtovs amavws 7 Ti. THY mpos amréxGevav
ElpnKOTWY emTlOTEVOEV.
288 (32) Mera Totrov e€eTdcat BovAopae Xaupypova.
Kal yap ovTos Atyurruanyy pdokev ¢ ioroptay ovy-
ypagew Kal mpoatets TAUTO ovopia Tob Baothéws
omrep 6 Mavéedws, “Apevady, Kal TOV VLOV aUTOD
289 ‘Payéconv, dyow ott Kata Tovs Umvovs 7H “lous

ho
OO
~]

1 ed. pr.: dpoiovs L Lat. 2 7 ’Kelvov Niese.
3 ins. Niese. 4 Niese: mpoéc@ar L.
5 ’Oapond L. 6 Probably a gloss.

7 xarddn\ov Bekker: kai 67\0v & L.

@ Lev. xxi. 17-23.

AGAINST APION, I. 283-289

expected, on the contrary, a victim of this calamity
to have shown some consideration and fellow-feeling
for others equally unfortunate. His legislation on
these lines was not confined to lepers. The very
slightest mutilation of the person was a disqualifica-
tion for the priesthood, and a priest who in the course
of his ministry met with such an accident was deprived
of his office.* Is it likely that he was so foolish as to
make, or persons brought together by such mis-
fortunes to approve, laws enacted against themselves,
to their own disgrace and injury ? One more remark.
Manetho’s transformation of the name is extremely
unconvincing. He was called, he says, Osarsiph.
This name bears no relation to that which it replaces.
The true name signifies “one saved out of the
water’; for water is called by the Egyptians
~ mou.” ?

The conclusion, I think, is sufficiently obvious. So
long as Manetho followed the ancient records, he did
not go far wrong ; but when he had recourse to un-
authenticated legends, he either concocted from
them a most improbable story, or elsé trusted the
statements of prejudiced opponents.

(32) The next witness I shall cross-examine is (ii.) Cuar-
Chaeremon. This writer likewise professes to write (onion
the history of Egypt, and agrees with Manetho in of the story
giving the names of Amenophis and Ramesses to the
king and his son. He then proceeds to state that

® This etymology, which recurs in A. ii. 228 (with the
addition that esés=‘* persons saved ’’) and in Philo, De vit.
Mos. i. 4. §17, is now generally abandoned. In Ex. ii. 10
the name is derived from Hebr. mashah, ‘‘ draw out.”
¢ Ist cent. a.p.; Stoic philosopher, librarian of Alexandria,
and afterwards tutor of Nero; besides his chief work, the
History of Egypt, wrote on hieroglyphics, ete.
279

JOSEPHUS

epary) TO “Apevardger, peppopev7) avToVv OTL TO
tepov avTis ev TO Troe pep KaTEgKaTT AL. Dpito-
fpavtynv’ dé lepoypappatéa davat, Edy T@V TOUS
poAvapovs eXOvTEY avopar Kkalapy thv Atyumtov,

290 wavocoba” THs mroas® atrov. eémirAcEavta de
TOV emLoWwa@y pupiddas etkoouTevTe exBahetv.
jyetobat om avr ay ypappareas Mavoqy TE Kal
‘Laonzor, Kal TOOTOV ‘epoypapparea, Alytrtva.
5° abrois dvopata evar TH pev Mwvoet Troriev,

291TH 5é “lworjmw Ieteoid. tovrouvs 8 eis I nAov-
ciov eAbeiv Kal emitvxety pupido. TpLAKOVTAOKTO)

/ ¢e \ ~ > / “ ’
KaTaAereypevats v0 Tod ~Apevoddios, as ov
/ > \ Av , eA /
BérXew ets tHv Atyumrov diaKkopilew: ois* diAtav
292 ovvlejevous em THY Atyurrov OTpaTevoae. TOV
\ 93 / > e / \ yA > =~
de “Apevwdw oby tbropetvavta tTHVv éfodov abt@v
> A aA
ets Athiomiav duyety Katadimovta tH yvvaika
EyKvov, qv Kpupopevny ev tiot omnAatows TeKeEtv
~ + e / a > / >] ~
maida ovona “Payéoonv, ov avdpwhévta exdi.OEau
>
tous ‘lovdatous eis tiv Lupiav, ovras TeEpl etKoou
pupiddas, Kal tov matépa “Apévwdw ék Tis
Aiftomias Karadééacbar.

293 (33) Kat i Tadra pev 6 Xarpnyev. ofa Oe adTobev
davepay eivar eK TOV etpneeveny THY apo ipevdo-
Aoyiav. adn betas jeev yap TWos v7ToKEWwEerns
advvatov jv Ovapuvety em TogovTov, ot b€ Ta
pevdn ovvtilevtes ody €Erépois otpdwva ypa-

> > e ~ \ / /
govow, adr” atrots ta S0€avtTa 7AatTovow.
> ~ \ S > / ~ / sf A
294 exetvos prev ovv emifupiay tod Baciléws wa Tovs
\ Ui ~ ~ ~
Geovs ton dyoiv apynv yevécbar THs TOV puapOv
1 After Lat.: PpiriBairqy L: Ppitipdvrny (here and in
§ 295) ed. pr. 2 Niese: zatcac@a L.
3 mroias ed. pr. ¢ ed. pr.: eis L.

280

AGAINST APION, I. 289-294

Isis appeared to Amenophis in his sleep, and re-
proached him for the destruction of her temple in
war-time. The sacred scribe Phritobautes told him
that, if he purged Egypt of its contaminated popula-
tion, he might cease to be alarmed. The king, there-
upon, collected 250,000 afflicted persons and banished
them from the country. Their leaders were scribes,
Moses and another sacred scribe—Joseph!* Their
Egyptian names were Tisithen (for Moses) and Pete-
seph (Joseph). The exiles on reaching Pelusium fell
in with a body of 380,000 persons, left there by
Amenophis, who had refused them permission to
cross the Egyptian frontier. With these the exiles
concluded an alliance and marched upon Egypt.
Amenophis, without waiting for their attack, fled
to Ethiopia, leaving his wife pregnant. Concealing
herself in some caverns she gave birth to a son
named Ramesses, who, on reaching manhood, drove
the Jews, to the number of about 200,000, into
Syria, and brought home his father Amenophis from
Ethiopia.

(33) Such is Chaeremon’s account. From these Discrepan-
statements the mendacity of both writers is, I think, eae
self-evident. Had they any foundation in fact, such *)4. mon.
wide discrepancy would be impossible. But con-
sistency with others is not the concern of authors of
fiction ; they invent according to their fancy. Thus,
according to Manetho, the expulsion of the con-
taminated people originated in the king’s desire to

* Or perhaps “and Joseph, the latter also a sacred scribe.”’
But it is doubtful whether any antithesis between “scribe ”’
and ‘sacred tribe” is intended.

281

296

297

~

298

299

JOSEPHUS

~ e ~
exBoAjs, 6 5€ Xawpyjpwv tdvov ws’ tHs “Lodos
évurviov auvTéGeike. Kaketvos pev “Apevwdw eivar
/ \ / ~ ~ \ /
Neyer Tov mpoeitovTa TH Pactdct tov Kalappov,
> \ , c \ \ =
obtos b€ DpitoBatvtny. o Se 87 Tod zAjGous
\ / /
apiOuos Kal ofodpa avveyyus, OKTG) pev puupiddas
I A
éxelvou Aéyovtos, tovTov de mévTe mpos Tats
/ >
elkoow. ett Tolvvy 6 ev Mavélws mpotepov ets
Tas Aotopias Tovs piapovs exBadwy, cita adrois
civ Avapw Sods eyKatouety Kal Ta Tpos TOUS
” > , > s 2 / \
dAdovs Alyumtiovs éxmoAcuwoas,” tore dyow
emikadécacbar THY mapa Tav ‘lepocoAvpuiTay av-
\ , / S \ / >
Tovs eémuKkoupiav. 6 b€ Xaipyywyv amaddarTo-
pevous eK THs Atytarov mept IInAovotov evpet
OKTW Kal TpLaKovTa pupiddas avOpwmwy KaTa-
Aereyppevas bro Too “Apeveddios Kat pet Eexetvwv
/ >] \ A , ~ aN OS: \ \
madw eis thy Alyumrov euPadeiv, duyetv® de Tov
~ / >) x A? / \ 5 A 5 \ /
Apévwdw els thv Atfiomtav. to d€ On yevvato-
TATOV, OVOE TIES 7 7obev oav at TocavTat TOU
~ > >) A
oTpatod pupiades eipnkev, etre Atydarior TO
/ 5) a J »” a 5 >] se \ >} Yd
yevos eit €€wlev aKovtTes, GAN’ ovde THY atTiay
/ > a >) \ ¢ \ 2 A v
duccddynae, dv Hv abrovs 6 Baactreds ets tHv Atyu7-
e ~ ~
tov avayew* ov« 7OéAncev, 0 Tept TOV AeTpPav
~ / ~ wn
70 THs “lowos evimiov cvptAacas. T@ de Mwucet
Le >] ~
Kal tov “lwonmov 6 Xaipjpwy ws ev TavT@ xXpovw
\ \ |
cuveEeAnAacpéevoy mpooTebekev, Tov mp0 Mwuaéws
A S. e
mpeaBvTepov Téocapar yeveats TeTeAevTHKOTA, WV
, »” \ e / A ¢€ / 5 \
éotw érn ayedov €BdopyjKovTa Kal exarov. adda
1 guasi proprium Lat.: 7diwy, ds Niese.

2 ed. pr.: éxmoeujoa L.
3 ed. pr.: gevyew L. 4 ayayetv ed. pr.

282

AGAINST APION, I. 294-300

see the gods: Chaeremon invents his own story of
the appearance of Isis in a dream. Manetho says
that this mode of purification was suggested to the
king by Amenophis: Chaeremon mentions Phrito-
bautes. Observe too how nearly their figures
coincide in their estimate of the crowd ; one speaks
of 80,000, the other of 250,000! Again, Manetho
begins by throwing the polluted wretches into the
quarries, then makes them a present of Auaris for
their abode and incites them to war against the rest
of the Egyptians, and not until then does he represent
them as appealing for aid to Jerusalem. According
to Chaeremon’s account, they found, on _ their
departure from Egypt, in the neighbourhood of
Pelusium, 380,000 persons left there by Amenophis,
with whom they retraced their steps and made a raid
upon Egypt, resulting in the flight of Amenophis to
Ethiopia. But the gem of his narrative is his omission
to state who these myriads of soldiers were or whence
they came, whether they were native Egyptians or
foreign immigrants. He does not even explain why
the king would not admit them into Egypt, though
his Isis dream about the lepers showed no lack of
imagination. With Moses, Chaeremon has associ-
ated, as a contemporary and companion in exile,
Joseph, who died four generations, that is to say
about 170 years, before Moses.4 Again, according

“ The four generations come from Ex. vi. 16-20, some
forty-two years being reckoned to a generation. ‘“*P [the
Priestly editor of the Pentateuch] consistently represents
Moses or his contemporaries as being in the fourth genera-
tion (cf. Gen. xy. 16) from one or other of Jacob’s sons ”’
(Driver); and yet inconsistently makes the duration of the
sojourn in Egypt 430 years (Ex. xii. 40; cf. Jos. A. ii. 204,
** 400 years’).

283

JOSEPHUS

\ e € / e ~ > / e\ \
piv 6 ‘Papyécons 6 tod “Apev@dios vios Kata,
uev tov Mavébwv veavias ovpmoAeuet TH Tarpt
Kal ouvexminte. duywv eis tiv Alfiomiav, obTos
Sé wemolnKev avTov peTa TV TOD TaTpos TeAEUTHV
év onmyAaiw Twi yeyevnwéevov Kat peta TadTa

~ \ > /
VuKa@VTAa paxyn Kat Tovs “lovdatovs els Luptav
é€chavvovta, Tov apifov ovtas epi pupiddas K’.

301 d& THs edxepelas’ ovTE yap TpOTEpoV olTWes Yoav
ai TpidKovTa Kal OKTa pupiddes elev, OvTE TAS
ai tecoapdKovta’ Kai Tpeis duedbapynoay, moTEpov
év TH paxn Katémecov 7 mpos tov ‘Papéoony

/ \ \ \ / > \

302 pereBdAovto. To Se 67 Gavpaciwitarov, ovde
~ >

tivas Kade tods “lovdaiovs duvatév éort Trap’

attod pabeity 7 morépos abtav? tTiBerar tavTHy

Tv mpoonyoplay, tats Ke’ pupidor Tov Aerpav

nv a / \ / - \ \ 4 > \

3037) Tals 7’ Kal Xr’ rats wept to IInAovowov. adda

\ y wy 3 ” \ / be tas
yap eunfes iows av ein bia Acdvav ed€eyxew

\ e > ¢e ~ >] / \ \ e > »”
rovs th éavtav éAndeypevous: TO yap bm adAwv
TV [LETPLWTEpOV.

/

304 (34) “Exevodéw 5€ tovros Avoipwaxov, etAndora
ev TV avTiy Tots mpoetpnevors bTOVEow TOO Pev-
cuatos Tept TOV Aepdv Kat AeAwBnpevwv, v7eEp-

/ ~
meTaukoTa 6€ THY eKelywy amavoTrnTa Tots
/ nA \ \ \ >
mAdopact, djAos ovvTefekws Kata ToAAnY a7-
\ \ ~
305 €xOevav. Ayer yap emt Boxxdpews tod Atyurriwv
\ ~ >
Baciéws tov Aacv T&v “lovdaiwv, Aezpovs ovras
1 ed. pr.: eixoor L. 2 ed. pr.: avbrots L.

2 A eareless contradiction of Chaeremon’s statement
(§ 292).

* The figure given in ed. pr. mustbe right. 250,000 lepers
+ 380,000 Pelusians=a total of 630,000. Of these only

200,000 are accounted for (§ 292). Josephus inquires what
became of the remainder.

284

AGAINST APION, I. 300-305

to Manetho, Ramesses, son of Amenophis, fought as
a young man in his father’s army, and shared his
flight and banishment to Ethiopia: according to
Chaeremon’s version, he was born in a cave after his
father’s death,* and subsequently defeated the Jews
and drove them out, to the number of about 200,000,
into Syria. What reckless levity! First he omitted
to state who the 380,000 were; then he tells us
nothing of the fate of the 430,000,2 whether they
fell in battle or went over to Ramesses. But—most
astounding fact of all—it is impossible to discover
from him whom he means by the Jews or to which
of the two groups he applies this designation, the
250,000 lepers or the 380,000 at Pelusium. However,
it would, I think, be foolish to spend more time in
refuting authors who refute each other. To have left
refutation to others would have shown more decency.

(34) I will next introduce Lysimachus.° He brings (iii.) The |
up the same theme as the writers just mentioned, jou
the mendacious story of the lepers and cripples, but still more
surpasses both in the incredibility of his fictions, es
obviously composed with bitter animus. His account
is this :

In the reign of Bocchoris,? king of Egypt, the

Jewish people, who were afflicted with leprosy,

¢ Alexandrian writer of uncertain date, but later than
Mnaseas (2nd cent. B.c.) whom he quotes. We hear more
of him in Ap. ii., once (§ 28) as siding with Apion.

4 A Bocchoris of the XXIVth Dynasty (c. 8th cent.) is
mentioned by Manetho. ‘That is the date assigned by Apion
to the Exodus (4p. ii. 17), and may be that intended by
Lysimachus. Josephus, however (#). 16), assigns to Boc-
choris a far earlier date; Diodorus also (i. 65) mentions an
older Bocchoris. Like Lysimachus, with whose account
he shows other parallels, Tacitus, Hist. v. 3, places the
exodus in the reign of Bocchoris.

285

306

30

=

308

309

JOSEPHUS

\ \ ” , , yo 1
ywpovs Kat aAAa voonpatad twa €ExovTas
> \ , A Fs
els Ta lepa Katadetyovtas peTateiy Tpod7y,
/
TapmOAAwy b5€ avOpwmmwv voondeia TEepiTEecovTwY
> ~ \
akapmiav ev 7H Alyiatw yevécbar. Boxyopw de
\ A > at, ‘or 3). sof 2 t
tov Tav Alyurtiwy Baowréa eis *"Appwva® réurpac
\ =~ ‘ \
TEpl THS akapmlas ToUs pLavTevoopevous, Tov Beov
> ~ A > /
5° avaipetv® ra tepa Kabdpa an’ avopamwy avayvev
\ ~ >] ~ e ~
Kat dvoceBav, exBaddvra attovs ex TaV lep@v
>] / \ \
els TOTFOUS epnpous, Tous de bepods Kat Aempous
Bvbica, wes Too tov dyavaxtobvTos énl TH ToU-
Twv Cwh, Kal Ta lepa ayvioat, Kal ovTw TH viv
i Tie Tov d€ Boxyopw tovs xpnapovs
/ ~ /
AaBovta tots Te tepets Kal eémiBwpitas mpoo-
/ ~
Kadeoapevov Kedeboat emthoyiy 7 ToLnoapEevovs TV
aKkabdaprwv Tots OTpaTuaraus ToUTOUS Tapadobvat
KaTagew avtovs els THY Epnyov, Tovs dé Aempovs
>) x Yh / >] 8 / 4 a A ~
ets poArBdivous yaptas evdjoavtas,* wa Kkabdow
> ~ ~ \
eis TO 7réeAayos. Bvbicb&Twv 5é tav A|etpav Kal
~ ’ wi
ywpav tovs addAovs avvabpoisbévtas «is TomoVus
> / >] ~ >] 5 >) / , \
epjyious extefnvar em” amwdXela, avvaybevtas dé
# ~ /
BovAetcacbar wept attav, vuKros b€ emuyevowerns
~ \ ¢e /,
mop Kat AJyvovs Katoavtas dvdAdtrew éavTovs,
> ~ /

THY T emotcay vUKTa vynotevoavTas tAdoKeoBat
\ A ~ ~ ~ > > /
tous Jeovs mepit Tob oGaa atvrovs. TH Sd emovon

e ~ ~ ~
nuepa Mavojqy twa ovpBovAeicar atrois mapa-
oe , 5 / D1 , »” a ¢ 6
aAAopevous® putay odov Tépvew aypis av [oTov]
»” / ,
e\fwow ets tTomovs olkovpevous, TapaKeAevoacbat
an ~ /
Te avTois pyre avOpwmwv twit evvoeiv? pre
1 ed. pr. (Lat.?): éxévrwr L.
2 L Lat.: “Auuwvos Bekker (cf. § 312).
3 Conj. (cf. Lat. respondisse): épeiv L, eiretv ed. pr., dvedeiv
Niese.
4 ? read évdjjoat.

286

AGAINST APION, I. 305-309

scurvy, and other maladies, took refuge in the
temples and lived a mendicant existence. The
victims of disease being very numerous, a dearth
ensued throughout Egypt. King Bocchoris there-
upon sent to consult the oracle of Ammon ®@ about
the failure of the crops. The god told him to
purge the temples of impure and impious persons,
to drive them out of these sanctuaries into the
wilderness, to drown those afflicted with leprosy
and scurvy, as the sun was indignant that such
persons should live, and to purify the temples ;
then the land would yield her increase. On
receiving these oracular instructions, Bocchoris
summoned the priests and servitors at the altars,
and ordered them to draw up a list of the unclean
persons and to deliver them into military charge
to be conducted into the wilderness, and to pack
the lepers into sheets of lead and sink them in the
ocean. The lepers and victims of scurvy having
been drowned, the others were collected and
exposed in the desert to perish. There they
assembled and deliberated on their situation. At
nightfall they lit up a bonfire and torches, and
mounted guard, and on the following night kept a
fast and implored the gods to save them. On the
next day a certain Moses advised them to take
their courage in their hands and make a straight
track until they reached inhabited country, in-
structing them to show goodwill to no man,’ to

@ So Tac. Hist. v. 3, ‘*adito Hammonis oraculo.”’ The
famous oracle of Amun in an oasis in the Libyan desert.

® Cf. Ap. ii. 121; Tac. Hist. v. 5, “ aduersus omnes alios
hostile odium.”’

5 ed. pr.: -pévors L.
6 om. ed. pr. 7 Niese: evvojnoev L.

287

JOSEPHUS

Taptota ovpPovrevew" adda Ta xelpova, Dedv TE
vaovs Kal Bwpovs, ots av mepit¥ywow, avatpémew.
310 cvvaweoavTwy be TOV aAAwY TA doxfevra. TTOLOUY -
Tas Ola THS Ep7pov mopeveoban, ixavas dé oxhn-
bévras édOetv eis THY olKoupevny Xepav, KaL TOUS
TE avOpurrous bBpilovras Kat Ta tepa. ovAdvras
Kal eumpnoavtas éAbety eis tiv viv “lovdaiay
Tpocayopevonevynv, Kticavtas be moAw evTatla
31l Katouketv. TO 5é€ dotv TotTo ‘lepdavAa® amo Tis
exetvwy diabécews Hvoy.dcbar. votepov 8 adrovs
emikpatyoavtas yxpovw diadAa€ar tiv dvopmaciav
mpos To <p> dvedilecfat, Kal thy Te moAW
‘lepocdAvpa Kai atrovs ‘lepocoAvpitas mpoo-
ayopevecbau.

(35) Otros* o86€ Tov adrov exetvots edpev eimreiv Ba-
oda, Kawdtepov 8 ovowa ovvTéeGetkev, Kal Tapes
evirviov Kal mpodytnv Atytmriov eis ”“Appwvos
amehnAvbev mrepl TOV pupav Kal Aetpa@v ypnopov
313 olowy. gdyot yap els Ta lepa ovMeyeoba 7AjGos

*Tovdaiwyv. dpa ye TovTO Tots Aempots ovopLa
Oguevos 7 povwv t&v “lovdaiwy tots voonjpaot
TEPUTEGOVT OY ; Aéyet yap a Aaos Trav *Tov-
314 Sate. % 0 qrotos ;° enAus 7 TO yevos EYX@plos 5
dua TL Tolvuv Alyumtious avrovs ovras *lovdatous
KaXets; ef d€ E€vor, dua Ti TOfev od A€yeits; TAs
d€ Tot BactAdws mrodAods pev abtav Bvobicavtos
eis tHv Oddaccav, tovs dé Aowrovs eis eprpous
TOTOUS exBadovtos, TooovToL TO mAnBos om

53 is) cAcihOycapr ; 7 TWA. TpOTrov dreENAGov peev THY

Oo
—
bo

1 Niese: dpicra cupBovretoew L.
ed. pr.: Tepocd\uua L. 3 ins. Hudson.
4 + oty Lat. (apparently) 5 6 rotos; Herwerden: ozrotos L.

288

2

AGAINST APION, I. 309-315

offer not the best but the worst advice, and to
overthrow any temples and altars of the gods
which they found. The rest assenting, they pro-
ceeded to put these decisions into practice. They
traversed the desert, and after great hardships
reached inhabited country: there they maltreated
the population, and plundered and set fire to the
temples, until they came to the country now called
Judaea, where they built a city in which they
settled. This town was called Hierosyla * because
of their sacrilegious propensities. At a later date,
when they had risen to power, they altered the
name, to avoid the disgraceful imputation, and
called the city Hierosolyma and _ themselves
Hierosolymites.

(35) Lysimachus actually differs from the previous
writers in mentioning a king discovered by himself ;
he has invented a fresh name, and, neglecting the
dream and tlfe Egyptian prophet, has gone to
Ammon for an oracle concerning the victims of scurvy
and leprosy. When he speaks of a multitude of Jews
congregating in the temples, does he under this name
refer to the lepers, or were the Jews the only persons
afflicted with these diseases? He says, “ the people
of the Jews.’”’ What sort of people? Foreigners or
natives? If they were Egyptians, why call them
Jews? If foreigners, why do you not say where
they came from? After the king had drowned many
of them in the sea and banished the rest into the
wilderness, how came so large a number to survive ?
How did they traverse the desert, conquer the

* i.e. “ (town) of temple-robbers.”’

VOL. I U 289

The alleged
original
name of
Jerusalem,
Hierosyla.

Criticism of
the story.

JOSEPHUS

Ep7yLov, exparnoay dé THs yopas 7s viv Kat-
ouxodpev, Exticay Se Kal mow KOL VEwV wKo0o-
316 pnoavro TAG mepyBonTov 5 xpi de Kal Tept
TOU yojioBérov LT [ovov elrrety TOUVOUA, dq AGoat
de Kal TO yevos Goris HV Kal Tw. Oa vl b€
TOLOUTOUS av avtots emrexetpce Tievar vopous
Tepl Deay Kal THs 7 mpos avipwr7ous dductas Kara
317 T7V Topeiav; «ire yap Atydrrvot TO Yyévos 7oav,
ovK av €K TOv TAT plwv dav ouTw) padiws pet -
eBaAovro, ELT adaxobev oa, TAVTWS TWES UT-
Hipxov avrots vO} dua poaxpas ovv7nbeias mepvday-
31g pevor. el pev ovv mept TOV efehacavTaw avrous
Gpocav pndémote edvojoew, Adyov eiyey eElKOTa,
mao d€ moAeov avopuzois aKypuKTov apacbat Tov-
TOUS, €lmep EmpatTov ws attos A€yer KaKas, Tapa
mdvtwv Bornfetas Oeopevous, dvovay ovK eee aAAa,
Tob wsevdopLevov TAVvV moAAqy TaptoTnow, os ye Kal
TOUVOJLG. Gectar 7 TH moet azo Tijs ‘egoovhas avTous
eToAnoev elrrely, TOUTO de pera Tatra Tapar pear.
319 d7jAov yap ore TOUS [LEV VOTEPOV yevopevors aloxuvny
Tovo}La Kal pLicos Epepev, avTot & ot KriCovres
civ TOAW KoopHcew avTovs treAapBavov ovTwWS
ovopdoavrTes. 0 O€ yevvatos U70 ToAAS <7THs>* TOD
Aovdopetv axpacias od ovviKev Ott lepoavdAciv od
KaTa TiHv avTiy dwviv “lovdaio. trois “EXAjow
320 dvoudlopev. Tl <av>odv emi? mAEiw tis A€you TpOS
Tov wevddopevov ovTus dVALOXBYTEDS ;

"AYN emreL07] OUpLLeT pov 7101 TO BiBdtov ciAnge
peyebos, erepay Tounodpevos apxynv ta Aowra TOV
els TO TpOKELpEeVOV TELpPaGOMaL TpOGaTooobvaL.

1 ins. Niese. * érc ed. pr. (but cf. ii. 262).

290)

AGAINST APION, I. 315-320

country which we inhabit to-day, found a city, and
build a temple of world-wide renown? He should
not have been content with mentioning the law-
giver’s name ; he should have told us of his descent
and parentage. And what could have induced him to
draw up such laws for them about the gods and about
the injuries they were to inflict on mankind during
their march? If they were Egyptians, they would
not so lightly have abandoned their national customs
for others; if they came from elsewhere, they
certainly had some laws, cherished by the habits of
a lifetime. For an oath of eternal enmity against
those who had expelled them there was reasonable
ground ; but that men who, in the straits in which
he represents them to have been, needed assistance
from every quarter, should declare implacable war
on all mankind, indicates extraordinary folly, not on
their part, but on the part of the lying historian. He
has, further, ventured to assert that they gave their
city a name derived from their temple robberies and
afterwards modified it. Obviously the name brought
their descendants into disgrace and odium, but the
actual founders of the city thought to do themselves
honour by so naming it! The worthy man, in his
intemperate abuse, has not observed that we Jews
do not use the same word as the Greeks to express
robbery of temples. What more need be said to so
impudent a liar ?

This book, however, having already run to a suit-
able length, I propose at this point to begin a second,
in which [I shall endeavour to supply the remaining
portion of my subject.

291

AOTOX AEYTEPOX

1 (1) Aca pév ody Tob zpotépov BiBAtov, TywmTaré
por "Eadpddite, wept Te Tis apyaldTyTos Hav
ereédeiea, Tots Dowikwyv Kai Xaddaiwy cat Atyur-
Tiwy yprppac TLOTWOGILEVOS TIV dAnGevay Kal
moMovs Ttav “EAAjvwv ovyypadets tapacyopevos
p.aptupas, TIP Te avTippnow eémomodpyny mpos
MaveOGva_ Kat Xarpyjpova Kal TWas €ETEpoUS.

2 apfouar de viv Tous UroheumopLevous TOV yeypa-
porwv qi Kall? TpOv ehéyyew. KaiToL mepl THs
mpos “Amiwva Tov YPapparucov ay Teppicews”

3 ern Abe [Lou Svarropeiv, el xp7 omovddoat: Ta pev
yap eo Tay tm attod yeypappevwy tots ba
aAhwv eipnpevois opora, Ta Oe Atay pvypa@s Tpoc-
Tébeixev, Ta TAeiota Sé€ Bapodroyiay exer Kat
ToAAny, El O€t Tadnbes ElTELV, GTALOEVCLAY, WS
av om avOpurrou ovyKetLeva Kat davAov Tov
Tpomrov Kal mapa mdvro. TOV Biov oxAaywyod yeyo-

4 voros. émel O ot moAXot Tov avOpwrwv dia THY
atT@v avotav b10 THY ToLwovTwv adAtcKovTar Adywv

1 kairo wept ed. pr.: Kai rots L.
2 So ed. pr.: + reTo\unuévas L: Niese suspects a lacuna.

¢ Apion was born in upper Egypt (4p. ii. 29), studied at
Alexandria, and taught rhetoric in Rome under Tiberius,
Caligula and Claudius. Under Caligula he headed the anti-
292

BOOK II

(1) In the first volume of this work, my most esteemed Refutation
Epaphroditus, I demonstrated the antiquity of our go27/*
race, corroborating my statements by the writings calumnies

of Phoenicians, Chaldaeans, and Egyptians, besides eee
citing as witnesses numerous Greek historians; I
also challenged the statements of Manetho, Chaere-
mon, and some others. I shall now proceed to refute
the rest of the authors who have attacked us. I am
doubtful, indeed, whether the remarks of Apion ¢ the
grammarian deserve serious refutation. Some of
these resemble the allegations made by others, some
are very indifferent ° additions of his own; most of
them are pure buffoonery, and, to tell the truth,
display the gross ignorance of their author, a man of
low character and a charlatan to the end of his days.
Yet, since most people are so foolish as to find greater
attraction in such compositions than in works of a

Jewish deputation sent from Alexandria to the Emperor,
when he was opposed to Philo, the spokesman of the
Alexandrian Jews (A. xviii. 257 ff.). An erudite, but
ostentatious, writer, he was best known as an interpreter of
Homer (4p. ii. 14). He also wrote a History of Egypt in
five books, which included references to the Jews (2b. 10):
whether he wrote a separate work on the Jews is doubtful.
His researches earned for him the nickname of udxAos
(labor), his ostentatious parade that of cymbalum mundi,
given him by the Emperor Tiberius.
Or. frigid:
293

JOSEPHUS EF, we tho

p-aMov 7 TOV pera TWos oTOvdTS yeypappevwr,
KGL Xaipovar peev Tats Roopa, axfovrat de
Tois €7alvois, avayKaiov mynodpny civar pede
TOOTOV dveferaarov KaTaAiTeEl, KaTnyoptay Tpav
5 avTuKpus ws ev Oikn yeypadota./ Kal yap av
KaKELVO Tots 7oAAots avOpurzots 6pa mapaKoXov-
fotv, 70 Atay eprjdecbat OTay TIS dpEdpevos Bra-
odnpety ETEpov avros eAey xT a TeEpl TOV avTO@
6 TpocovTewy KAKQ@V. €OTL EV OvV Ov pddvov avTou
BS Ms tov Adyov ovde cad@s yv@var ti Aéyew
BovAerar, oxedov 8, ws ev moAAR Tapayh Kal
pevopaTwv avyxvoet, Ta peev ets THY opolay lOéav
mimrel Tots mpoeEnt TAGHLEVOUS TEpt THs e€ Atyobmrov
7 7av TPETEPOV Tpoyove pLeTavaoTadcews, Ta. ro

€oTl KaTayopta. TOV ev “AdeEavdpeta KATOLKOUVTOW 7, t

‘lovdatwv. Tpirov om emt ToUTous pepLKTaL mepl
THS dyoretas Ths KaTG 70 tepov eng Kal TOV
aAAwy vopipwy KaTryopia.”

3 (2) “Ore poev ouv ovure Aiytmtiot TO yevos qoav
TOV Ol TaTepes oUTE bia. ADV CWELaTWY 7) Towavras
dA\as cupdopds twas exeibev e&nAdofycar, ov
prevTpiws jLovov, aAAa Kal mépa Tov cuppeTpov

9 mpoarrodedetx Gat vopilw. meEpt av de mpoortOnow

10 0 ‘Anta ery olncopar GUVTOULWS. pyar yap
év TH Tpitn Tov Alyumtiaxav tabe. “ Mwojs,
ws 7KOvoE Tapa TOV TpeoButepww TOV Atyurtiow,
nV ‘HAtoroAizys, 6 os Tarptou eGeor KOT IY YUTILEVOS
aifpious mpocevxas aviyyev els cious eiyev 7) TOAts?

1 Bekker: xarzyyopias L Lat.
2 4 rods ed. pr.: jvwos L: perhaps “HXiov wéXs should be
read.

294

AGAINST APION, II. 4-10

serious nature, to be charmed by abuse and impatient
of praise, I think it incumbent upon me not to pass
over without examination even this author, who has
written anindictment of us formal enough for acourt of
law. For I observe, on the other hand, that people in
general also have a habit of being intensely delighted
when one who has been the first to malign another
has his own vices brought home to him. His argu-
ment is difficult to summarize and his meaning to
grasp. But, so far as the extreme disorder and con-
fusion of his lying statements admit of analysis, one
may say that some fall into the same category as
those already investigated, relating to the departure
of our ancestors from Egypt; others form an in-
dictment of the Jewish residents in Alexandria ;
while a third class, mixed up with the rest, consists
of accusations against our temple rites and our
ordinances in general.

(2) That our ancestors neigliee were Egyptians by
race nor were expelled from that country in conse-
quence of contagious diseases or any similar affliction,
I think I have already given not merely sufficient,
but even superabundant, proof. I propose, however,
briefly to mention the details added by Apion. In
the third book of his History of Egypt he paakes the

following statement :

“ Moses, as I have heard from old people® in
Egypt, was a native of Heliopolis,? who, being
pledged to the customs of his country, erected
prayer-houses, open to the air, in the various

¢ So Josephus interprets below; possibly Apion meant
** the elders ”’ (in official sense).
’ So Manetho, of Osarsiph, Ap. i. 238.

295

(a) On the
exodus from
Kgypt. :

On the
shrines and
sundials
erected by
Moses of
Heliopolis.

11

12

13

14

JOSEPHUS

meptBorous, mpos apn Auer qv de mdoas dméorpepev:
Oe yap Kal ‘HAtov Ketrau mods. avr de oBeAay
€oTNG€ KLOVas, bp ois ay EKTUTOLE. oKagy, oKuG
8 dvOpidvros" em _aoray diaKeysevn, Ws Ov ev
aide TobTov Get TOV dpopov 7Aiw ouprrepuTonet.””
TOLAUTH) pe Tis 7 Fovpacri ToD ypapywariKcod
dpaows, To be wedopa Aoyon ov Oedpevor, GAN’ éx
TOV Epyov TEpupaves. ovTe yap avTos Maojs,
OTE THY TpwTHY oKnViVY TO Fed KatTeckevacer,
ovfev extUTMpa ToLodTOV Eis adTHV evelnKEV, OUTE
Toleiy Tots emetTa mpocéTakev, G6 TE peTa TaAdTA
KaTaoKevaoas Tov vaov tov ev ‘lepocoAvpots
Loropwv maons améoxeTo Towa’Tns TeEpiepylas
olay oupmemenev °"Atiwv. aKxodcat d€ drow TOV
mpeoPuTepay ore Maojs 7 ay HaAvorodirgs, OfjAov
OTU VEWTEPOS pev Ov avros, exelvols de morevoas
Tots Oud THY FAuKiav €TTLOTO/LEVOLS avToV Kal ovy-
yevopevots. Kal Tepe poev ‘Opapov TOU mrouroo
YPApparucos @v avTos OvUK ay EXOL, Tis avrod
Tatpis €o7t, dra BeBarwadpevos etreiv, ovoe rept
[vfayopov jLovov ovK exes Kal TpPUnV yeyovoros,
Tepl dé Macéws TooovtTw TAnber mpodyovTos
exelvous ETHV OUTWS dmodaiverat padiws, muaTevwv
akon mpeapuTtépwv, ws dAAds é€oTt Kataevad-
pLevos.

1 Conjecture of translator: avdpos L.
* Huet: 67 L. 3 fuit Lat.: 6 L.

2 Or “on the various walls.”

» For the obelisks of Heliopolis ef. Herod. ii. 111.

¢ Or “‘ basin ”’ (Gr. cxagn, the technical term for the con-
cave base of a sun-dial).

@ Emended text; #.e. a human figure surmounting the
pillar. The ms. has “ the shadow of a man.”

296

AGAINST APION, II. 10-14

precincts * of the city, all facing eastwards; such
being the orientation also of Heliopolis. In place
of obelisks® he set up pillars, beneath which was
a model of a boat’; and the shadow cast on this
basin by the statue ? described‘a circle correspond-
ing to the course of the sun in the heavens.”

Such is the grammarian’s amazing statement. Its
mendacious character needs no comment; it is
exposed by the facts. When Moses built the first
tabernacle for God, he neither placed in it himself,
nor instructed his successors to make, any graven
imagery of this kind. When Solomon, later on,
built the temple at Jerusalem, he too refrained from
any curiosities of art such as Apion has conceived.
He tells us that he heard from “ old people ” that
Moses was a Heliopolitan. Obviously, as a junior,
he believed what he was told by men old enough to
have known and associated with him!¢ Literary
critic as he was, he could not positively have stated
what was the birthplace of the poet Homer,’ or even
of Pythagoras,’ who lived, one may say, but the
other day. But when asked about Moses, who pre-
ceded them by such a vast number of years, he, on
the strength of the old men’s report, answers with
an assurance which proclaims him a liar.

¢ Reinach aptly compares Athen. i. § 29 (p. 161): ‘‘ Apion
the Alexandrian says that he heard from Cteson of Ithaca
the nature of the game of draughts played by the suitors
(of Penelope).”’

f Of. the old distich: ‘‘ Smyrna, Rhodos, Colophon,
Salamis, Chios, Argos, Athenae, | Orbis de patria certat,
Homere, tua.”’

9 Variously described as a Samian, Tyrrhenian, Syrian
(? native of Syros), or Tyrian (Clem. Alex. Strom. i. 14,
§ 62, quoted by Reinach).

207

15

16

17

18

19

JOSEPHUS

Ta 6d€ 67 7&v xpdvev ev ois dict tov Mwojpv
e€ayayely tovs Aemp@vras Kal Tuphovds Kal Tas
Bdacews 7 TET TPWLEVOUS, odddpa 81) Tots 7™po avTou
oupmedcsvnicer, ws ola, O YPAPPLATUCOS 6 6 aKxp.pijs.
Mavéebws ev yap Kata THY TeGuaouos Bactretav
amadrayivat dyow € Atyirrov TOUS “lovdatovs,
7po eT@V Tplakoclwy evevnKOVTAaTpL@V TAS Els
"A pyos Aavaotd gvuy7s; Avotpaxos d€ Kata Bor-
xopy TOV Bao.réa, TOUTEOTL T™po erav XAtov
ETTAKOCLWY, Mody be Kal aNdAou Twes ‘ws av-
Tots cdogev. 6 6€ ye TavTwY TLOTOTATOS ° Aztiwv
Wploato Ti e€odov aKpyBas Kara, TH ePoouny
oAvpTidba Kal TavTHs eTos <ivau Tp@Tov, vv O,
djct, Kapynddva Dotkes Exticav. TovTO Be
mavTws mpooélnke TO Kapynddva teKprpiov oto-
pevos avT@ yevéobar THs aAnfeias evapyéoratov,
od ovvaKe b€ Kal” Eavtod Tov eAeyxov émtoTepevos.
et yap* muotevew Set Tats Dowixwy avaypadats,
ev exeivats Eipwpos o BaotAeds yeypamrat T™pe-
oBvrepos THS Kapy7 doves KTiGEWS eTEGL metoar
m™pos Tots TEVTHKOVTO KaL exaTov, Tept ov Tas
mTioTels avwrépw mapécxyov é€x Ttav Dowikwv
avaypaday, 67. LoAop@vtt T@ Tov vaov oiKodopy-
caynevw Tov ev “lepocodAvpos didos Fv Eipwpos
Kat 7oAAa ovveBaAAeTo zpos THY TOD vaod KaTa-
oKevyv. attos b€ 6 Lodropav wKodounoe Tov
vaov peta TO €€eAfetvy €€ Alytnrov tovs *lovdaious
dwbeKa Kai éEakoalots €Teaw VaTeEpor.

1 4 epi ris amuotias L Lat.: +7epi ris dokias ed. pr.,
‘** on the subject of the colony ” (which should perhaps stand).
a Ap. i. 103. > Tb. 305.

Apollonius Molo, born in Caria, taught rhetoric in Rhodes
298

AGAINST APION, II. 15-19

On the question of the date which he assigns to On the date
the exodus of the lepers, the blind and the lame under ous
Moses’ leadership, we shall find, I imagine, this
accurate grammarian in perfect agreement with
previous writers. Well, Manetho states that the
departure of the Jews from Egypt occurred in the
reign of Tethmosis, 393 years before the flight of
Danaus to Argos®; Lysimachus says, under King
Bocchoris,? that is to say, 1700 years ago; Molon®¢
and others fix a date to suit themselves. Apion,
however, the surest authority of all, precisely dates
the exodus in the seventh Oly mpiad, and in the first 752-749 B.c.
year of that Olympiad, the year in which, according
to him, the Phoenicians founded Carthage. This
mention of Carthage he has doubtless inserted under
the belief that it would afford a striking proof of his
veracity ; he has failed to see that he has thereby
brought upon himself his own refutation. For, if
the Phoenician chronicles may be trusted, it is there
recorded that King Hirom lived more than 150 years
before the foundation of Carthage. Evidence from
those chronicles to this effect has been given earlier
in this work, where I showed that Hirom was a friend
of Solomon, who built the Temple at Jerusalem, and
that he contributed largely towards its construction’

But Solomon himself built the Temple 612 years
after the departure of the Jews from Egypt.’

lus.

and at Rome; Cicero and Julius Caesar were among his
pupils. His diatribes on the Jews are frequently mentioned
in this book.

4 Also the date of the foundation of Rome.

Ap. 1. 126. f Ib. 109 f.

g vse Josephus in A. xx. 230; elsewhere (A. viii. 61) he
gives the period as 592 years; the Biblical figure (1 Kings
vi. 1) is 480.

299

JOSEPHUS

20 Tov &€ adpiuov trav éeAacbéytwy tov adrov
Avowdyw oyediaoas, evdexa yap avtrovs eivat
pjou peupudoas, favpactiy twa Kat marvin

> > <> \ /
aTrodlowow airtay, adh’ ws dnow TO odBBarov

21 avopdcbat. “ odevoarTes, yap dynow, ““ €€ TPE
pav OOoV BovBavas EaXov Kat Oa TavTHY THY
airtay Th €Boouy TIHEPY aVETTAUGAVTO owbevres
eis THY YwWpav Ty vov “lovéatay Aeyopnevny, Kal
exdAecav TiHv HLEpav odBBarov owlovtes TH
Aiyurtiwy yA@ttav: TO yap BovBavos dXyos

22 kadotow Alyvario. caBBa.’”’ odK dv ovv Tes 7)
KatayeAdoere THS dAvapias 7) TovvavTiov pLanceELe
TI ev T@ TowadTa ypadew aValoEeLay ; d7jAov yap
if / > / 7 / > /
ove TavTes eBovBwriacay evdexa pupiades avOpu-

> > ’ A > > A“ \ \ \

23 mwv. adr et ev NOQV EKELWOL Tvpdot KOL xywAot
KaL TaVTA TpOTOV VvocObVTES, OTTOLOUS avTovs Elval

>) A / , >) v ~ e / ~ ¢€ \
dyow “Ariwy, odd ay pids n<pas mpoeAGetv o0ov
novvnAjoay: El © otoL Badilew dua TOAATs epynpias
Kal TpoceTL VLKGV Tous avrTots dvOorapevous
paxopevor mavTes, ovK av aOpdo. peta THY EKTHV

24 7uépav <PovBwriacay. ovTe yap dvcet Tus yl-
VETO <To>* tTovodTov Tots Badilovow e€ avaykys,
ada moMat upiddes oTparomeowy emt moh\as
mpepas TO oUpLpLeT pov aet Badilovow, ovre Kara,
TAUTOMLATOV Elks OUTWS oup Savas: TavTwWY ‘yap

25 adoywratov. 6 b€ Bavpaotos ’Amiwv bia pev €€
nuepav abrovs eAbety ets tiv “lovdalay mpoeipyke,

J \ \ ~ ’ A A ~ > /
mddAw de tov Mwvojv eis TO peta€d THs Atyvarov
\ ~ > / a» a“ ~ / 5
kat THS “ApaBias dpos, 6 KaAcirar Liwaov, ava-
1 Reinach with the Lat.: ca88arwois L. Cf. § 26 f.

2 ins. Bekker.

300

AGAINST APION, II. 20-25

After stating that the fugitives numbered 110,000, On the ;
in which imaginary figure he agrees with Lysimachus,? eh cae
he gives an astonishing and plausible explanation “s#>bath.”

of the etymology of the word “ sabbath ” !

' Atter Ja) six days ~march,’ he says, “they
developed tumours in the groin, and that was why,
after safely reaching the country now called
Judaea, they rested on the seventh day, and called
that day sabbaton, preserving the Egyptian termin-
ology ; for disease of the groin in Egypt is called
sabbo.”’

One knows not whether to laugh at the nonsense,
or rather to be indignant at the impudence, of such
language. Clearly all these 110,000 persons were
attacked by tumours. But if they were blind and
lame and suffering from all kinds of disease, as repre-
sented by Apion, they could not have accomplished
a single day’s march. If, on the contrary, they were
capable not only of traversing a vast desert, but of
defeating their adversaries in battles in which they
all took part, they would not have succumbed in a
body to the tumours after six days. For persons on
a forced march are not naturally subject to a malady
of this kind; myriads of men in armies maintain a
regular pace for many days in succession. Nor can
one attribute such an accident to chance; that
would be the height of absurdity. This astonishing
Apion, after stating that they reached Judaea in six
days,® tells us elsewhere that Moses went up into
the mountain called Sinai, which lies between Egypt

« No figure is given in the extract from Lysimachus above
(Ap. i. chap. 34).

®’ Apion does not say this in the extract above (§ 21),
though his words lend themselves to such an interpretation.

301

JOSEPHUS

Bavra dyow jpEpas TEGoApaKovTa Kpuphvat,
Kanetbev KavaBavra dobvat tois “lovdaious Tovs
VOMOUS. KalTOL 7S olov Te Tous avrous Kal
TEGOUpaKovTa. pevew Tpepas ra €PT LO Kal avvepa
TOT Kal THV jrerakv Taoav ev Te pas €€ bu-
26 eAbeiv; % 8 mepl tiv dvopactay 708 caBBarov
YPApLpLaTiKT pet deots dvaidevay Exel ToAAnv 7
27 dewnv apafiav. To yap caf Ber Kal oaBBarov
mAetorov dAAjAwy duadéper* TO poev yop odBBarov
Kara Ty “Tovdate dudAeKTov avamavois eoTw
TO TaVvTOS Epyous TO Oe cafBe, Kabamep éketvos
oe a Tap: Atyurrious TO Bovfayvos aXyos.
28 (3) Tovatra pev TWA mepl Mwoéws Kal Tis €
Alytrrov yevopevas Tots ‘Tovdators amadayis 6
Atybrruos ° Amiwv exaworToin oe Tapa. Tovs ddAous
eTWOT]CGS. Kal TL ye det Gavpalew et Tepl TOV
Teepe prevOeTaL Tpoyovay, Aéyov avrovs elvan
29 TO yevos Alyurtiovs; adtos yap mept adToo
TOUVaVTLoV eevd0eT Oo Kal YEYEUNLEVOS™ ev ‘Odoew
Tijs Atyéarov v, mdvTov Alyurtiov mparos ov, ws
Gv €l7rot TUS, why pev adnOh marpida Kat TO ‘yEevos
e€wpyooato, “AdeEavdpeds de civat Kararbevdopevos
30 oporoyet TH pox Onptay Tov yevous. elkOTWs ovv
ous purcet Kal Bovherau Aowopetv tovTous Al-
yumtious Kare. el pea yap pavdorarous eivau
evopniCev Aiyurtious, ovK av TO yevos? adros
Epuyev, ws ol ye peyadogppovobyres emi Tats
eauT@v TAT pict CEpyUVOVTAL puev a7r0 TOUT OW
abrot ypynpatilovres, Tovs adixus® 8 avt@v avt-
31 zovovjevovs ێyxovar. mpos Hpas de dvoiv Oare-
1 ed. pr.: yeyevynuevos L.
2 Lat. genus: 700 yévous L. 3 ed. pr.: adixous L.
302

AGAINST APION, II. 25-31

and Arabia, remained in concealment there for forty
days, and then descended and gave the Jews their
laws. However could the same body of men stay
forty days in a desert and waterless region, and yet
cover the whole distance to their destination in six
days? The grammarian’s distortion of the word
“ sabbath ” betrays either gross impudence or shock-
ing ignorance ; there is a wide difference between
sabbo and sabbaton. Sabbaton in the Jews’ language
denotes cessation from all work, while sabbo among
the Egyptians signifies, as he states, disease of the
groin.

(3) Such are some of the novel features which the on the
Egyptian Apion, improving upon other authors, has Saypian
introduced into the story of Moses and the departure Jewish race.
of the Jews from Egypt. That he should lie about
our ancestors and assert that they were Egyptians
by race is by no means surprising. He told a lie
which was the reverse of this one about himself.
Born in the Egyptian oasis, more Egyptian than
them all, as one might say, he disowned his true
country and falsely claimed to be an Alexandrian,
thereby admitting the ignominy of his race. It is
therefore natural that he should call persons whom
he detests and wishes to abuse Egyptians. Had he
not had the meanest opinion of natives of Egypt, he
would never have turned his back on his own nation.
Patriots are proud to bear their country’s name, and
denounce those who lay unjust claim to the title of
citizens. In their relation to us, Egyptians are

@ The Great Oasis, in upper Egypt (cf. § 41), west of
Thebes.

303

JOSEPHUS

pov Aiydarvot mem ovacw 7) yap ws emUsE[vUvO-
jevol mpooTrovobvTau Ty ouyyEeveray, 7) Kowwvovs
32 Huds ~emloT@vTa, THS avTav KaKodokias. oO be
tos "Amiwv doxet pev tiv BAacdnpiay tH
yervatos “Amiwv doxet prev Tip nb 1)
Kal Auav wotep Twa profov eleAfoar Tapacxetv
> ~ ~ / > ~ Aus / \
Are§avopetor Tijs bobetans avr@ modvretas, Kat
TH amex Jevav avTav €mLOTA|LEVOS THY ™mpos TOUS
cuvoikobtvtas avtots emt Tijs ’AdcEavSpeias *lov-
dalouvs mpoTrélertar prev exetvois Aovdopeicbar, ovp-
/ 1 SY: A \ LAA A >
meptAap Paver’ d€ Kat tovs aAdovs amavTas, €v
apdorépots avaroxvvTws wevddpevos.

33. (4) Tia rolvuey eott Ta Sewa Kal oxétALa TOV
ev 'AdeEavO peta Katoikovvtwy “lovdaiwy, a KaT-

ce 3d / > / ce 5 ‘

TyOpH Ke | avTav, iOcpev. eMovres,” dyoiv, aro
Lupias @enoay pos ie agii Aadacoav YELTVUE-
34 cavTes Tais Tay Kuudatwy éxBodais. ovdKoby

/ > / 7 \ b] / \
Tomos el AowWoptay exer, THY Ov TaTpida pev Aeyo-
uA \ >) ~ ~ \ > / > /
pevynv b€ adrod Aoidopet THv “AXreEdvdpevav: exeivys
>
yap Kat TO TapdALov €oTL pepos, ws TaVTES O[LC-
= ~ > / \ / > ~
35 Aoyotow, eis KaToikKnow To KdAXoTov. *lovdator
> > / / >
5° ef pev Pracapevor Katéaxov, ws pnd voTEpov
~ / ~
exmeceiv, avdpelas TeKpnpiov éeaTw avTois: eis
/ \ >) ~ of \ / > /
Katoikynow d¢ avtots cOwKev <TOv> Tomov ’AdeEav-
A ~ ~

dpos Kat tons mapa Tots Maxedoar Tins émétvxov.

> 3 iat oe 2A 2 \ bs

36 (odK ofda dS Ti wor av eAcyev “Aziwv, «i? mpos TH

1 ed. pr.: cupmeprapBavey L,
2 ei ed. pr.: om. L.

@ The Jewish quarter was on the N.E. of Alexandria,
separated from the Great Harbour by the promontory of
Lochias, on which stood the royal palace (Strabo, xvii. 9.
794; cf. $36 below). The necropolis (§ 36) was at the other
end, the extreme west, of the city.

304

AGAINST APION, II. 31-36

swayed by one of two feelings: either they feign
to be our kinsmen in order to gain prestige, or else
they drag us into their ranks to share their bad
reputation. The noble Apion’s calumny upon us is
apparently designed as a sort of return to the Alex-

,andrians for the rights of citizenship which they
bestowed upon him. Knowing their hatred of their
Jewish neighbours in Alexandria, he has made it his
aim to vilify the latter, and has included all the rest of
the Jews in his condemnation. In both these attacks
he shows himself an impudent liar.

y (4) Let us investigate the grave and shocking (0) Apion’s
/ charges which he has brought against the Jewish chaps
Nresidents in Alexandria. ‘‘Theycame,” he says, ‘from Jews of |

Syria and settled by a sea without a harbour, close gaa

beside the spot where the waves break on the beach.”

Well, if fault is to be found with the locality, he is

stigmatizing, I do not say his native place, but what

he professes to be his native place, Alexandria.

For the sea-board forms part of the city, and is, by

universal consent, its finest residential quarter. If

the Jews owed their occupation and subsequent un-

disturbed tenure of this quarter to force of arms,

that is a proof of their valour. In fact, however, it

was presented to them as their residence by Alex-

ander, and they obtained privileges on a par with

those of the Macedonians.2 (I do not know what

Apion would have said if the Jews had been quartered

> From other passages in Josephus it would appear that

the Alexandrian Jews owed their separate quarters and their

privilege of icomodreia to Ptolemy Soter, rather than to

Alexander. Cf. B. ii. 487 f. (a “‘ place of their own ”’ is

given by the Diadochi), A. xii. 8 (icomodreia by Ptolemy

Soter).

VOL. I x 305

3

~I

38

40

JOSEPHUS

vekpovroAeL KaTWKOUY Kal f1) TpOS Tots BaotALKots
> Q ~ ~ e \ \
Hoav lopupevor.) Kal expe vov adt@v 7 dvdn THV
mpoonyopiav etyev Maxeddves. et pev ovv ava-
\ A > \ > / ~ / \
yvovs Tas ematoAdas “AAeEdvépou tot Baotléws Kat
tas IIroAcatov tot Adyov, Kat T@v pet EKeEtvov
ths Atyimrov Baoiéwv evtvywv Tots ypappact,
\ \ / \ ¢ ~ > >) / \
Kal THY oTHAnv THY EoT@oav ev ’AdcEavdpeta Kat
Ta OlKaLmpaTa Tepiéxovoayv, & Katoap o péyas
tots *lovdaious edwxKev, <i ev otv tadrTa, dypt,
yiyvwoKkwy Tavavtia ypadew eToAua, TovNnpos Hv,
el 6€ wndev HrloTaTO TOUTWY, amaldeUTOS.
~ ~ =
To d€ 61 Gavpalew mas “lovdator dvtes ’AXeEav-
~ ~ /
dpets exAjOynoav, THs opmolas amralevotas. TaVvTES
yap ol els amoiuKlay twa KaTaKkAnfevtes, Kav
~ > / 7 / / > \
mActatov aAAjAwy tots yéveou Stadeépwow, azo
TOV olkLoTav THY Tpoonyopiav AayPavovow. Kat
qi det wept TOv GAAwy A€yew; atdTav yap Hudv
j ~ > ~
ot THv “AvtTioyerav Katoikobvtes “Avtioyeis ovoua-
Covras tHv yap moAwrelav adrois EOwKEV O KTLOTNS
/ € / = > > / VW \ \
MeéAevkos. opotws ot ev “Edéow Kat’ Kata THY
y > w ~ >) / / e
adAnv “lwviav rots abfuyevéot moXtTais opewvu-
potow, TovTO TapacxdovTwr attots TOV Siaddxywr.
¢ Peay =) / / ~ rd ~ ~
7 6€ “Pwpyatwv dravOpwmia maéow od puKpod deiv
Ths at’T@v mpoonyopias petadédwKev, ov pLovov
avopaow adda Kai peydAos ebvecw odAots; “TBnpes
1 xai ed.pr.: om. L Lat.
* This sentence is perhaps a later, and misplaced, insertion

of the author. Niese and Reinach transpose it to the end of
§ 34.

306

AGAINST APION, II. 36-40

in the neighbourhood not of the palace, but of the
necropolis !)* Down to the present time their local
tribe bore the name of “ Macedonians.” If Apion
had read the letters? of King Alexander and of
Ptolemy, son of Lagus, if he had set eyes on the
papers of their successors on the throne of Egypt, or
the slab © which stands in Alexandria, recording the
rights bestowed upon the Jews by Caesar the Great ;
if, I say, he knew these documents and yet had the
face to contradict them in what he wrote, he was a
knave ; if he had no knowledge of them, an ignorant
fool.

His astonishment at the idea of Jews being called
Alexandrians betrays similar stupidity. All persons
invited to join a colony, however different their
nationality, take the name of the founders. It is
needless to go outside our race for instances. Our
Jewish residents in Antioch are called Antiochenes,
having been granted rights of citizenship by its
founder, Seleucus.¢ Similarly, those at Ephesus and
throughout the rest of Ionia bear the same name as
the indigenous citizens, a right which they received
from Alexander’s successors. Have not the Romans,
in their generosity, imparted their name to well-
nigh all mankind, not to individuals only, but to
great nations as a whole? Thus those who were

® Or possibly “ orders.”

¢ Greek stele; cf. A. xiv. 188.

7? Seleucus I Nicator, founder of the Seleucid dynasty.
Cf. A. xii. 119; the rights of the Antiochene Jews were,
when Titus visited the city, inscribed on bronze tables
¢B. vai: 110):

Eviviore precisely, as) stated’ in 4:) xi. 195,): from
Antiochus II Theos (262-246 38.c.); see Schiirer, G.J.V.
(ed. 3), iii. 81 note.

307

Their

claim to
Alexandrian
citizenship.

JOSEPHUS

yoov OL TAAL Kal Tuppyvot KQL LaBivor ‘Pwpyator

4] KaAobvTat. El de TOUTOV adatpetrar TOV TpoTrov

42

43

~ / > / / / e A
TNS modiretas ~Amiwy, tavodacbw héywv QUTOV
> ° / \ / e€ ~ > ~
AdceEavipéa: yevv7n eis yap, WS T7pceiTmov, EV TH

/ =~ A> 7 ~ nA > \ ay :
Babvrtatrw tis Aiyiarov mas av “AdcEavdpeds ein,
~ A / / > e ~
THS KATO ddcw moXitElas, ws avTos ed TpL@v

> / > / / / > Ig
HELWKED, AVALPOULEVIS 5 KQLTOL povots Atyurtiows
J ~
Ol KUploe vov ‘Paator THS olKoupevns pera
>
AapBavew 7; joTwoooby mohuretas GrreypynKaow. 0 o
OUTWS €OTL yevvatos, Ws peTeXew afuay avtTos av
TUXEW exwvEeTo ouKogayTety emrexelpnce TOUS
/

duKalws AaBevras.

/ ~ >] ix A

Od yap am TOpLa ‘ye TWV OLKNOOVT OV THV PLETE

> ‘ ~ / / > /
amovo7s tr avtotd 7oAw KTLCoev ny AddEavépos
\ >) ~ / > A J
TaY TLeTEepwv TWas eKel ovv7Opoi.cev, adAAG TaVvTAS
/ > ~ ~ ~
doKyialwy ETULEADS OpEeTHS Kal TLOTEWS TOUTO
~ e / \ / Ui
Tots TPETEpoLs TO yepas eOWKEV. erie yap Tpav
TO EGvos, ws Kal oqow ‘Exaratos mepl POV, OTL
dua. THY emelKeLay KQL TOT, nV AUTO TApeTXov

*lovéator, tHv Lapapeitw yopav mpooeBniev & exe

<4 \
attots adopoAsy7rov. Goa OE "ArcEdvdpw Kal
~ ¢e / \ ~ > > ,
IItoAeatos 6 Adyou zept trav ev ’AdcEavdpeia
f A 4 \
KATOLKOUYTWY edporvnce’’ Kal yap Ta KATA THY

* This statement, so far as the Iberians are concerned, is,
as Reinach points out, an exaggeration. Fifty Spanish com-
munities enjoyed full Roman citizenship under Augustus ;
Vespasian bestowed the ius Latii (an inferior privilege) on the
whole peninsula : Mommsen, Provinces of Rom. Emp. i. 68 f.

> § 29.

¢ An exaggerated statement, repeated in §72 below.
Native Egyptians were treated, ‘alike by the Ptolemies and
by the Roman emperors, as on a lower level than the Greeks.

But they could obtain rights of Roman citizenship on the
following conditions : (1) that they had previously obtained

308

AGAINST APION, II. 40-44.

once Iberians,* Tyrrhenians, Sabines are now called
Romans. If Apion disallows this class of citizenship,
let him cease to call himself an Alexandrian. Born,
as I have already mentioned,’? in the depths of
Egypt, how can he be an Alexandrian, if, as he
claims in our case, honorary rights of citizenship are
to be ruled out? Indeed, Egyptians are the only
people to whom the Romans, now lords of the
universe, have refused admission to any citizen
rights whatever.° Yet Apion displays such noble
generosity as to claim for himself privileges from
which he was debarred, while he undertakes to
calumniate those who have fairly obtained them.

_ For it was not lack of inhabitants to people the
city, whose foundation he had so much at heart, that
led Alexander to assemble in it a colony of our nation.
This privilege he conferred on our people, after
careful and thorough scrutiny, as a reward of valour
and fidelity. The honour in which he held our nation
may be illustrated by the statement of Hecataeus
that, in recognition of the consideration and loyalty
shown to him by the Jews, he added to their territory
the district of Samaria free of tribute. Alexander’s
opinion of the Jews of Alexandria was shared by
Ptolemy, son of Lagus. He entrusted the fortresses
the citizenship of Alexandria, a privilege rarely accorded
(Pliny to Trajan, Ep. vi., with Trajan’s reply, Ep. vii.) ;
(2) that they were ineligible for admission to the Senate.
Reinach, in loc.; cf. Mommsen, Provinces, ii. 241 f.

“4 This statement (? of pseudo-Hecataeus) is certainly
exaggerated, and perhaps an anachronism. Three small
districts of Samaria (not the whole country) were ceded
to the Jews, free of tribute, by Demetrius II c. 145 B.c.
(1 Mace. xi. 34; cf. x. 30, 38); but the language of 1 Macc.
suggests that Demetrius may have been confirming some
concession of earlier date.

309

Privileges
bestowed
on them by
Alexander
and
successive
Ptolemies.

JOSEPHUS

Alyurrov atrois eveyeipice Ppovpia, muoTas apa
Kal yevvatos dvAakew drroAapBavev, Kat Kupryqs
eyKpat@s apyew BovAcpevos Kal Trav adAwy Tav
év th Abin zorewr Ets avras HEpos *Lovdatewv
45 emeutbe KaTOUKHGOoV. oO de pet avtov IIroAEuatos,
6 DiArddeAdos éemuxdnfeis, od povov et TWEs Hoav
aixyudAwro. map atT@ Tav eTéepwv TavTas
ameduier, aAAa Kal xpypyara wohdxes edwpyaaro
Kat, 70 jeyioTov, em Buyers eyeVveTo TOD yv@vat
TOUS TLETEpOUS vopous Kal Tals TOV lep@v ypad@v
46 BiBAos evTvyeiv. emepife yotv akiav dvopas
amooraAjva TOUS €ppevevoovras are TOV VOLLOV,
Kal TOO ypapnvar tatTa KaAds TV em yrehevav
emétakev ov Tots Tvxobow, aAAa Anpajrprov TOV
Madnpéa Kat “Avopeav kat “Apioréa, Tov pev
maela TOV Kal” eavtov diadéepovTa*? Anpjrptov,
47 Tos O€ THY TOD cupaTtos attod gdvdAaKny ey-
KEXELPLOLLEVOUS, em Tijs emyrehetas Tavrns eragev,
ovK av Oi7ov TOvs VoOmoUs Kal THY 77 pLov T@v
pirocodiay emBupnoas expabety, el TOV Ypwpevwv
avtots avdp@v Katedpover Kal pea diav efavwalev.
48 (5) “Amiwva 6€ oyedov edeEjs mavtes EAabov ot TOV
mpoyovwy adtod Maxeddvwv? Baotreis olkerorara
mpos nuds dvatefevtes. Kat yap ztpitos LIIrode-
patos, Oo Aeyouevos Evepyérns, Katacywv oXnv

1 ed. pr.: diadepovTwy L.
* Tronical: needlessly omitted by Naber and Reinach.

* Josephus is dependent, here and in A. xii. 8, on Aristeas
13; but several Jewish ue are known to have existed in
Egypt ( Schiirer, G.J. V., ed. 3,22). One of these, the “‘ Jewish
camp ” in the Delta, is mentioned in B. i. 191 (= A. xiv. 133).

310

a

AGAINST APION, II. 44-48

of Egypt to their keeping,” confident of their loyalty
and bravery as guards; and, when he was anxious to
strengthen his hold upon Cyrene and the other cities
of Libya, he sent out a party of Jews to settle there!

, His successor, Ptolemy surnamed Philadelphus, not
only surrendered all prisoners of our race within his

realm, but was liberal in his presents of money. The
highest compliment, however, which he paid us lay
in his keen desire to know our laws and to read the
books of our sacred scriptures. It is, at any rate,
the fact that he sent and requisitioned the services
of Jewish deputies to interpret the law to him ; and,
to ensure accuracy in transcription, entrusted the
task to no ordinary persons. Demetrius of Phalerum,’
with Andreas and Aristeas, the first the most learned
man of his time, the others his own bodyguards, were
his appointed commissioners.4 Surely he would not
have shown such keen interest in our laws and the
creed © of our ancestors, had he despised, instead of
holding in the highest admiration, those to whom
they are the rule of their lives.

(5) Apion has further ignored the extreme kind-
ness Shown to us successively by nearly all the kings

\of his Macedonian‘ ancestors. Thus, Ptolemy III

surnamed Euergetes,? after his conquest of the 247-222
B.C.

» The Jews of Cyrene in the time of Sulla formed one of
the four classes of the inhabitants (Strabo ap. Jos. A.
sive bi S})

CVAD. 1. 218.

¢ 'These statements are derived from the so-called Letter of
Aristeas, paraphrased by Josephus in A. xii. 12 ff.

¢ Greek “‘ philosophy.” f See note 2 opposite.

9 Of his achievements in the Syrian War at the beginning
of his reign he left a record at Adule on the coast of the Red
Sea (Mahaffy, Limp. of Ptolemies, 199); for his sacrifices at
Jerusalem Josephus is the sole authority.

311

49

JOSEPHUS

LXupiav Kata Kpatos ov Tols €V Aiybarw Geots
Xapror pea THS viKNS efucey, aAAa. TOpayevopevos
els ‘lepoooAvupa zoAdAds, Os nuty vomy.ov E€oTW,
€7r meTéAece fucias TH GEG Kai avébykey avaljpara
Tis viK7)s agiws. 6 8e Dopyrwp Iivodepatos
Kal y] yoy, avToo KAcovarpa THY Bacthetay ody
Tay eauTa@v *lovdatous emloTevaay, Kal _oTparnyol
maons THs Suvayews Aoav ‘Ovias kat AootBeos
‘Tovdator, av °Aziwv oKemT TEL TA OVOPATA, d€ov
Ta Eepya Davpalew KQL jL7) Aovdopetv, aAXG. xapy
avrots €xew, OTL SieGWoaY THY “AdeEavopevar, 7s
ws moAitns avrTumotetra. Tohewouvro yap adr av
TH Bacrdicon Kicom arpa Kal KWOVVEVOVTOV am-
od€cbat Kak@s, ovToL ovpBacets € eolnoav Kal TOV
eupvAtay KAK@V ampAAagay aAAa “ wera. rabra,

dno, “’Ovias ert TH ToAw Yyaye oTparov
<ovK>* ddAtyov, ovTos excel O€pyov Too Tapa
‘Pwyaiwy mpeoBevtot Kai mapdvTos. opbads de

Tov, dainv av, Kat pddra dicaiws. o yap DicKwv
emukAnfeis IlroAcuaios, amofavovtos att@ Tov
adeAdob IroAcuaiov Tob Diropjropos, amo Kup7y-
uns e€nAde KAcomatpav exBadretv BovAdpevos THs Ba-
ouXcias’ et filios regis, ut ipse regnum iniuste sibimet
applicaret ; propter haec ergo Onias aduersus eum
bellum pro Cleopatra suscepit et fidem, quam habuit

1 ins. Holwerda.
2 Lacuna in L tox§ 114 (see Introduction p. xviii).

* By some identified as Onias IV, the founder of the
Temple at Leontopolis (c. 154 B.c.); but the name was not
uncommon. Of Dositheus nothing is known.

® Doubtless deriving Onias from Greek évos.
¢ On the death of Philometor in 146 B.c., his widow
312

AGAINST APION, II. 48-52

whole of Syria, instead of sacrificing to the gods of
Egypt in thanksgiving for his success, came to
Jerusalem, and there, after our manner, offered
/numerous sacrifices to God, and dedicated votive
gifts appropriate to such a victory. Again, Ptolemy
Philometor and his consort Cleopatra entrusted the
whole of their realm to Jews, and placed their entire
army under the command of Jewish generals, Onias @
and Dositheus. Apion ridicules their names,? when
he ought rather to admire their achievements, and
instead of abusing them, to thank them for saving
Alexandria, of which he claims to be a citizen. For,
when the Alexandrians were at war with Queen
Cleopatra and in imminent danger of annihila-
tion, it was they who negotiated terms and rid
them of the horrors of civil war. ‘“ But,” says
Apion, “Onias subsequently advanced at the head
of a large army against the city, when Thermus,?
the Roman ambassador, was actually on the spot.”
He was right and perfectly justified in so acting, I
venture to say. For, on the death of his brother
Ptolemy Philometor, Ptolemy surnamed Physcon
left Cyrene with the intention of dethroning Cleo-
patra and the deceased king’s sons, and iniquitously
usurping the crown himself. That was why, on
Cleopatra’s behalf, Onias took up arms against. him,
refusing to abandon at a crisis his allegiance to the

Cleopatra proclaimed king their young son Ptolemy VIII
(Philopator Neos). The brother of the dead king, however,
Ptolemy IX (Euergetes II, Physcon), was recalled from
Cyrene by the Alexandrians, slew his youthful rival, seized
the throne, and married the widowed queen, abe sister
(Justin, epitome by Trogus Pompeius, xxxviii. 8. 2-4).

4 Doubtless the Lucius Thermus who acted on behalf of
Physcon on a previous occasion (Polyb. frag. xxxiii. 5).

313

182-146
B.C.

The Jews

Onias and
Dositheus
made com-

? manders-in-

chief.

53

JOSEPHUS

circa reges, nequaquam in necessitate deseruit. Testis
autem deus iustitiae eius manifestus apparuit ; nam
Fyscon Ptolomaeus cum aduersum exercitum quidem
Oniae pugnare <non>! praesumeret, omnes uero
Iudaeos in ciuitate positos cum filiis et uxoribus
capiens nudos atque uinctos elephantis subiecisset,
ut ab eis conculcati deficerent, et ad hoc etiam bestias
ipsas inebriasset,? in contrarium quae praeparauerat
euenerunt. Elephanti enim relinquentes sibi ap-
positos Iudaeos impetu facto super amicos eius
multos ex ipsis interemerunt. Et post haec Ptolo-
maeus quidem aspectum terribilem contemplatus est
prohibentem se, ut illis noceret hominibus ; concu-
bina uero sua carissima, quam alii quidem Ithacam,
alii uero Hirenen denominant, supplicante ne tantam
impietatem perageret, ei concessit et ex his quae iam
egerat uel acturus erat paenitentiam egit. Unde
recte hance diem Iudaei Alexandria constituti, eo
quod aperte a deo salutem promeruerunt, celebrare
noscuntur. Apion autem omnium calumniator etiam
propter bellum aduersus Fysconem gestum Iudaeos
accusare praesumpsit, cum eos laudare debuerit.

Is autem etiam ultimae Cleopatrae Alexandri-
norum reginae meminit, ueluti nobis improperans
quoniam circa nos fuit ingrata, et non potius illam
redarguere studuit: cui nihil omnino iniustitiae et
malorum operum defuit uel circa generis necessarios
uel circa maritos suos, qui etiam dilexerunt eam, uel
in communi contra Romanos omnes et benefactores

1 ins. Reinach. 2 debriasset mss.

* The incident of the elephants is attributed in 3 Macc.
v-vi to Ptolemy IV, Philopator (222-205 B.c.). The
common origin of both stories is doubtless traceable to a
festival of the Alexandrian Jews, analogous to that of Purim

314

AGAINST APION, II. 53-57

throne. Moreover, the justice of his action was

signally attested by God. For Ptolemy Physcon, Persecution

though [not] daring to face the army of Onias, had eine!

arrested all the Jews in the city with their wives and Physcon

children, and exposed them, naked and in chains, to seal

be trampled to death by elephants, the beasts being

actually made drunk for the purpose. However, the

outcome was the reverse of his intentions. The

elephants, without touching the Jews at their feet,

rushed at Physcon’s friends, and killed a large

number of them. Afterwards Ptolemy saw a terrible

apparition, which forbade him to injure these people.

His favourite concubine (some call her Ithaca, others

Irene) adding her entreaty to him not to perpetrate

such an enormity, he gave way and repented of his

past actions and further designs. That is the origin

of the well-known feast which the Jews of Alexandria

keep, with good reason, on this day, because of

the deliverance so manifestly vouchsafed to them

by God.* Apion, however, whose calumny nothing

escapes, ventures to find another charge against the

Jews in their war on Physcon, for which they deserve

his commendation.

- He further alludes to Cleopatra, the last queen of Persecution
- : by the

Alexandria,? apparently reproaching us for her un- jntamous

gracious treatment of us. He ought, instead, to Cleopatra.

have set himself to rebuke that woman, who com-

mitted every kind of iniquity and crime against her

relatives, her devoted husbands,’ the Romans in

(cf. 3 Mace. vi. 36). The independent account of Josephus
is the less improbable of the two.

® 51-30 B.c. For a similar catalogue of her crimes cf. A.
xv. 89 ff.

¢ Perhaps “her husbands and even her lovers”; the
Latin translator having misunderstood the original (Reinach).

a15

JOSEPHUS

suos imperatores; quae etiam sororem Arsinoen

58 occidit in templo nihil sibi nocentem, peremit autem
et fratrem insidiis paternosque deos et sepulera
progenitorum depopulata est ; percipiensque regnum
a primo Caesare eius filio et successori rebellare
praesumpsit, Antoniumque corrumpens amatoriis
rebus et patriae inimicum fecit et infidelem circa
suos amicos instituit, alios quidem genere regali
spolians, alios autem demens! et ad mala gerenda

59 compellens. Sed quid oportet amplius dici, cum
illum ipsum in nauali certamine relinquens, id est
maritum et parentem communium filiorum, tradere
eum exercitum et principatum et se sequi coegit ?

60 Nouissime uero Alexandria a Caesare capta ad hoe
usque perducta est, ut salutem hinc sperare se
iudicaret, si posset ipsa manu sua ludaeos? perimere,
eo quod circa omnes crudelis et infidelis extaret.
Putasne gloriandum nobis non esse, si quaemadmodum
dicit Apion famis tempore lIudaeis triticum non est
mensa ?

61 Sed illa quidem poenam subiit competentem, nos
autem maximo Caesare utimur teste solacii atque
fidei, quam circa eum contra Aegyptios gessimus,
necnon et senatu eiusque dogmatibus et epistulis
Caesaris Augusti, quibus nostra merita comprobantur.

62 Has litteras Apionem oportebat inspicere et secundum

1 yl, deiciens. :

2 The Lat. is manifestly absurd. Probably, as Reinach
suggests, the Greek had something like e& 6dtvara airiy
aitoxerp povevety: a’rnvy was corrupted to atro’s and thence
to ’Iovdaious.

* Slain by Antony, under Cleopatra’s orders, in the temple
ot Artemis at Ephesus (Jos. A. xy. 89) or at Miletus (App.
Bell. Civ. v. 9).

’ Ptolemy XV, the younger of her two brothers, her

316

7

AGAINST APION, II. 57-62

general, and their emperors, her benefactors ; who
slew her innocent sister Arsinoe in the temple,’
treacherously assassinated her brother,’ plundered
her country’s gods and her ancestors’ sepulchres ¢ ;
who, owing her throne to the first Caesar, dared to
revolt against his son and successor, and, corrupting
Antony by sensual passion, made him an enemy to
his country and faithless to his friends, robbing some
of their royal rank, discharging? others, and driving
them into crime. But what more need be said, when
she deserted even him—her husband and the father
of their children—in the naval battle,’ and compelled
him to surrender his army and imperial title to follow
her? In the end, when Alexandria was captured by
Caesar,f she was reduced to such extremities as to
see no hope for herself but in suicide, after the
cruelty and treachery which she had _ practised
towards all. If, as Apion asserts, this woman in time
of famine refused to give the Jews any rations of

/ corn, is not that, pray, a fact of which we should be

proud ?

She, however, met with the punishment which she

\deserved. We, on our side, have the great Caesar

to witness to the loyal support which we rendered
him against the Egyptians ;% we have also the senate
and its decrees and the letters of Caesar Augustus
which attest our services. Apion ought to have
consulted these letters and examined, under their

husband and co-regent, believed to have been poisoned by
her at Rome c. 44 B.c.; cf. A. xv. 89.

EXOT, A xy</90. ¢ 'Text and meaning doubtful.

é Of Actium, 31 B.c. f Octavius, 30 B.c.

9 'The Jewish contingent under Antipater served with

Julius Caesar in his war with Alexandria after the death of

ronipey, 41°8.c.4 8.1; 187 fie: A. xiv. 127 ff.
ot]

Privileges
bestowed by
Roman
emperors

on Jews of
Alexandria.

JOSEPHUS

genera examinare testimonia sub Alexandro facta et
omnibus Ptolomaeis, et quae a senatu constituta
sunt, necnon et a maximis Romanis imperatoribus.

63 Si uero Germanicus frumenta cunctis in Alexandria
commorantibus metiri non potuit, hoe indicium est
sterilitatis ac necessitatis frumentorum, non accusatio
Iudaeorum. Quid enim sapiant omnes imperatores
de Iudaeis in Alexandria commorantibus, palam est.

64 Nam amministratio tritici nihilo minus ab eis quam
ab aliis Alexandrinis translata est ; maximam uero
eis fidem olim a regibus datam conseruauerunt, id
est fluminis custodiam totiusque jcustodiaet,1 nequa-
quam his rebus indignos esse iudicantes.

65 (6) Sed super haec, “ quomodo ergo,” inquit, “ si
sunt ciues, eosdem deos quos Alexandrini non colunt?”
Cui respondeo, quomodo etiam, cum uos sitis Aegyptii,
inter alterutros proelio magno et sine foedere de

66 religione contenditis ? An certe propterea non uos
omnes dicimus Aegyptios et neque communiter
homines, quoniam bestias aduersantes naturae
nostrae colitis multa diligentia nutrientes? Cum
genus utique nostrorum unum atque? idem esse

67 uideatur. Si autem in uobis Aegyptiis tantae diffe-
rentiae opinionum sunt, quid miraris super his, qui
aliunde in Alexandriam aduenerunt, si in legibus a
principio constitutis circa talia permanserunt ?

1 Perhaps read prouinciae (Boysen).
2 nostrorum unum atque] v./. nostrum uestrumque.

~

¢ Or “ generals.”

®’ Germanicus, nephew of Tiberius, visited Egypt in
A.D. 19, and ingratiated himself by opening the granaries
and reducing the price of corn (Tac. Ann. ii. 59).

¢ Cf. B.i. 175 (a Jewish guard in charge of the Pelusiac
mouth of the Nile).

¢ Cf. for these local religious feuds Juv. Sat. xv. 33 ff.,
and Ap. i. 225 above.

318

AGAINST APION, II. 62-67

respective heads, the testimonials given under
Alexander and under all the Ptolemies, with those
emanating from the senate and the most distin-
guished Roman emperors.* If Germanicus was
unable to distribute corn to all the inhabitants of
Alexandria,’ that merely proves a barren year and
a dearth of corn, and cannot be made an accusation
against the Jews. For the opinion which all the
emperors have held of the Jewish residents in Alex-
andria is notorious. The administration of the corn
supplies has, indeed, been withdrawn from them, as
from the rest of the Alexandrians ; but the most
signal mark of the confidence reposed in them by
the former kings, I mean the charge of the river ¢ and
of the entire province (?), has been preserved to them
by the emperors, who regarded them as not unworthy
of such a trust.

(6) “ But,’ Apion persists, “ why, then, if they are
{ citizens, do they not worship the same gods as the
Alexandrians ?”’ To which I reply: “ Why do you,
on your side, though Egyptians, wage with one
another bitter and implacable war on the subject of
‘religion?’’4 Indeed, is not the reason why we
Pee to call you all Egyptians, or even collectively
men, because you worship and breed with so much
care animals that are hostile to humanity ? We, on
the other hand, obviously form a single and united
race. Wide, however, as may be these differences
of opinion among your natives of Egypt, why should
you be surprised at the allegiance to their original
religious laws of a people who came to Alexandria
from another country ?

é 'The text and meaning of this section are doubtful.

319

Jewish
refusal to
worship
Egyptian
gods.

JOSEPHUS

68 Is autem etiam seditionis causas nobis apponit,
qui si cum ueritate ob hoc accusat Iudaeos in Alex-
andria constitutos, cur omnes nos culpat ubique
positos eo quod noscamur habere concordiam ?

69 Porro etiam seditionis auctores quilibet inueniet
Apioni similes Alexandrinorum fuisse ciues. Donec
enim Graeci fuerunt et Macedones hance ciuilitatem
habentes, nullam seditionem aduersus nos gesserunt,
sed antiquis cessere sollemnitatibus. Cum uero
multitudo Aegyptiorum creuisset inter eos propter
confusiones temporum, etiam hoc opus semper est
additum. Nostrum uero genus permansit purum.

70 Ipsi igitur molestiae huius fuere principium, nequa-
quam populo Macedonicam habente constantiam
neque prudentiam Graecam, sed cunctis scilicet
utentibus malis moribus Aegyptiorum et antiquas
inimicitias aduersum nos exercentibus.

71 E diuerso namque factum est quod nobis impro-
perare praesumunt. Nam cum plurimi eorum non
opportune ius eius ciuilitatis optineant, peregrinos
uocant eos, qui hoc priuilegium a dominis impetrasse?

72 noscuntur. Nam Aegyptiis neque regum quisquam
uidetur ius ciuilitatis fuisse largitus, neque nune
quilibet imperatorum. Nos autem Alexander quidem
introduxit, reges autem auxerunt, Romani uero
semper custodire dignati sunt.

73 Itaque derogare nobis Apion conatus est, quia

1 Boysen: ad omnes imperasse Mss.

320

AGAINST APION, II. 68-73

He further accuses us of fomenting sedition. Jews
But, sit be granted “that he is justified “in ane ee
bringing this accusation against the Jews of sedition.
Alexandria, why then does he make a grievance
against the Jews at large of the notorious concord
of our race? Moreover, the real promoters of
sedition, as anyone can discover, have been citizens
of Alexandria of the type of Apion. The Greeks
and Macedonians, so long as the citizenship was con-
fined to them, never rose against us, but left us free
to enjoy our ancient worship. But when, owing to
the prevailing disorders, their numbers were swelled
by a host of Egyptians, sedition became chronic.
Our race, on the contrary, remained unadulterated.
It is they, then, who originated these disturbances,
because the populace, possessing neither the Mace-
donian’s strength of character nor the Greek’s
sagacity, universally adopted the evil habits of the
Egyptians and indulged their long-standing hatred
of us.

The reproach which they dare to cast at us is
applicable, on the contrary, to them. The majority
of them hold their position as citizens of Alexandria
under no regular title; yet they call those who
notoriously obtained this privilege from the proper
authorities “ aliens’! Nota single king, it appears,
not a single emperor in our times, ever conferred
citizen rights upon Egyptians. We, onthe contrary,
owe our position in the city to Alexander, our
privileges were extended by the kings, and those
privileges the Romans have been pleased to safeguard
for all time.

Apion has consequently attempted to denounce

a Cf. § 41 with note.
VOL. I Y 321

JOSEPHUS

imperatorum non statuamus imagines, tamquam illis
hoc ignorantibus aut defensione Apionis indigentibus ;
cum potius debuerit ammirari magnanimitatem
mediocritatemque Romanorum, quoniam subiectos
non cogunt patria iura transcendere, sed suscipiunt
honores sicut dare offerentes pium atque legitimum
est. Non enim honoribus! gratiam habent qui ex
74 necessitate et uiolentia conferuntur. Graecis itaque
et aliis quibusdam bonum esse creditur imagines
instituere ; denique et patrum et uxorum filiorumque
figuras depingentes exultant, quidam uero etiam
nihil sibi competentium sumunt imagines, alii uero
et seruos diligentes hoc faciunt. Quid ergo mirum
est si etiam principibus ac dominis hunc honorem
75 praebere uideantur? Porro noster legislator, non
quasi prophetans Romanorum potentiam non hono-
randam, sed tamquam causam neque deo neque
hominibus utilem despiciens, et quoniam totius
animati, multo magis dei inanimati, ut? probatur
76 inferius, interdixit imagines fabricari. Aliis autem
honoribus post deum colendos non prohibuit uiros
bonos, quibus nos et imperatores et populum Roma-
77 norum dignitatibus ampliamus. Facimus autem pro
eis continua sacrificia et non solum cotidianis diebus
ex impensa communi omnium Judaeorum talia
celebramus, uerum cum nullas alias hostias ex com-

1 honoris mss.: honores Boysen.
2 jnanimati ut] inanimatu mss.

* Josephus probably has in mind Caligula’s order to erect
his statue in the Temple at Jerusalem (A. xviii. 261 ff.) and
the part played by Apion in the deputation to the emperor
at that time.

2 Cf. §§ 167, 190 f. below,
322

AGAINST -APION, II. 73-77

-us on the ground that we do not erect statues of the We do not
emperors. As if they were ignorant of the fact or [f°¢"..
needed Apion to defend them! He should rather of the
have admired the magnanimity and moderation of Bae Sar
the Romans in not requiring their subjects to violate eee
their national laws, and being content to accept such honours.
honours as the religious and legal obligations of the
donors permit them to pay. They are not grateful
for honours conferred under compulsion and con-
straint. ‘The Greeks, with some other nations, think
it right to make statues: they delight in depicting
the portraits of parents, wives, and children ; some
even obtain likenesses of persons totally unconnected
with them, others do the same for favourite slaves.
What wonder, then, to find them rendering this
honour to their emperors and masters as well? On
the other hand, our legislator, not in order to put, as
it were, a prophetic veto upon honours paid to the
Roman authority, but out of contempt for a practice
profitable to neither God nor man, forbade the
making of images, alike of any living creature, and
much more of God, who, as is shown later on,? is not
fa creature. He did not, however, forbid the pay-
ment of homage of another sort, secondary to that
paid to God, to worthy men; such honours we do
confer upon the emperors and the people of Rome.
For them we offer perpetual sacrifices ; and not only
do we perform these ceremonies daily,’ at the ex-
pense of the whole Jewish community,’ but, while we
offer no other victims in our corporate capacity, even

¢ Twice daily, according to B. ii. 197.

¢ From Philo, Leg. ad Caium, § 157, it appears that these
sacrifices were originally instituted by the emperor at his own
expense. Cf. Schiirer, G.J.V., ed. 3, ii. 303 (E.T. div. ii. vol.
i, 303),

323

JOSEPHUS

muni neque pro filiis peragamus, solis imperatoribus
hune honorem praecipuum pariter exhibemus, quem

78 hominum nulli persoluimus. Haec itaque communiter

79

80

81

satisfactio posita sit aduersus Apionem pro his quae
de Alexandria dicta sunt.

(7) Ammiror autem etiam eos qui ei huiusmodi
fomitem praebuerunt, id est Posidonium et Apol-
lonium Molonis, quoniam accusant quidem nos, quare
nos eosdem deos cum aliis non colimus, mentientes
autem pariter et de nostro templo blasphemias
componentes incongruas non se putant impie agere ;
dum sit ualde turpissimum liberis qualibet ratione
mentiri, multo magis de templo apud cunctos homines
nominato tanta sanctitate pollente.

In hoe enim sacrario Apion praesumpsit edicere
asini caput collocasse Judaeos et eum! colere ac
dignum facere tanta religione, et hoc affirmat fuisse
depalatum, dum Antiochus Epiphanes expoliasset
templum et illud caput inuentum ex auro com-
positum multis pecuniis dignum. Ad haec igitur
prius equidem dico, quoniam Aegyptius, uel si aliquid
tale apud nos fuisset, nequaquam debuerat increpare,
cum non sit deterior asinus furonibus et hircis et aliis,

1 id Naber.

* Such seems to be the meaning of neque pro filiis; ef.
Ezra vi. 10 (** pray for the life of the king and of his sons”’) ;
Bar. i. 11.

» Posidonius of Apameia, ¢. 135-51 B.c., famous Stoic
philosopher and historian, a friend of Pompey and Cicero.

¢ As he is called elsewhere; cf. § 16 above. The text has
Molonis, i.e. ** (son) of Molon.”’

4 Liberis, apparently = éXevGepios.

¢ This widespread calumny of uncertain origin appears in
various forms. Tacitus, Hist. v. 3 f., narrates that Moses,
by following a herd of wild asses, discovered water in the

324

AGAINST APION, II. 77-81

for the [imperial] family,* we jointly accord to the
emperors alone this signal honour which we pay to
no other individual. I have now given, I think, a com-
prehensive and sufficient reply to Apion’s remarks
on the subject of Alexandria.

(7) I am no less amazed at the proceedings of the
authors who supplied him with his materials, I mean
Posidonius® and Apollonius Molon.? On the one
hand they charge us with not worshipping the same
gods as other people ; on the other, they tell lies and
invent absurd calumnies about our temple, without
showing any consciousness of impiety. Yet to high-
minded men? nothing is more disgraceful than a lie,
of any description, but above all on the subject of a
temple of world-wide fame and commanding sanctity.

Within this sanctuary Apion has the effrontery to
assert that the Jews kept an ass’s head,’ worshipping
that animal and deeming it worthy of the deepest
reverence ; the fact was disclosed, he maintains, on
the occasion of the spoliation of the temple by
Antiochus Epiphanes,’ when the head, made of gold
and worth a high price, was discovered. On this I
will first remark that, even if we did possess any
such object, an Egyptian should be the last person
to reproach us; for an ass is no worse than the
cats’ (7), he-goats, and other creatures which in his
wilderness, whence the Jews efigiem animalis quo mon-
strante errorem sitimque depulerant penetrali sacravere. Dio-
dorus (xxxiv. frag.) states that Ant. Epiphanes found in the
temple a statue of a bearded man (= Moses) seated on an
ass. ‘The charge of ass-worship was afterwards transferred
to the Christians (Tertull. Apol. 16).

f Cf. A. xii. v. 4 (where no mention is made of the ass’s

head).

9 furonibus (word elsewhere unknown).

325

(c) Calum-

nies about
the temple
ritual.

Ridiculous
story of the
worship of
an ass’s

d.

e170 Be!

JOSEPHUS

g2 quae sunt apud eos dii. Deinde quomodo non in-
tellexit operibus increpatus de incredibili suo men-
dacio? Legibus namque semper utimur hisdem, in
quibus sine fine consistimus, et cum uarii casus
nostram ciuitatem sicut etiam aliorum uexauerint,
et Pius! ac Pompeius Magnus et Licinius Crassus
et ad nouissimum Titus Caesar bello uincentes op-
tinuerint templum, nihil huiusmodi illic inuenerunt,
sed purissimam pietatem, de qua nihil nobis est apud
83 alios effabile. Quia uero Antiochus neque iustam
fecit templi depraedationem, sed egestate pecunia-
rum ad hoe accessit, cum non esset hostis, et super
nos auxiliatores suos et amicos adgressus est, nec
84 aliquid dignum derisione illic inuenit, multi et digni
conscriptores super hoc quoque testantur, Polybius
Megalopolita, Strabon Cappadox, Nicolaus Dama-
scenus, Timagenis et Castor temporum conscriptor
et Apollodorus ; omnes dicunt pecuniis indigentem
Antiochum transgressum foedera Jludaeorum ex-
85 poliasse? templum auro argentoque plenum. Haec
igitur Apion debuit respicere, nisi cor asini ipse
potius habuisset et impudentiam canis, qui apud
ipsos assolet coli; neque enim extrinsecus aliqua
86 ratiocinatione mentitus est. Nos itaque asinis neque
honorem neque potestatem aliquam damus, sicut

1 Dius mss.: Pius Niese, i.e. Antiochus VII surnamed
Eusebes, from his piety at the siege of Jerusalem, c. 135 B.c.,
A. xiii. 244. Josephus perhaps wrote eds (= Diuus) through
confusion with Antiochus VI surnamed Theos, 4. xiii. 218.

2 Niese: et spoliasse mss.

2 Governor of Syria 54-53 B.c.; A. xiv. 105 ff.

’ As the emphasis in this context is on the absence of
mysteries in Jewish worship, Reinach is probably right in
emending effabile to ineffabile, which occurs in §§ 94, 107. In

326

AGAINST APION, II. 82-86

country rank as gods. Next, how did it escape him
that the facts convict him of telling an incredible
lie? Throughout our history we have kept the
same laws, to which we are eternally faithful. Yet,
notwithstanding the various calamities which our
city, like others, has undergone, when the temple
was occupied by successive conquerors, { Antiochus]
the Pious, Pompey the Great, Licinius Crassus,“ and «. Jes
most recently Titus Caesar, they found there nothing 31.346.
of the kind, but the purest type of religion, the 4-». 70.
secrets of which we may not reveal to aliens) That
the raid of Antiochus [Epiphanes] on the temple was
iniquitous, that it was impecuniosity which drove
him to invade it, when he was not an open enemy,
that he attacked us, his allies and friends, and that
he found there nothing to deserve ridicule ; these
facts are attested by many sober historians. Polybius
of Megalopolis, Strabo the Cappadocian, Nicolas of
Damascus, Timagenes,° Castor the chronicler,’ and
Apollodorus” all assert that it was impecuniosity
which induced Antiochus, in violation of his treaties
with the Jews, to plunder the temple with its stores
of gold and silver. There is the evidence which
Apion should have considered, had he not himself
been gifted with the mind of an ass and the impudence
of the dog, which his countrymen are wont to worship.
An outsider can make no sense of his lies. We Jews
attribute no honour or virtue to asses, such as is
that case translate: ‘‘ of which we have no secrets to conceal
from aliens.”

¢ Historian of Ist cent. B.c.; Josephus knew his work at
second hand through Strabo.

@ Ap. i. 184.

€ 9nd cent. B.c.3; author of Chronica and of the best ancient
work on Greek mythology.

f Meaning doubtful; I take extrinsecus as =<r@> &Ewbev.

327

JOSEPHUS

Aegyptii crocodillis et aspidibus, quando eos qui ab
istis mordentur et a crocodillis rapiuntur felices et

s7 deo dignos arbitrantur. Sed sunt apud nos asini
quod apud alios sapientes uiros onera sibimet im-
posita sustinentes, et licet ad areas accedentes come-
dant aut uiam propositam non adimpleant, multas
ualde plagas accipiunt, quippe operibus et ad agri-

gg culturam rebus necessariis ministrantes. Sed aut
omnium gurdissimus fuit Apion ad componendum
uerba fallacia aut certe ex rebus initia sumens haec
implere non ualuit, quando nulla potest contra nos
blasphemia prouenire.

89 (8) Alteramuerofabulam derogatione nostra plenam
de Graecis apposuit, de quo hoc dicere sat erit,
quoniam qui de pietate loqui praesumunt oportet
eos non ignorare minus esse inmundum per templa
transire quam sacerdotibus scelesta uerba confingere.

90 Isti uero magis studuerunt defendere sacrilegum
regem quam iusta et ueracia de nostris et de templo
conscribere. Uolentes enim Antiocho praestare et
infidelitatem ac sacrilegium eius tegere, quo circa
gentem nostram est usus propter egestatem pecunia-
rum, detrahentes nobis etiam quae in futuro sunt!

91 dicenda mentiti sunt. Propheta uero aliorum factus
est Apion et dixit Antiochum in templo inuenisse
lectum et hominem in eo iacentem et propositam ei
mensam maritimis terrenisque et uolatilium dapibus

92 plenam, et? obstipuisset his homo. Illum uero mox
adorasse regis ingressum tamquam maximum ei
solacium praebiturum ac procidentem ad eius genua

1 Niese: essent mss. 2 + quod Naber.
¢ Meaning doubtful. » Or, perhaps, “‘ about Greeks.”
© homo=o dvépwros (elsewhere used with such nuance).
If Antiochus were meant, as Niese supposes, we should
expect wir (=0 av7p).

328

AGAINST APION, II. 86-92

ascribed to crocodiles and asps by Egyptians, who
regard persons bitten by a viper or mauled by a
crocodile as blessed souls found worthy of God. With
us, as with other sensible people, asses are beasts
that carry loads on their backs, and if they invade
our threshing-floors and eat the corn, or stop short
on the road, they are soundly beaten, as humble
ministers for labour and agriculture. Either Apion
was the greatest blockhead as a writer of fiction, or,
to say the least, he could draw no just conclusion
from such facts as he had to start from ;“ for every
one of his calumnies upon us is a failure.

, (8) He adds a second story, of Greek origin?
which is a malicious slander upon us from beginning
to end. On this it will suffice to remark that persons
who venture upon religious topics ought to be aware
that there is less profanity in violating the precincts
of a temple than in calumniating its priests. But
these authors are more concerned to uphold a sacri-
legious king than to give a fair and veracious descrip-
tion of our rites and temple. In their anxiety to
defend Antiochus and to cover up the perfidy and
sacrilege practised upon our nation under pressure
of an empty exchequer, they have further invented,
to discredit us, the fictitious story which follows.
Apion, who is here the spokesman of others, asserts
that :—

Antiochus found in the temple a couch, on which
a man was reclining, with a table before him laden
with a banquet of fish of the sea, beasts of the earth,
and birds of the air, at which the poor fellow ° was
gazing in stupefaction. The king’s entry was
instantly hailed by him with adoration, as about
to procure him profound relief; falling at the

329

Another
calumnious
story: the
annual
murder of
a Greek.

JOSEPHUS

extensa dextra poposcisse libertatem; et iubente
rege ut confideret et diceret, quis esset uel cur
ibidem habitaret uel quae esset causa ciborum eius,
tune hominem cum gemitu et lacrimis lamentabiliter
93 suam narrasse necessitatem. Ait, inquit, esse quidem
se Graecum, et dum peragraret prouinciam propter
uitae causam direptum se subito ab alienigenis
hominibus atque deductum ad templum et inclusum
illic, et a nullo conspici, sed cuncta dapium prae-
94 paratione saginari. Et primum quidem haec sibi
inopinabilia beneficia prodidisse et detulisse laetitiam,
deinde suspicionem, postea stuporem, ac postremum
consulentem a ministris ad se accedentibus audisse
legem ineffabilem ludaeorum, pro qua nutriebatur,
et hoc illos facere singulis annis quodam tempore
95 constituto: et compraehendere quidem Graecum
peregrinum eumque annali tempore saginare, et
deductum ad quandam siluam occidere quidem eum
hominem eiusque corpus sacrificare secundum suas
sollemnitates, et gustare ex eius uisceribus, et
iusiurandum facere in immolatione Graeci, ut inimi-
citias contra Graecos haberent. et tune in quandam
96 foueam reliqua hominis pereuntis abicere. Deinde
refert eum dixisse paucos iam dies de uitat sibimet
superesse atque rogasse ut, erubescens Graecorum
deos et superans? in suo sanguine insidias Iudaeorum,
de malis eum circumastantibus liberaret.
97 Huiusmodi ergo fabula non tantum omni tragoedia
plenissima est,sed etiam impudentia crudeli redundat.

1 de uita conj. Boysen: debita mss.
2 superantes mss.: text doubtful.

AGAINST APION, II. 92-97

king’s knees, he stretched out his right hand and
implored him to set him free. The king reassured
him and bade him tell him who he was, why he
was living there, what was the meaning of his
abundant fare. ‘Thereupon, with sighs and tears,
the man, in a pitiful tone, told the tale of his
distress. He said that he was a Greek and that,
while travelling about the province for his liveli-
hood, he was suddenly kidnapped by men of a
foreign race and conveyed to the temple ; there
he was shut up and seen by nobody, but was
fattened on feasts of the most lavish description.
At first these unlooked for attentions deceived
him and caused him pleasure ; suspicion followed,
then consternation. Finally, on consulting the
attendants who waited upon him, he heard of the
unutterable law of the Jews, for the sake of which
he was being fed. The practice was repeated
annually at a fixed season. They would kidnap a
Greek foreigner, fatten him up for a year, and then
convey him to a wood, where they slew him,
sacrificed his body with their customary ritual,
partook of his flesh,¢ and, while immolating the
Greek, swore an oath of hostility to the Greeks.
The remains of their victim were then thrown into
a pit. The man (Apion continues) stated that he
had now but a few days left to live, and implored
the king, out of respect for the gods of Greece, to
defeat this Jewish plot upon his life-blood and to
deliver him from his miserable predicament.

A tale of this kind is not merely packed with all
the horrors of a tragedy ; it is also replete with the

@ Vat. wiscera: i.e. all except skin, bones and blood.
351

JOSEPHUS

Non tamen a sacrilegio priuat Antiochum, sicut arbi-
trati sunt qui haec ad illius gratiam conscripserunt ;
98 non enim praesumpsit aliquid tale, ut ad templum
accederet, sed sicut aiunt inuenit non sperans. Fuit
ergo uoluntate iniquus impius et nihilominus sine
deo, quantauis sitt mendacii superfluitas, quam ex
99 ipsa re cognoscere ualde facillimum est. Non enim
circa solos Graecos discordia legum esse dinoscitur,
sed maxime aduersus Aegyptios et plurimos alios.
Quem enim horum non contigit aliquando circa nos
peregrinari, ut aduersus solos <Graecos>? renouata
coniuratione per effusionem sanguinis ageremus? ?
100 Vel quomodo possibile est ut ad has hostias omnes
Tudaei colligerentur et tantis milibus ad gustandum
uiscera illa sufficerent, sicut ait Apion? Vel cur
inuentum hominem quicumque fuit, non enim suo
101 nomine conscripsit,4 aut quomodo eum in suam
patriam rex non cum pompa deduxit, dum posset
hoe faciens ipse quidem putari pius et Graecorum
amator eximius, assumere uero contra Iudaeorum
102 odium solacia magna cunctorum? Sed haec relinquo ;
insensatos enim non uerbis sed operibus decet
arguere.
Sciunt igitur omnes qui uiderunt constructionem
templi nostri qualis fuerit et intransgressibilem eius
103 purificationis integritatem. Quattuor etenim habuit
in circuitu porticus, et harum singulae propriam
secundum legem habuere custodiam. In exteriorem
itaque ingredi licebat omnibus etiam alienigenis ;
mulieres tantummodo menstruatae transire pro-

1 quanta iussit Mss.
2 ins. Hudson.
* egeremus mss.: Reinach would here insert §§ 121-124.
4 Niese suspects a lacuna.

332

AGAINST APION, II. 97-103

cruelty of impudence. It does not, for all that,
acquit Antiochus of sacrilege, as its obsequious
authors imagined. He suspected nothing of the
sort when he invaded the temple; the discovery
admittedly surprised him. His iniquity, impiety,
and godlessness were, therefore, none the less
gratuitous, however many lies may be told about him.
_ These reveal their character on their face. Greeks,
as is well known, are not the only people with whom
our laws come into conflict ; those principally so
affected are Egyptians and many others. Is there
one of these nations whose citizens have not happened
at some time or other to visit our country ? Why
should Greeks be the only objects of our periodic-
ally repeated conspiracy and bloodthirsty assault ?
Again, how is it conceivable that all Jews should
assemble to partake of these victims, and that the
flesh of one should suffice for so many thousand
participants, as Apion asserts?“ Why in the world
after discovering this man, whoever he was (his name
is not given in the story), did not the king convey
him in triumph to his country, when by so doing he
might have gained a reputation for piety and rare
devotion to the Greeks, and encountered Jewish
hatred with the powerful support of public opinion ?
But I refrain to pursue these inquiries ; fools must
be refuted, not by argument, but by facts.

All who ever saw our temple are aware of the
general design of the building, and the inviolable
barriers which preserved its sanctity. It had four
surrounding courts, each with its special statutory
restrictions. The outer court was open to all,
foreigners included ; women during their impurity

* Not as reported above.

Its
ridiculous
character.

The
inviolable
laws of the
temple
ritual.

The temple
courts,

JOSEPHUS

104 hibebantur. In secundam uero porticum cuncti
Iudaei ingrediebantur eorumque coniuges, cum
essent ab omni pollutione mundae ; in tertiam masculi
Iudaeorum mundi existentes atque purificati; in
quartam autem sacerdotes stolis induti sacerdotali-
bus; in adytum uero soli principes sacerdotum

105 propria stola circumamicti. Tanta uero est circa
omnia prouidentia pietatis, ut secundum quasdam
horas sacerdotes ingredi constitutum sit. Mane
etenim aperto templo oportebat facientes traditas
hostias introire et meridie rursus, dum clauderetur

106 templum. Denique nec uas aliquod portari licet in
templum, sed erant in eo solummodo posita altare
mensa turibulum candelabrum, quae omnia et in

107 lege conscripta sunt. Etenim nihil amplius neque
mysteriorum aliquorum ineffabilium agitur, neque
intus ulla epulatio ministratur. Haec enim quae
praedicta sunt habent totius populi testimonium

108 manifestationemque gestorum. Licet enim sint tribus
quattuor sacerdotum et harum tribuum singulae
habeant hominum plus quam quinque milia, fit
tamen obseruatio particulariter per dies certos, et
his transactis alii succedentes ad sacrificia ueniunt
et congregati in templum mediante die a prae-
cedentibus claues templi et ad numerum omnia uasa
percipiunt, nulla re, quae ad cibum aut potum

109 adtineat, in templo delata. Talia namque etiam ad

* Or “ the victims delivered to them.”

» Cf. Mark xi. 16. The sequel shows that the Holy Place
(the vaés) is intended.

¢ Cf. B.v.216(where only three objects are named, no altar).

@ The four priestly clans which returned with Zerubbabel

334

AGAINST APION, IT. 104-109

were alone refused admission. To the second court
all Jews were admitted and, when uncontaminated
by any defilement, their wives ; to the third male
Jews, if clean and purified ; to the fourth the priests
robed in their priestly vestments. The sanctuary
was entered only by the high-priests, clad in the
raiment peculiar to themselves. So careful is the
provision for all the details of the service, that the
priests’ entry is timed to certain hours. Their duty
was to enter in the morning, when the temple was
opened, and to offer the customary sacrifices, and
again at mid-day, until the temple was closed.
One further point: no vessel whatever might be
carried into the temple,’ the only objects in which
were an altar, a table, a censer, and a lampstand,°
all mentioned in the Law. There was nothing
more ; no unmentionable mysteries took place, no
repast was served within the building. The fore-
going statements are attested by the whole com-
munity, and conclusively proved by the order of
procedure. For, although there are four priestly
tribes,? each comprising upwards of five thousand
members, these officiate by rotation for a fixed period
of days; when the term of one party ends, others
come to offer the sacrifices in their place, and
assembling at mid-day in the temple, take over
from the outgoing ministers the keys of the building
and all its vessels, duly numbered. Nothing of the
nature of food or drink is brought within the temple ;
objects of this kind may not even be offered on

(Ezra ii. 36; Neh. vii.39). Elsewhere Josephus mentions only
the division into twenty-four courses (Vita, 2; cf. A. vii.
365 f.), which was normal from the time of the Chronicler
(1 Chron, xxiv, 7) onwards.

339

110

111

113

JOSEPHUS

altare offerre prohibitum est, praeter illa quae ad
sacrificia praeparantur.

Quid ergo Apionem [esse] dicimus nisi nihil horum
examinantem uerba incredula protulisse ? Sed turpe
est; historiae enim ueram notitiam se proferre
grammaticus non promisit ? At? sciens templi nostri
pietatem hance quidem praetermisit, hominis autem
Graeci compraehensionem finxit et pabulum in-
effabile et ciborum opulentissimam claritatem et
seruos ingredientes ubi nec nobilissimos Iudaeorum
licet intrare, nisi fuerint sacerdotes. Hoc ergo
pessima est impietas atque mendacium spontaneum
ad eorum seductionem, qui noluerint discutere
ueritatem. Per ea siquidem mala et ineffabilia, quae
praedicta sunt, nobis detrahere temptauerunt.

(9) Rursumque tamquam piissimus deridet adiciens
fabulae suae Mnaseam. Ait enim illum rettulisse,
dum bellum Iudaei contra Idumaeos? haberent longo
quodam tempore, in aliqua ciuitate Idumaeorum,? qui
Dorii nominantur, quendam eorum qui in ea Apol-
linem colebat uenisse ad Iudaeos, cuius hominis
nomen dicit Zabidon, deinde quia? eis promisisset
traditurum se eis Apollinem deum Doriensium
uenturumque illum ad nostrum templum, si omnes
abscederent. Et credidisse omnem multitudinem
Iudaeorum ; Zabidon uero fecisse quoddam machina-
mentum ligneum et circumposuisse sibi et in eo tres
ordines infixisse lucernarum et ita ambulasse; ut

1 conj.: et Mss.
* Hudson: Iudaeos (-orum) mss.
3 Boysen: qui mss.

5A, 1. 2iG6;
336

AGAINST APION, II. 109-113

the altar, save those which are prepared for the
sacrifices.

Are we then left to conclude that Apion put out
this incredible story without any investigation of
these facts? But that is disgraceful ; as a learned
doctor, did he not profess to present an accurate
historical picture ? No; he knew the pious rites of
our temple, but passed them over when he concocted
this story of a kidnapped Greek, an unmentionable
banquet of the richest and most sumptuous fare, and
slaves entering precincts to which even the highest
Jewish nobles are not admitted, unless they are
priests. Here, then, we have rank impiety at its
worst, and a gratuitous lie, designed tomislead persons
who do not trouble to investigate the facts. For the
one aim of the inventors of the unspeakable horrors
to which I have alluded is to bring us into odium.

(9) This model of piety derides us again in a story
which he attributes to Mnaseas.“ The latter, accord-
ing to Apion, relates that :—

in the course of a long war between the Jews and
the Idumaeans, an inhabitant of an Idumaean
city, called Dorii,2 who worshipped Apollo and
bore (so we are told) the name of Zabidus, came
out to the Jews and promised to deliver into their
hands Apollo, the god of his city, who would visit
our temple if they all took their departure. The
Jews all believed him; whereupon Zabidus con-
structed an apparatus of wood, inserted in it three
rows of lamps, and put it over his person. Thus
arrayed he walked about, presenting the appear-

®’ Dor or Dora on the coast of Palestine, some ten miles
north of Caesarea, south of Mt. Carmel.

VOL. I Z 337

A third
ridiculous
story: theft
of the ass’s
head by an
Idumaean
dressed as
Apollo.

JOSEPHUS

procul stantibus appareret, quasi stellae per terram?

114 77 Topelay mowvpévwy, Tovs pev “lovdatous t70
Tov Tmapaddfou THs Oéas KatarvemAnypévovs TOppw
pevovtas jovylay ayew, Tov € ZaBioov em ToAAijs
jovxias els Tov vaov mapeAfeiy Kat TI Xprojy
amTootpat Too ee ere Kedhadyv, ovT® yap
doreilopevos yeypadev, Kat maAw eis Adpa*® TO
TAYOS aT meNGetv.

115 *Apa ovVv KaL HpLets av ElTTOLLEV OTL TOV Kavowva,
TOUTEOTW €EaUTOY, “Arriev emuoprier KGL ToOLEt
THS pwpohoyias cua Kal TOV pevoparov Kara-
youov; Kal yap Tomous ovK ovtas ypager Kal

116 70Aets otK €ldws peraTiOnow. 7 pev yap “ldovpaia

THS ueTepas ywpas eorTiv opopos, kata Talay

Keysevyn, Kat A@pa ratvTns éotiw otdepia méAts.

THs pevto. Dowikys mapa 7o KapprAwov dpos

AG@pa ods ovopaletar, wndev eTuKowovodoa TOLS

"Aziwvos ddAvapypact: Tecodpwv yap Tep@v

odov TAS ‘Tdovpraias* adeornKev. Tt OO paw ETL

Karinyopel TO ay KOoWovs Exew Tots aAAous Beovs,

El pgdtws OUTWS evetoOncay ol TaTepes TmpOV

ee tov “AméAAwva mpos abrods Kal peta TOV

aoTpwv emi TAS ys WiOncav opady avrov Tept-
llg waTobvta; Avyvov yap ovdémw SHAov Ett mpdcbev
EwpaKacw ot Tas Toca’Tas Kal THALKavTas Avyvo-
Katas emiteAobytTes. GAN’ obd€ Tis att@ Padilovre
KATA THV XWpay THV TocovTwWY pUpLddwY BTHVTH-
cev, epnpa O€ Kai Ta Teiyn dvAdKwy etdpe ToAEuov

119 ovveatynKoTos: €@ tdaAda. Tod vaod 8 at Apa

‘TO pev vos jhoav €EjKovTa mHX@V, €lKoot S€ TO
1 End of lacuna in L.
* Hudson: dxav@avos L (and so below).

ll

~I

338

AGAINST APION, II. 113-119

ance to distant onlookers of stars perambulating
the earth. Astounded at this amazing spectacle,
the Jews kept their distance, in perfect silence.
Meanwhile, Zabidus stealthily passed into the
sanctuary, snatched up the golden head of the
pack-ass (as he facetiously calls it), and made off
post-haste to Dora.

May we not, on our side, suggest that Apion is
overloading the pack-ass, that is to say himself, with
a crushing pack of nonsense and lies? He writes of
places which do not exist, and shifts the position
on the map of cities of which he knows nothing.
Tdumaea, in the latitude of Gaza, is conterminous
with our territory. It has no city called Dora.
There zs a town of that name in Phoenicia, near
Mount Carmel, but that has nothing in common
with Apion’s ridiculous story, being at a distance of
four days’ march from Idumaea. Again, how can he
continue to accuse us of not having the same gods
as the rest of the world, if our forefathers were so
easily induced to believe that Apollo would visit
them, and imagined that they saw him walking with
a train of stars upon the earth? Obviously they
had never before seen a lamp, these people whose
festivals are such a blaze of illumination !¢ Not one
of all those myriads encountered him as he paraded
the country! He found the walls unguarded in war-
time! I refrain from further comment, merely re-
marking that the gates of the sanctuary were sixty

“ In particular the Feast of Tabernacles (see the vivid
description of the all-night illumination in the Mishnah,
Sukkah, v. 2-4) and the Feast of Dedication, popularly known
as the “ Feast of Lights,” 4. xii. 325. Cf. § 282 below.

3 So Lat.: Adpw L. 4 Niese: "Iovdalas L.
339

JOSEPHUS

mAdTos, KaTadxypvoo. b€ maoar Kal puKpod Seiv
aduprAato.- tavtas exAevov ovK éAatrous évTes
avopes dvaKoavov Kab exdory Npepay Kal TO

120 Kkaradurety Tvouypevas ay aBguitov. padios ovv

avras 6 Avxvogopos € EKELVOS avewtev, ola, povos*

Kal THY TOD KdvOuvos @xETO! Kedadnv EXwv.
TOTEPOV ovv abrany mad ws Tas avéorperbev 7)
AaBav °>Amuov avriy etcekopiicev, wa *“Avtioyos
evpyn mpos devtépav ’Aziwve pvbodoyiar;

121 (10) Karabevderar de? kai 6pKov 7u@v ws opvudv-
Twy Tov Geov Tov TomjcavTa Tov ovpavoy Kal THY
yiv Kat THY OdAaccay pndevi etvojcew addodvrw,

122 pdAvora Se “EXAjow. der S€ Kataibevddpevov
amaێ eizetv pdevi evvongew dMogihu, pddvora
6 Alyurriois: ovtTws yap av Tots: e€ apxis avrob
7hdopacw TPHOTTEV TA EPL TOV OpKoY, elrep
joav tb7o Alyuntiwy T&v ovyyev@v ot matépes
nav ovxyt Oia movypiav aA emt ovpdopais

123 eFeAndacpevor. tov ‘Edjvwv 6€ zAéov rots
TOTOLS 7 Tots eur Oevpaow apeoTnKaper, WOTE

pndepiav juiv etvar mpos avrous exOpav pnde

nAotumiav. tovvavtiov pévtoe ToAAol map’ abra@v

els TOUS TueTepovs vopous avvéeBnoav ecicedbeiv,

Kal Tes Lev eveewav, elol 8 ot THY KapTeEpiav

124 ody bropewartes mdAW améoTnoav. Kai TovTwv*
1 Text emended by Niese.

2 ed. pr.: xatapetcacbai twa L.
3 rodrov L (corrector’s hand) Lat.

¢ The dimensions given in B. vy. 202 are 30 x 15 cubits.

> Or perhaps ‘all overlaid with gold, almost of the solidity
of hammered gold plates.”

¢ In B. vi. 293 we are told that it took twenty men to close
the east gate of the inner court. Hudson, accordingly,

340

AGAINST APION, II. 119-124

cubits high and twenty broad,’ all gilded and almost
entirely covered with plates of wrought gold ® ; it took
no fewer than 200° men to close them every day, and
it was forbidden to leave them open. Our lamp-
carrier, I presume, had no difficulty in opening them
by himself and making off with the pack-ass’s head.
But did he return it to us, or was it Apion who re-
covered and reinstated it in the temple for Antiochus
to gee: in order to provide him with a second good
story ?

(10) Then? he attributes to us an imaginary oath, Alleged
and would have it appear that we swear by the God celts
who made heaven and earth and sea to show no good- to Greeks,
will to a single alien, above all to Greeks. Having ©
once started false accusations, he should have said,
“show no goodwill to a single alien, above all to
Egyptians’; for then this reference to the oath
would have been in keeping with his original fiction,
if, as we are given to understand, the cause of
the expulsion of our forefathers by their Egyptian
“kinsmen’”’ was not their malice, but their mis-
fortunes. From the Greeks we are severed more
by our geographical position than by our institutions,
with the result that we neither hate nor envy them.

On the contrary, many of them have agreed to adopt
our laws; of whom some have remained faithful,
while others, lacking the necessary endurance, have
again seceded.’ Of these not one has ever said that

corrects the figure here to twenty; but Josephus may mean
that separate gangs of twenty men each were employed to
close the ten gates of the temple.

¢ Reinach transfers this paragraph (§§ 121-124), which
opens abruptly, to the end of § 99 above, where it seems more
in place. Cf. Tac. Hist. v. 5, **adversus omnes alios hostile
odium.”’ e Cf. §§ 280 ff. below.

341

126

—
bo
~I

128

129

JOSEPHUS

> ~ CTA
ovdels TWTOTE TOV OpKoOV Eimev akovoaL Tap TLV
, / 1 iAA \ / 2A / e ”
apoopevov,' ahAa jovos mie, ws EoUKEV,
WKOUGEV" GUTOS yap 6 auvlets adbrov Wy -
(11) Xd0ddpa Tolvv Tis oAAs cuvecews* Kal emt
T@ peAdovte pyOjcecbar Oavpalew akiov eorw
> ~ id
“Ariwva. TEK}LT pLov yap elvat pyow Tob pyre
VOpLoLs Tas xpijobas duxatous pyre tov Oeov
evoceBetv ws mpoojKkey [To pn apyew],° Sovevew
[ V7
dé paddAov evecw [Kat] aMore aAAows Kat To
Kexpholar cuupopais TLL mepl THY ToAw, avTa@v*
o7pAov OTt ToAews HyeLoviuKwraTyns eK Tov avwlev
apyew adda pa) “Pawpaios® dovAevew ovveOrope-
vwv. Kaito. TovTwY dv Tis avaoxo.To® ToLavTNS
peyadavyias.” t&v pev yap aAAwy obK E€oTw ootis
avOp wOTwv ovy tKavas Kal? attod dain ToOTOv
ba °Aiwvos Achex Gar Tov Adyov: otyous yev ‘yap
darhp&ev ep 7) yewovias dua Kaipomtias yeveoBat,
Kal TOUTOUS ai peraPoAat madw adAdois SovAevew
trélevéav, TO mAciatov b€ didAoV GAAwy braKyKoEV
/ > vA > + / \ \
moAAdKis. Alytrrio 8 dpa povor dia TO KaTa-
dvyetv, Ws dacw, els THY xwWpav adTav Tovs Heovs
\ ~ / > \ /
Kat owlfvar petaPaddvras «is popdas Onpiwv
e€alpetov yépas eUpovto To pyndevi dovAcbcat TOV
ths “Acias 7 THs Edpaans kpatyoavTwy, ot pay
npepavy €K TOO TavTos ai@vos eXevbepias od
tuyovtes, GAA’ otdé Tapa TOV otKodcoT0TMV.

u \ a“ > / /
ovTwa pev yap avtots expiaavto Ilépcat tpozov,
,’ oe / > \ \ / ~ \
oby ama€ povov adda Kat 7oAAaKis wopfobvtTes Tas
1 guwopévoyv L. 2 ed. pr.: cvvbécews L.

3 ins. ed. pr. 4 ed. pr.: avroi L.

5 So ed. pre: in L ‘Pwuaios is placed before éx.

6 Niese: drdcxoiro L (= perhaps * Even a Roman would
refrain from so lofty a claim”’).
342

AGAINST APION, II. 124-129

he had heard the oath in question pronounced by any
ef us. Apion is apparently the only man who has
heard it, for the good reason that he invented it.
(11) In the argument to which I now proceed
Apion’s extraordinary sagacity is most astonishing.
A clear proof, according to him, that our laws are
unjust and our religious ceremonies erroneous is that
we are not masters of an empire, but rather the
slaves, first of one nation, then of another, and that
calamity has more than once befallen our city. As

_ if his fellow-countrymen from time immemorial had

been the masters of a sovereign state, and had never
known what it was to serve the Romans! On
Roman lips such a lofty claim might be tolerated.
For the rest of the world, there is not a man who
would not admit that this argument of Apion closely
touches himself. It has been the lot of few, by
waiting on opportunity, to gain an empire, and even
they have, through the vicissitudes of fortune, been
reduced once more to servitude beneath a foreign
yoke ; most races have frequently had to submit to
others. The Egyptians alone, sovit seems, because
the gods, according to their account, took refuge in
their country and saved themselves by assuming the
forms of wild animals, gained the exceptional
privilege of never being the slaves of any of the
conquerors of Asia or Kurope—the Egyptians, who
have never, since the world began, had a day of
liberty, even from their domestic masters! For
the rough handling. which they received from the
Persians, who not once but on many oceasions sacked

a Cf. Ovid, Metamorph. v. 321-331.

7 Niese: peyadow~uxias L.

Anti-
Semitic
argument
drawn from
Jewish
misfortunes.

JOSEPHUS

models, lepa KaTAUGKdTTOVTES, Tos Tap avTots
voptlopevous Beovs Karacpacovres, ovK av OvEeLot-
130 cate: pyretobac yap ov TpoonKev THY , Ariwvos
amadevotay, os oure Tas “AGjvate TUXas oUTE
tas Aakedayoviwy evevonoev, @v TOs Lev aVvdpeLo-
/ > \ A > £ ~ ¢ /
TaTous <ivat, Tovs de evacPeaTaTous TaV ‘EAAjvwv
131 dzavres A€yovow. €& PBaairéas Tovs ex’ edoeBela
diaPonevtas [av eva Kpoicov],’ otais éxpjoavto
ovppopats Biov. Eo THY KaTaT Tpyotetoay "AGn-
vaiwy aKpomoAw, Tov ev "Egéow vaov, TOV ev
AeAdois, aAdovs pupiovs, Kat ovdels fees
¢ ~ a ~ > \ ~ / A
132 tatrTa Tots mafovow, aAAa tots Spacacw. Kawwos
de KaTIYOpOS nhya@v °Amiwv nepedy Tav ldlwy
avTod Tept THY Atyurrov Kak@v ekAalopevos,
aAAa Léoworpis atdrov o pvlevdpevos Alytatov
Baotreds érvdAwoer.
¢ ~ \ \ ¢ / > x“ v
Hpets 5€ Tovs TeTEpous odK av elzoysev Baot-
/ / \ ~ A
A€as, Aavidny Kat Lodopava, modAAa yewpwoa-
133 pevous eOv7n ; TOUTOUS peev ouv TmapaNimupLev Ta
de yepypa maou ‘Arie TyvonKer, ove Llepody
Kal pLeT €KElvoUS YOUpLEveY THs “Acias Maxe-
dovev Atytmrior pev edovAevov avdpaTodwv ovdev
134 Siadépovtes, Tets b€ OvtTes eAcUOepor mpocéTi Kat
Tov TépiE TOAcwY Tpyopev ETH GYEdOV ELKOGL TOU
Kat p' pexpt Mayvov Ilopyaniov. Kai mavTwv
extroAcunbevtwv mpos “Pwyaiwy® tv mavtayod
1 Perhaps a gloss.

2 éxtroheuwhértwy pds Pwyuaious Niese.

2 Cf. Acts xvii. 22 (quoted in the margin of the s.).

» By Xerxes, Herod. viii. 53.

¢ The temple of Artemis, burnt down by Herostratus on
the night, as was said, of Alexander’s birth, 356 B.c.

344

AGAINST APION, II. 129-134

their cities, razed their temples, and slaughtered the
creatures they took for gods, I will not reproach
them. I must not imitate the ignorance of Apion,
who never thought of the misfortunes of the
Athenians or the Lacedaemonians, the latter, by
common consent, the bravest, the former the most
pious,” of the Greeks. I pass over the calamities in the
lives of monarchs (like Croesus) renowned for piety.
I pass over the burning of the acropolis of Athens,’
the temple of Ephesus,’ that of Delphi,? and myriads
more ; no one ever reproached the victims, rather
than the perpetrators, for these atrocities. It was
left for Apion to bring this novel type of accusation
against us, quite forgetting the disasters of his own
Egypt. Its mythical king Sesostris has doubtless
blinded him.¢@

For our part, might we not quote our kings, David
and Solomon, who subjugated many nations? But
let us pass them over and merely refer to a notorious
fact, ignored by Apion: that is, that the Egyptians
were the slaves and veritable menials, first of the
Persians, and then of the Macedonians, the next
rulers of Asia; while we were not merely inde-
pendent, but had dominion over the surrounding
states for about 120 years f up to the time of Pompey
the Great. And when war had been declared by the
Romans on all the monarchs in the world, our kings

@ The older temple was accidentally burnt down c. 548-547
B.c.; Josephus refers to some later occasion of incendiarism.

¢ Both Sesostris and his son (Herod. ii. 111) are said to
have been struck blind.

f A slightly exaggerated estimate of the period from the
Maccabaean insurrection to Pompey’s entry into Jerusalem
(168-63 B.c.) ; eighty years, from c. 143 B.c. (1 Mace. xiii. 41),
would have been more accurate.

345

136 7

13

~l

138

JOSEPHUS

Bacwréwy povor bia mlotw ot Tap’ Hiv ovppaxot
Kal Piro dvedvAdyOyoav.

(12) “AAAa Gavpacrovs dvdpas ov TApEecyyKapev,
otov TEXV@V TWwY EvpETas 7 copia dvadepovras.
Kal Karapiipiet LeoKparyy Kal Liveva. Kat Kre-
dvOqv Kal Towovrous Twds. cira TO Javpacistarov
Tots etpnpLevous” avtos éavTovy mpooriOnor Kal
paxapiler T7HV ‘Alef avdpecay, 6TL ToLodTov EXEL

moNirnp | ; ophas TOLOY | “= GOEL yap avT@ paptupos
€avTov. Tots Pv yap | ous aTacw bxAayeryos
ed0KEL Tovnpos eivat, Kal 7@ Biw Kat TO doy
duehbappevos, ware elKOT ws edenoar Tis av THY
“AdceEdvopevay, elm TEP emt TOUTW peya eppovet.
mept O€ TOV Tap jp avop@v yeyovoTaw ovdevos
FTTOV emaivov TUyXavew aftov lcacw ot Tats
TLETEPALs dpxaroroyias evTVYXAVOVTES.

(13) Ta Oe Aoura TOY ev TH KaTHYyopia VEY PapLpevenv
aEvov Vv tows avaToAoynra TapaduTet, iv’ avros
avToD Kal Tov adAwv Atyurriov if] 6 KaTqyopav.
eyKanet yap o7e Ca Ovopev nLEepa® Kal xotpov
ovK eobiopev, Kal TI Trav aldotwy xyAevaler mept-
TOMY. TO pev ouv mepl Tis TeV Tepe Coowv
avaipécews KoWdov €OTL Kal mpos rods dAAous
avOpamous amavtas, Amiwv dé Tois Qvovcw éyKaAav
atrov e€njireyEev Ovta TO yévos Alyvmriov: od yap
av “EAAny av 7 Makedav exaderawer. ovrot yap
eUXOVTAL Ovew exaTopuBas Tots Deois KaL Xp@vrae
Tots lepelois mpos edwxlav, Kal ov dia TovTO
ovpPéeBnkev épnpotofar tov Koopov T&v Bookn-

1 Niese (after Lat.): 7&v eipnuévwr L.
2 Niese (after Lat.): om. L.
3 Ins. Niese (after Lat.).

346

AGAINST APION, II. 134-138

alone, by reason of their fidelity, remained their
allies and friends.
» (12) “ But ” (urges Apion) we “ have not produced
‘ any geniuses, for example, inventors in arts and
crafts or eminent sages.“ He enumerates Socrates,
Zeno, Cleanthes and others of that calibre; and
then—most astounding master-stroke—adds his own
name to the list, and felicitates Alexandria on
possessing such a citizen! Indeed he needed this
testimonial from himself; for the rest of the world
took him for a low charlatan, whose life was as
dissolute as his language, insomuch that Alexandria
might fairly be pitied if she prided herself upon him.
Our own famous men, who are entitled to rank with
the highest, are familiar to readers of my Antiquities.
(13) The remaining counts in his indictment had
better perhaps have remained unanswered, so that
Apion might be left to act as his own and his country-
men’s accuser. He denounces us for sacrificing
/domestic animals and for not eating pork, and he
derides the practice of circumcision. Well,the custom
of slaughtering domestic animals we share with the
rest of mankind ; and Apion, by criticizing those who
practise it, betrays his Egyptian birth. No Greek or
Macedonian would have been moved to indignation.
Their nations, indeed, vow sacrifices of hecatombs
to the gods,’ and make a feast off the victims ; yet this
has not had the result, apprehended by Apion, of leav-

« A charge repeated by Apollonius Molon, § 148 below.

® Cleanthes in 263 B.c. succeeded Zeno as head of the
Stoic school, founded by the latter.

¢ Cf. Hom. Od. xvii. 50.

4 ed. pr.: huerépwv L Lat.
S47

Argument
that Jews
have pro-
duced no
men of
genius.

Other in-
dictments:
animal
sacrifices,
abstention
from pork,
circum-
cision.

JOSEPHUS

139 patTwv, omep “Amiwy edevcev. ef pevToL Tots
Alyurtiwy ebeaw KodAovlovy amavtes, jpiywwrTo
pev av 0 Koopos TOV avOpwzev, TOV aypwwraTwv
d€ Onpiwy emAnbvvbn, a Geovs ovrou vopiCovres
eTULEA@S exTpepovow. Kal py €l Tes avrov
NpeTO, TOV mavTow Aiyurtiwy tivas civa Kal
codwrdtovs Kat GeooeBeis vopiler, mavTws av
141 wpoddynce Tovs lepets: dvo yap abtovs dacw b70
TOV Bactrewy e€ apyns Tatra _mpoaterdax Gar, THY
Te TOV Geav Geparretay kat THS codias Tay €7L-
pehevay. eKEtvOL Tolvuv aTavTEes Kal TE puTepvOVTaL
KaL Yolpelwy améxovTat Bpwparwy: od py ovde
TOV aay Atyurrioy ovde €is bv Over" Tots Geots.
142 dp’ ovv tuddAds jv Tov vobv “Amiwyv trép Atyurtiwv
Teas Aowopetv ovvOepevos, exeivey de KaTnyopav,
ot ye pe) Lovov xp@vrar Tots bo tovtov AoLd0-
povpevois ebecw, adda Kal tovs dAAovs édtdaéav
TepiTepveoOar, Hae: eipyKev ‘Hpddoros;
143 “Ober elkoTws poor Soke? THS Eels TOUS TaTpLous
avroo vopous Pracdypias dobvat diKnv “Arriey
THY TpeTrovaay mepreT TO yap é€ dvdyKns,
EeAkwoews avTa Trepl TO aldotov yevoperns, Kal
pndev wdhedybets b76 THs mepitouns adda on7o-
144 wevos ev dewais ddvvais améfavev. det yap Tovs
<0 dpovodvtas Tois pev olKElols VoOpLoLS TEpPL THY
evoePevay aKpiP@s eupevew, todvs b€ Tav aAAwy
pq Aovdopetv. oO S€ TovTovs pev edvyev, TOV
nueTepwv 6€ Katepevoato. TotTo pev “Amiwvt
Tov Biov To réAos eyéveTo, Kal Toro Tap Aud@v
evTatla TO 7épas €oTw Tod Adyou.

140

YS

1 jy Bier Niese: cuvdvec L Lat.
348

AGAINST APION, II. 139-144

ing the world without cattle. If, on the other hand,
mankind had adopted Egyptian customs, the world
would have been left without human beings, and
been overrun with those wildest of beasts, which
they sedulously rear in the belief that they are gods.
Again, had Apion been asked who, in his opinion,
were the wisest and most god-fearing of all the
Egyptians, he would undoubtedly have made the
admission, “the priests”’; for they, as is said,
originally received two commissions from royalty :
divine worship and the charge of learning. But all
those priests are circumcised, and all abstain from
swine’s flesh.¢ Even among the rest of the Egyptians
there is not a man who sacrifices a pig to the gods.
Was, then, Apion’s mind blinded when, in the interest
of the Egyptians, he undertook to revile us and
actually condemned them? For not only do they
practise the customs which he abuses, but, as
Herodotus has informed us,? they have taught
others to adopt circumcision.

I cannot, therefore, but regard the penalty which
Apion paid for maligning his country’s laws as just
and appropriate. An ulcer on his person rendered
circumcision essential; the operation brought no
relief, gangrene set in, and he died in terrible
tortures. A wise man’s duty is to be scrupulously
faithful to the religious laws of his country, and to
refrain from abuse of those of others. Apion was a
defaulter to his country’s laws and told lies about
ours. Such was his end, and here “et me bring my
remarks {upon him] to a close.

¢ On the Egyptians’ practice of circumcision see Herod.
ii. 37, 104; on their abstinence from pork, except on certain

occasions, 7b. ii. 47.
’ Herod. ii. 104 (quoted in Ap. i. 169).

349

Apion’s end.

145

146

147

~

148

149

JOSEPHUS

\ be
(14) °’Ezet 6€" kat *AzoAAdbvi0s 6 MoAwy Kat Avat-
> /
paxos Kal twes GAdow Ta pev Ur ayvoias, TO
mAciatov bé€ Kata dvopéverav, wept Te TOD vopo-
~ ~ /
ferjcavtos nutv Mwocéws Kat mept TOV vopov
b) A
memoinvtat Adyous ovTE SiKalous oUTe aAnfeis, Tov
~ \
fev ws yonta Kal amate@va diaBdaAdovtes, Tovs
~ ~ > ~
vomous b€ KaKlas Hiv Kal ovbdeutas apeTns dd-
> \
oxovtes eivar didacKdAovs, BovrAowar ovvTdpws Kal
~ A ~ /
Tept THS OAns Hu@v KaTacTdcews Tod ToALTEv-
[aTOS Kal TEpl TOV KaTa Lépos, WS av @ duvares,
eivelv. ola. yap é€cecbar davepov Oru Kal mpos
> / \ A / \ pI it / \
evoePelay KaL TpOs KOWMviay THY peT AAAH}AWY Kal
\ \ / / 7 \ A
ampos tiv Kalorov diAavOpwriav, étt b€ mpods
duKaLoovvyY Kal THY €v TOls TOVOLS KapTEeplay Kal
/ ”
Gavarov mepippovnow dpiota Keievouvs €xopev
\ ~
Tovs vopous. mapakadAd Sé Tods éevTev€ojevous
TH ypadh pn weTa dbovov wroretobar THY avayvwow"
ov yap eyKapuov Hua@v abt@v mpoerdpny ouy-
ypapew, aAAa moAAa Kat bevd7 KaTTyOpoUpevols
mp Tavrny drodoyiav Oucauoraryy etvat vopila
THV a0 TOV vouwv, Kal” ods Cdvres SiateAobpev.
+ \ \ / e. 2 ve >
dAAws Te Kal THY KaTyyoplav 6 >AmoAAdv0s odK
> / a is > / 7 > \ /
abpoav womep 6 °Ariwv éra€ev, adda oropadny
Kal dia TaONS THS ovyypadys® moTé ev ws abous
\ ~ >
Kat puicavlpwrovs Aovdopet, mote 8 ad detAiav
e ~ > / - \ + ” <4 /
Tpetv overdiCet, Kal ToUpTAaAW e€oTW Grov ToALaY
Karnyopet Kal arrovovay. Aévet dé Kal agueora-
TOUS civat Tv PapBapwv Kat dia TodTO pendev els
tov Piov evpnua covpPeBAjobar povovs. tratra Sé
/ / ~ 2 > /
mavrTa duedeyxOjcecba voilw cadds, ef Tavavtia

350

AGAINST APION, II. 145-149

(14) Seeing, however, that Apollonius Molon, (v.)Propesed
Lysimachus, and others, partly from ignorance, ene
mainly from ill will, have made reflections, which are wee ete.,
neither just nor true, upon our lawgiver Moses and account of
his code, maligning the one as a charlatan and eee
impostor, and asserting that from the other we tion.
receive lessons in vice and none in virtue, I desire
to give, to the best of my ability, a brief account of
our constitution as a whole and of its details. From
this, I think, it will be apparent that we possess a
code excellently designed to promote piety, friendly
relations with each other, and humanity towards the
world at large, besides justice, hardihcod, and con-
tempt of death. And I beg any into whose hands
these pages may fall to read them without bias.%

My object is not to compose a panegyric upon our
nation ; but I consider that, in reply to the numerous
false accusations which are brought against us, the
fairest defence which we can offer is to be found in
the laws which govern our daily life. I adopt this
line the more readily because Apollonius, unlike
Apion, has not grouped his accusations together, but
scattered them here and there all over his work, re-
viling us in one place as atheists and misanthropes,
in another reproaching us as cowards, whereas else-
where, on the contrary, he accuses us of temerity
and reckless madness. He adds that we are the
most witless of all barbarians, and are consequently
the only people who have contributed no useful in-
vention to civilization. All this tirade will, I think,
be clearly refuted, if it be shown that the precepts

@ Or “ jealousy.”

1 érel 6 Dindorf after Lat.: émeidy L.
2 Oia . . ovyypapis ed. pr.: 5H etwas L. Text doubtful.

351

JOSEPHUS

TOV elpnevev davety Kal dud. TOV vowoV apy

TPOOTETAYLEVA KGL TPATTOMEVA PETA TAONS AKpt-
/ e = e ~ >] Q3 BA

150 Belas bd 7jpav. e 0 apa Bracbetny punobivae

~ >

TOV Tap eTEpOUs drrevavTions! VEVO[LLGLEVONY , Tov-

Tov dikato. Ti aitlay éxew elo ot TA Tap Tu

- , J > = > 207

ws yelpw mapapddAdAew a€.vodvtes. ois ovd€TEpov

> / / / vf)? e > \

amoAredbOyncecbar vopilw rAéyew, ov# ws ovxt
/ ~

ToUTous €xopev TOUS VOLOUS, BV eya Trapalycopat
\ / #7? e > | ie

tous KehadawwbdeaTdtovs, ov ws ovxyt padvoTra
/ ~ ~

TAVTWV ELLevOLLEV TOS EaUT@V VOLOLS.

151 (15) Muxpov obv dvadaBerv TOV Aoyov TOUT av
eUTOULL TPQTOV, ort TOV dvopens KGL GTAKTWS Brovv-
TWV OL | TAEEWS KGL VOJLOU Kowwvias emBupnrat yevo-
pevor Kal TPATOL karapavres ELKOTWS GV TLEPOTNTL

152 Kat dicews a apeTi) SueveyK et stv poaprupy beter. apeder

TELPOVT AL TQ 7 Tap: avrois EKQOTOL TpOS TO dipxao -
TUTOV dvdyew, va pon” pyretoba d0wow érépous,
aX’ * abrol Tob chy vopLipes adAous ddyynoaclac.

153 TOUTOW d€ TOUTOV €XOVTO TOV TpOTrov, pet? pev
€or vopoberov Ta BeArvora | ouvidety KGL TTELoaL
TOUS Xpngopevous mept tav br abtob TiHepevenv ,
nfous 6€ TO 7GoL Tots do€aow € Ep peta KQL [LITE
evTvylais pnTe ovpdopais atTa@v pndev peta-
BadAew.

154. Dy toivvy tov HueTepov vopoberny TaV orrov-
OnmoToby = juvnLovevopevwv vopoberav Tpodyew
ApYQvoTnTL. Avkodpyou yap Kal Lohwves Kal
ZaXevkos 6 tav Aoxp@v Kat mavtes ot Bavpalo-

1 ed. pr.: trevavriwv L Lat.
2 ed. pr.: om. L Lat.
3 ed. pr.: +ovx L Lat.

AGAINST APION, II. 149-154

of our laws, punctiliously practised in our lives, are
in direct conflict with the above description. If I
may be forced to allude to legislation of a contrary
nature in vogue elsewhere, the blame must rest with
those who claim that our laws are, by comparison,
inferior to their own. These critics will, I think,
have no excuse in future for denying either that we
possess these laws, the most salient of which I propose
to cite, or that we are the most law-abiding of all the
nations.

(15) Resuming, then, after this slight digression, I Law versus
would begin with the remark that persons who have #”!°s"°**
espoused the cause of order and law—one law for
all—and been the first to introduce them, may fairly
be admitted to be more civilized and virtuously dis-
posed than those who lead lawless and disorderly
lives. In fact, each nation endeavours to trace its
own institutions back to the remotest date, in order
to create the impression that, far from imitating
others, it has been the one to set its neighbours an
example of orderly life under law. That being so,
the virtue of a legislator is to have insight to see
what is best, and to win over to the laws which he
introduces those who are to live under them; the
virtue of the masses is loyally to abide by the laws
adopted and, in prosperity or in adversity, to make
no change in them.

Now, I maintain that our legislator is the most Moses the
ancient of all legislators in the records of the whole ancient of
world. Compared with him, your Lycurguses and !°sis!#tors.
Solons, and Zaleucus, who gave the Locrians their eenre
laws, and all who are held in such high esteem by ¢, ¢¢0 .¢.

VOL. I Qa 353

JOSEPHUS

pevou Tapa tots “EAAnow éxbés* 57) Kat pany ws
an éxeivov mapapadAcpevor haivovTa yeyovotes,
Tov ye pnd avtTo Tovvoya maa eyUyVOOKETO
155 TOU vojov Tapa Tots “EM ya. Kal pudprus “Opnpos
oveapot THS ToLjcews atT@ XPNCapEVOS. ovde
yap yv Kata TovTov, aAda yeas Goplorous TO.
thin, dupxetro Kal TpooTaypac. THV Paciréwv-
ad ov Kal [EXPL zoAAo0b Ouepewvav eJeow aypaors
Xpapevor Kat moAAa TOUTW det Tpos TO ovr-
156 TUyXavov peET tarbevres. 6 & auérepos vopoberns
dpxaroraros YEYOVOS, TovTo yap Ojmoubev O40 -
oyeital Kal Tapa Tots mavTa Kal’ AUa@v Aéyovow,
€auTov Te Tapécyev apioTov Tots TAnVeow HyEepova
Kat ovpBovdov, THY TE KaTacKevTV adTots oAnv
Tod Piov T@ vow mepaBev* emreLoev Tapa-
deEacbar Kat PeBarorarny eis aev® dvdAaybAvar
TapecKevacer.

(16) “Tdapev dé TOV epyov avTov TO Tparov peya-
Aeiov. exeivos yap TOUS Tpoyovous HULOV, eTELTTEP
edo€ey avtois T7V Atnipie éxAirotow emt THY
TATpLov yhv emavievat, 7oAAds Tas pupiadas Tapa-
AaBwv ex modAA@v Kal apyynyavwv Sidowoev eis
acddaAevav Kal yap tiv dvvdpov abtovs Kat ToAATy
yaprov ede. Siodoimophoar Kat viKjoar moAEpiovs*
Kal TEKVG. Kal yovaikas Kat A€lav opob oolew
158 Haxopevovs. ev ols amaoL Kal oTparnyos dpuaros

eyeveTo Kat atyPovdos ouveTusTaTos Kal maVT OV
Kndenav adAnféotatos. dmav S€ To ARBs eis
€auTov avypTioba: TapecKevacev, Kal TEpPL TAVTOS

—
Ot
~I

1 ws éxés L. 2 Bekker: zapadaSwyr L.
3 cis dei Bekker: icacr
4 Niese: zodéuous L Lat.

354

AGAINST APION, II. 154-158

the Greeks appear to have been born but yesterday.
Why, the very word “ law ” was unknown in ancient
Greece. Witness Homer, who nowhere employs it
in his poems.“ In fact, there was no such thing in
his day ; the masses were governed by maxims not
clearly defined and by the orders of royalty, and
continued long afterwards the use of unwritten
customs, many of which were from time to time
altered to suit particular circumstances. On the
other hand, our legislator, who lived in the remotest
past (that, I presume, is admitted even by our most
unscrupulous detractors),° proved himself the people’s
best guide and counsellor ; and after framing a code
to embrace the whole conduct of their life, induced
them to accept it, and secured, on the firmest footing,
its observance for all time.

(16) Let us consider his first magnificent achieve-
ment. When our ancestors decided to leave Egypt
and return to their native land, it was he who took
command of all those myriads and brought them
safely through a host of formidable difficulties. For
they had to traverse a vast, waterless and sandy
desert, to defeat their enemies, and to protect their
wives, their children and their chattels while engaged
in battle. Throughout all this he proved the best of
generals, the sagest of counsellors, and the most
conscientious of guardians. He succeeded in making
the whole people dependent upon himself, and,

“ The word yvéuos appears first in Hesiod; older terms
were Oéuicres (Homer) and decpol, “* ordinances.”

®’ Apion, however, brought his date down to the eighth
century (§ 17).

30a

The work of
Moses as
general and
as religious
educator.

159

160 7

161

162

163

JOSEPHUS

+ Ad (o> a ~ r Ad 7 >
eywv meiobévtas [av7t tot Kedevabévtos|* eis
b] / > / 7 ~ / > > >
ovoeiav oikelay eAaPev tatrTa mAeoveEiav, add’ &v
@ padiora Tod Katpod duvapers prev adrois mept-
2 /
BdaAdovrat Kal Tupavvidas of mpoeaTyKOTeEs, eilovar
\ \ / \ ~ ~ 2 > / >
d€ 7a mAAOn peta modAAjs <Chv>® avopias, ev
ToUTW THs eEovatas eKeivos KaleaTHKwWS TObVAVYTLOV
ra r ~ ] ~ \ \ > / 3 lal
anon dev edoeBetv Kat zodAAjv edvopiar*® tots
~ ~ 7
Aaots eumapacyeiy, ovtws attos Te Ta padioTa
~ rr \
THY caper iy emdelEew TIP avToo vopilav Kal
owrnpiav Tots avTov TyEpove TeTounpevois PeBaso-
Tarny mapecew. Kadys otv atT@ Tpoatpecews®
Kal mpagewv peydAwy emituyxavopevwr €iKdTwS
cM 4 e / A / r A \ 5 ”
Sines nyeova Te Kat ovpPovdAov Beov® exew,
Kal TELGAS TPOTEpov EavTOV OTL KATA TV EKELVOU
BovAnow dmavTa mpar7e. Kat dvavoeitar, TavTHV
weTto delv TPO TaVTOS EuTOLnOaL THY UToAnbw Tots
~ A
mAjbecw: ol yap moTEvoayTes emisKoTrety Geov
TOUS eauT@v Biovs ovdev avexovras _efapaprety.
ToLwodTOs pe 67) TIs Lavras |° nav oO vopolerns,
od yons 008° amateuv, dep Aovwopotytes A€youcw
> / > > = \ ~ a > ~
adikws, dA’ oiov mapa tots “EAAjow atbyotow
\ \ / / A > >) \ 7 \ +
tov Mivw yeyovévat Kat pet adtov"’ tovs aAdAous
~ \ /
vopobéras. ot ev yap adT@v tous vosous t7ro-
\
Tievrar TAu, of & eis Tov ’A7roAAW Kat TO AcAdiKov
= Sh Sl gt > \ ”
avTod pavtetovt® avédepov, ror TadAnfes ovTws
~ /
exew vopilovtes 1 Telcew padov v7oAapPavortes.
> Ss \ \
tis 8 jv oO padtota Katopfucas Tovs vopous Kal
~ \ ~ / > 7
THs OuKatoTaTns® mepi Oeod mioTews emitvxwr,

1 Om. Lat.: airods rob xed. ed. pr.
2 Niese after Hudson with Lat.: om. L.
3 Niese (cf. B. i. 403): etvoray L. * Text doubtful.
5 Lat.: detov L. 6 Om. Lat.

356

AGAINST APION, II. 158-163

having secured their obedience in all things, he did
not use his influence for any personal aggrandize-
ment. No; at the very moment when leading men
assume absolute and despotic power and accustom
their subjects to a life of extreme lawlessness, he,
on the contrary, having reached that commanding
position, considered it incumbent on him to live
piously and to provide for his people an abundance
of good laws, in the belief that this was the best
means of displaying his own virtue and of ensuring
the lasting welfare of those who had made him their
leader. With such noble aspirations and such a
record of successful achievements, he had good
reason for thinking that he had God for his guide
and counsellor. Having first persuaded himself
that God’s will governed all his actions and all his
thoughts, he regarded it as his primary duty to
impress that idea upon the community ; for to those
who believe that their lives are under the eye of God
all sin is intolerable. Such was our legislator ; no
charlatan or impostor, as slanderers unjustly call
him, but one such as the Greeks boast of having had
in Minos® and later legislators. For among these
some attributed their laws to Zeus, others traced
them to Apollo and his oracle at Delphi? either
believing this to be the fact, or hoping in this way to
facilitate their acceptance. But the question, who
was the most successful legislator, and who attained
to the truest conception of God, may be answered

« Reputed king and legislator of Crete.
6s PB = = ae = 99
b “Some,” ¢.g. Minos; “ others,” e.g. Lycurgus.

7 wer avrov ed. pr. with Lat.: werd tatra L.
8 Text emended by Niese; that of the ms. is corrupt and
glossed.

9 rhs OuxacoraTns Kus.: tis 6 dtxkardratra L Lat.

JOSEPHUS

mapeotw €€ avr av Karavoey TeV VOoLwY avTiTapa-
BaAdovras: 707) yap mepi TOUT UW AcKréov.

164 Odxodv d7etpou pev at Kata pepos Tov eOdy
Kal TOV vouwy Tapa tots dmacw avOpwros
Ovapopat. Kepahandas <O'> ay émioe tis ot
prev yap poovapxtais, ot b€ Tats oAtywv duvacretats,
aAAou b€ Tots 7AjGeow emer pewpav THY efovciay

165 TOY TOTEVLATWV. 6 8 TJLETEPOS vopobérns els
fev ToUTwWY OvOOTLODY aTreldev, Ws & GV TIS ElTOL
Biacapevos Tov Aoyov, Jeoxpariav amedete TO
moAtrevpia, Jee THY apxny KaL TO Kparos dvabets.

166 Kal metoas els Exelvov amavrTas adopav WS aiTLov
pev amavTwy evra. TOV ayabay, a Kowh TE 7aow
avipwro tadpyer Kal Gowv étvyov avtol den-
févres ev apnxavols, Aabeiv dé TH exeivou yrwyny
ovK Evoy OvTE THY TpaTToLEevaN odfev ovM dv av

167 Tis Tap avTa@ Ovavonbetn, eva. yoo" avTov amr
eine Kal aeyévyrov Kal 7pos TOV aldLov ypdvov
avaMotwrov, 7ao7s ideas arias KdAAer d1a-
d€povTa Kal duvaper pev Hiv yvwpysov, ozrotos
d€ Kat ovoiay éotW dyvworov.

168 Tatra wept Oeotd dpovetv of codwrato. map
@ \ > / > / \ > \
EAAnow ore pev edidax0ncav éxelvov Tas apyas
TapacxovrTos, e@ viv Aéyew, Ort 6 €oTt Kada Kat
mpeTovTa TH TOD Geod dvoet KaL preyaAerorare,
opodpa pepapTupy Kacy: Kab yap [lvfayopas Kal

\vafayopas kat IlAatwv ot te pet exetvov amo
THs oTods diAdcodor Kat puiKkpod detv amavtes
1 xed. Gv érion tes Eus.: om. L Lat.

2 éva yoov L : aX’ Eus.
* The word was apparently coined by Josephus; the
idea goes back to the O.T.
358

AGAINST APION, II. 163-168

by contrasting the laws themselves with: those of
others, and to these I must now turn.
There is endless variety in the details of the His consti-

tution a

customs and laws which prevail in the world at large. “theo.

To give but a summary enumeration : some peoples °¢Y-"

have entrusted the supreme political power to

monarchies, others to oligarchies, yet others to the

masses. Our lawgiver, however, was attracted by

none of these forms of polity, but gave to his con-

stitution the form of what—if a forced expression be

permitted—may be termed a “ theocracy,’ * placing

all sovereignty and authority in the hands of God.

To Him he persuaded all to look, as the author of

all blessings, both those which are common to all

mankind, and those which they had won for them-

selves by prayer in the crises of their history. He

convinced them that no single action, no secret

thought, could be hid from Him. He represented

Him as One, uncreated® and immutable to all

eternity ; in beauty surpassing all mortal thought,°

made known to us by His power, although the nature

of His real being “ passes knowledge.

That the wisest of the Greeks learnt to adopt these A religion

for the

conceptions of God from principles with which Moses jhany, not

supplied them,’ I am not now concerned to urge ; but Cee

phy)

they have borne abundant witness to the Booeilencs | for the few.

of these doctrines, and to their consonance with the

nature and majesty of God. In fact, Pythagoras,

Anaxagoras, Plato, the Stoics who eecseded him,

and indeed nearly all the philosophers appear to have

’ Not born like the Greek gods (see § 2 140 below}.

On forme sof. 5. 190; @ Or “ essence.’

e This theory, first propounded by Aristobulus (2nd cent.
B.C.), Was adopted by Philo and later writers.

359

JOSEPHUS

oUTw dalvovTat TE pt THs TOU Geob dvcews ac-

169 fpov7nkoTes. aA’ ot jeev pos oAlyous piro-

170

171

172

173

copotvres eis 7ANOn Sofas mpoKaTe:Anpupeva THY
dA Bevav Tov ddypaTos efeveyety ove eroAunoay,
68 TLeTEpos vopobérns, ate (oF TO. epya TapEexov
ovpwva, Tots Adyous,” ov peovov TOUS Kal? avrov
emevoev, aAAa Kal Tots: e€ éxeivwv det yev7ao-
pevois THY TEept Yeod mlioTw evédvoey apeTakivy-
Tov. altiov 6 OTt Kal TH TpPOTM TIS vowobecias
Tpos TO Xpnoysov mayer oy iaet |? Todd difveyKev
ov yap jépos apEeTHs emolnoev Tay evoePevay, ada.
TAUTYS p<epy TaMia, héyw de TYP Oucavoavyyy, THY
owdpootrny, TH kaprepiav, TH TOv mohur ay
mpos aAAjAous év dract ovpdwriav. dmacar yap
at mpakers Kat dvatpiBai Kat Aoyor mavTes emt
THY Tpos TOV Geov jpy evoeBeray Exovat THY ava-
popay: ovdev yap ToUTwy aveEéracTov ots’ adpioTov
mapehuev.

Avo pev yap eiow amdons maWelas TpomoL Kal
Ths Tept Ta On KaTacKevns, @v Oo pev oyw
didacKkadikds, 0 b€ dia THS aoKyioews TOV HOB.
ot ev ovv adXou vopobéra Tats yy@pats duéoTrnoav
KQL TOV ETEpov avTa@v, ov edo€ev ExdoTots, EAdpevot
Tov eTepov TmapéAizov, oiov AaKedayidovioe ev ‘Kal
Kpijres efeow ematOevor, ov Aoyors, “AGyvaior de
KL oxedov ot dAdou mavres EMaves a jeev xp?)
Tparrew 7) pea) TpooeTaaaov dua TOV vopwv, Tod
d€ mpos attra dua TOv Epywv ebilew wArvywpovr.

(17) ‘O & aqpérepos vopobérns dudw TabdTa cuvyp-

1 cuug. Tr. doy. L Lat.: rots vouos cbudwva Eus.
2 Om. dei Eus.

360

~

AGAINST APION, II. 168-173

held similar views concerning the nature of God.
These, however, addressed their philosophy to the
few, and did not venture to divulge their true beliefs
to the masses who had their own preconceived
opinions ; whereas our lawgiver, by making practice
square with precept, not only convinced his own
contemporaries, but so firmly implanted this belief
concerning God in their descendants to all future
generations that it cannot be moved. The cause of
his success was that the very nature of his legislation
made it [always] far more useful than any other ;
for he did not make religion a department of virtue,
but the various virtues—I mean, justice, temperance,
fortitude, and mutual harmony in all things between
the members of the community “—departments of
religion. Religion governs all our actions and occupa-.
tions and speech ; none of these things did our law-
giver leave unexamined or indeterminate.

All schemes of educatiom and moral training fall Moses
into two categories ; instruction is imparted in the Seer
one case by precept, in the other by practical exercis- practice.
ing of the character. All other legislators, differing
in their opinions, selected the particular method
which each preferred and neglected the other. ‘Thus
the Lacedaemonians and Cretans employed practical,
not verbal, training; whereas the Athenians and
nearly all the rest of the Greeks made laws enjoining
what actions might or might not be performed, but
neglected to familiarize the people with them by
putting them into practice.

(17) Our legislator, on the other hand, took great

¢ The four cardinal virtues of the Platonic School, except
that Harmony (cvudwvia) here replaces the usual Wisdom

(ppévqors).
361

17

17

4

or

6

~]

JOSEPHUS

\ \ >] / ” A A
poooe Kata moAAjy ezyséderav: ovTe yap KwdyVv
~ ~ >] ~
amédime THY TOV OGY adoKnow ovTE TOV EK TOD
/ / + Mv 5 2) ; A 5 \ ~
vojtov Adyov ampaktov elacev, GAN’ edbvs amo THs
, x = = 5
TmpwrTns apEdpevos Tpodyns Kal THs KaTa TOV OiKOV
EKLOTWY" duairys, obdev otd€ Tav BpayuTaTtwv
abre€ovatov emt Tats BovAroeot TOV Ypnoopevwy
Karehumev, aAAa Kal 7eEpl orto, ow améyveobar
Xp1) Kal Twa mpoadgepecbar, Kal TEpl TOV Kowwvy)-
GOVTWY THs See Epywy TE ouvrovias KOL TOU
maAw avamravcews opov OnKev avros” Kal KQVOVG.
TOV VOLLOV, iv womep U0 TaTpL TOUTW Kal deamoTy
Cures unre BovAdpevor punbev une tm ayvoias
dpLapTavene.
\ 5 \3 ~ 5 J e /
Ovdsé yap Hv amo*® THs ayvolas v7oTyLnow
/ 4 5 \ \ vA \ = /
Katédkimev,* addAa Kat KddAAvoTov Kal avayKaLo-
= vA / \ / >] >) 4
TaTov amédetee Taidevja TOV vojLov, ovK elcaTra€
5 / 5 \ \ a“ ft 3 >] e £.
aKpoacopevois ovde Sis 7% ToAAdKIs, add’ Exaorns
¢ , = ” e7 > , Tee, | \
EBdoj.dd0s Tav aAAwy*eépywv adepuévous emt THV
5 ~ / \
akpoaow eKkéAevce Tot voyov avdAdéyecBar Kat
~ ~ ;, 7s
TodTov akpip@s expavlavew: 6 67) TavTEs EolKacW
OL vojoGéerau mapaAuretv.
~ ~ ~ 5
(18) Kat tocobrov of rAeiotot THv avOpwrwv am-
~ / ~ a
é€xovat Tod Kata TOUS olKelovs vouous CHv, wore
\ >) \ >) >] ” | >] ao >] ,
oxedov attods otd icacw, GA orav e€apap-
TaVWOlL, TOTE Tap ado pavOdvovow OTL TOV
/ / A
VO|LOV TapaBeBnKkaow. ol TE TAS peyloTas Kat
KuplwTaTas Tap avttois apyas SiotKodvTes Opmo-

1 Eus.: xara 76 (ed. pr.: tov L) oixeiov éxdorw L.
2 avtois Niese. 2 tad Eus.
4 Eus.: qvécxero xatadureiv L.
¢ Cf. Philo’s eulogy of Moses for avoiding the one-sided
extremes of other legislators (De opif. mundi 1).
® Lit. “‘ dumb.” € Or “ dici-z.

862

AGAINST APION, II. 173-177

care to combine both systems.* He did not leave
practical training in morals inarticulate ®; nor did
he permit the letter of the law to remain inoperative.
Starting from the very beginning with the food of
which we partake from infancy and the private life ¢
of the home, he left nothing, however insignificant,
to the discretion and caprice of the individual. What
meats a man should abstain from, and what he may
enjoy ; with what persons he should associate ; what
period should be devoted respectively to strenuous
labour and to rest—for all this our leader made the
Law the standard and rule, that we might live under
it as under a father and master,@ and be guilty of no
sin through wilfulness or ignorance.

For ignorance he left no pretext. He appointed
the Law to be the most excellent and necessary form
of instruction, ordaining, not that it should be heard
once for all or twice or on several occasions, but that
every week men should desert their other occupations
and assemble to listen to the Law and to obtain a
thorough and accurate knowledge of it,’ a practice
which all other legislators seem to have neglected.

(18) Indeed, most men, so far from living in
accordance with their own laws, hardly know what
they are. Only when they have done wrong do they
learn from others that they have transgressed the
law. Even those of them who hold the highest and
most important offices admit their ignorance ; for

@ Of. Gal. iii. 24 for the law as “ tutor ” (a:daywyés).

¢ Josephus follows the Rabbinical tradition (Talm. Jer.
Megilla, iv. 1), which ascribed to Moses the introduction of
the custom of public reading of the Law on Sabbaths and
festivals. Cf. A. xvi. 43; Philo, De opif. mund. § 128 (Cohn):
and Dr. Biichler’s art. in J.Q.&. v. 427 (1893). Deut. xxxi. 10
provides merely for a septennial reading.

363

All Jews
know their
Law.

JOSEPHUS

Aoyotot tiv Gayvoway: emiotatas yap mapaKab-
/ ~ ~ \
\OTaVTAaL TIS TOY Tpaypdatwv oikovopias ToUs
~ ¢ ~
178 euTreiplay Exew TOV vopwy brLcxvoupevous. LO
5° ovtwobv Tis Epoito Tovs vopovs Paov Gay EtzoL
9 ~ ~ \ ~
TAVTAS 7) TOUVOLLA TO éavTOD. ToLyapoty amo THs
mpuwryns ev8vs atcobjcews adbrovs éxpavOavovtes
x ~ ~ /
Exouev ev tais wuyais womep eyKexapaypevous,
> e ~
Kal o7avios pev 0 TapaPaivwv, advvatos 8 4 THs
KoAdcEews TapaiTyats.
~ ~ ¢e \ e /
179 (19) Totro zp&rov aravrwy tiv Oavpaorny op0-
vouuv auiv emeTolnKev. TO ‘yap play pev exew
\ \ > \ y, \ ~ ~ / \ \
Kal THv avtiy do€av mepi Beot, TH Piw dé Kal
tots efeot pndev adAdAjAwy sdiadéepew, Kaddioryy
> ” > / v7. > ~ >
180 ev 7Oeow avbpw7wv ovpdwviay amoredet. map
A > ~ / /
np yap povois ovTe mEpl Beod Adyous aKovceTai
> yd e / e ~ \ >
zis ddAAjAows d7evavtiovs, omota moAAad zap
ETEpois ovK UTO THY TYYOVTWY pLOVOY KATA TO
\ ¢e / / / > \ A /
mpoomecov ekaoTw Aéyerar mafos, aAAd Kat mapa
Tit TOV diAccodwy amoteToAuynTar, TOY ev THY
oAnv tod Beod dvow avaipety tots Adyous ém-
/ y \ \ e \ > A >] \
KexeipyKoTwy, dAAwy de TiHV bmEp avopwizwv adrov
18] Tpovotay adapovpLeva* ovr é€v Tots em LTNOEU-
~ / + / > A \ \
pact. TOV Piwv derar dradopav, aAAa Kowa pev
> ~ os e ~
éepya mavTwv map npyiv, eis b€ AOyos 0 TH vopw
cupdwvav epi Geobd, mavta réywv exeivov edopay.
~ /
KaL pny TEepl TOV Kata Tov Ploy emiTydevpaTwr,
Ld ~ / S / ” \ Pe / \
ort bet TavTa TaAAa Téhos Exew THY edodBevay, Kat
YUVaLK@V GKOUGELEV GV Tis Kal TOV OlKETOV.
182 (20) “Obey 87) Kal TO TpoPepopevoy 7] ap bo TW
eyKAnua, TO 57) py) KaWwa@v edpeTas Epywv 7 Aoywv

364

AGAINST APION, II. 177-182

they employ professional legal experts as assessors
and leave them in charge of the administration of
affairs.* But, should anyone of our nation be
questioned about the laws, he would repeat them
all more readily than his own name. The result,
then, of our thorough grounding in the laws from the
first dawn of intelligence is that we have them, as
it were, engraven on our souls. A transgressor is a
rarity ; evasion of punishment by excuses an im-
possibility.

(19) To this cause above all we owe our admirable Harmony
harmony. Unity and identity of religious belief, i iy
perfect uniformity in habits and customs, produce a of creed.
very beautiful concord in human character. Among
us alone will be heard no contradictory statements
about God, such as are common among other nations,
not only on the lips of ordinary individuals under the
impulse of some passing mood, but even boldly pro-
pounded by philosophers; some putting forward
crushing arguments against the very existence of
God,” others depriving Him of His providential eare
for mankind. Among us alone will be seen no
difference in the conduct of our lives. With us all
act alike, all profess the same doctrine about God,
one which is in harmony with our Law and affirms
that all things are under His eye. Even our women-
folk and dependants would tell you that piety must
be the motive of all our occupations in life.

(20) This, in fact, is the origin of the reproach
brought against us by some critics? of our having

* Assessors (mdpedpor) were attached to the Athenian
archons ; Roman provincial governors had legal advisers.

® Sceptics such as Pyrrhon and his disciple ‘Timon.

¢ e.g..the Epicureans. @ Cf. 8§ 135, 148:

305

JOSEPHUS

dvopas 7 TApAcXeEt, evredlev oupBeBnrev. ol pev
yap aAAou To pdevi TOV TATpiwv eppevew KaXov
eivat vopilovot Kai Tois ToAu@o. tadra Tapa
Batvew pdXrora. codias Oewor7Ta japrupobow,

183 Typeets 6€ TovVvaVvTiov pray evar Kat dpovnow KGL
dperiy drreAngpaprev TO pndev OAws brrevavTtov
pyre mpatar pajre dvavonOjvar Tots e€ apxas
vopobernGetow. omep elKOTWS GV El? TEK [LT Lov
rob KdAALoTa Tov vouov TéOHVaL* TA yap 7 TOOTOV
éyovTa TOV TpoTTOV al mreipar Seopeva Siopfdcews
edéyxovow.

184 (21) ‘Hyiv d€ Tots Twevabeiow e€& apyis TeBivau TOV
vOpLov Kata Oeod BovAnow oto evoeBes Hv TobTov
tay puddrrew. Ti yap avrob TUS ay perawy-
ceLer, 7 Tt KaAAvov eCedpev, Tt Tap eTEpO ws
dprewov [LETIVEYKED | dpd ye Ty oAnv KaTéoTaow

185 Tob TohurevpLaros ; Kal Tis av kahhiov 7 i) 6LKaLO-
Tépa YVOUTO Tis Beov prev Tyepove rev ode"

TETOLNLEVIS, TOIs Lepedar SE KOWT eV TO peyvora.
OvoiKetv _emuTpeTovons, TO O€ TaVTWY dpxvepet
mdAw abt memiotevKvias THv TOV dAdo tepéwv

186 7yyepoviay; ovs od Kata mAodrov otdé TLaW aA-
dais mpovyovTas abttoudtous 7AeoveElats TO TP@TOv
evOds 6 vopobérns emt thy TYysnv? era€ev, aAr
Goo. TOV pet adtod mefot Te Kal cwhpootvn TOV
dAAwy diédepov, TovTos THY TEpL TOV Feov pddALoTa

187 Geparreiay eveyelpicev. TodTo*® 5 jv Kal ToD vo-
pov Kat TOV dAdAwy emuTndevpatwv aKpiPys eme-
péreia* Kal yap emoTTaL TaVTWY Kal OiKaOTAL TOV

1 + qyeicOa Kus. 2 ras Tyngs Niese.
3 Eus.: tovrov L: rovros ed. pr. (so Lat. apparently).

366

AGAINST APION, II. 182-187

produced no inventors in crafts or literature. In the our
eyes of the world at large there is something fine in Bee st we
breaking away from all inherited customs ;_ those alleged
who have the temerity to defy them are credited ekar
with the possession of consummate ability. To us, ™&s:

on the other hand, the only wisdom, the only virtue,
consists in refraining absolutely from every action,
from every thought that is contrary to the laws
originally laid down. This may fairly be claimed as a
proof of their excellent draftsmanship ; codes which
are not of this character are proved by experience

to need amendment.

(21) For us, with our conviction that the original our
institution of the Law was in accordance with the will {Reorratic
of God, it would be rank impiety not to observe it, could not be
What could one alter in it? What more beautiful "2"
one could have been discovered ? What improve-
ment imported from elsewhere ? Would you change
the entire character of the constitution? Could
there be a finer or more equitable polity than one
which sets God at the head of the universe, which
assigns the administration of its highest affairs to the
whole body of priests, and entrusts to the supreme
high-priest the direction of the other priests ? These
men, moreover, owed their original promotion by the
legislator to their high office, not to any superiority
in wealth or other accidental advantages. No; of
all his companions, the men to whom he entrusted
the ordering of divine worship as their first charge
were those who were pre-eminently gifted with per-
suasive eloquence and discretion. But this charge
further embraced a strict superintendence of the Law
and of the pursuits of everyday life ; for the appointed
duties of the priests included general supervision, the

367

188

JOSEPHUS

3 / ~
ap.dioPpyroupevwv Kal KoAaoTai TOV KaTeyvwope-
vwv ot lepets erayOyoav.
OG / Av > > \ / / e / /
(22) Tis av otv apy7 yévoiro Tavs OowrTépa ; Tis
\ ~ ~ ~
dé Ty eG pGAAov apydlovoa, mavTos pev TOO
/
m7Anfous KaTecKevacpevov mpos THY evdoéePelar,
> / \ ~
e€atperov dé Tv éemyserccay THY lepéwy TemLoTEU-
/ 4 ~ ~
peeve, womep be teXeTIs Twos THS GAns ToALTELas

189 olkovopovuperns; a yap oAlywv Hyep@v apifuov

190

191

emitnoevovtes aAAow’ dvddtrew od SvvavTat, pu-
OTH PLA. Kal Tederas ézovoyalovtes, Tatra pel
TO0v7s | Kal yropns apetabérov? duddtropev 7ets

61a TOU TavTos at@vos.

Tives obv elow al Tpoppycets Kal dmayopevaets® ; ;
amAat Te Kal yvopysor. mpwTyn S TyetTar 7 TeEpt
Beobd A€yovaa or* Deds Exer TA GUpTrAaVTA, TavTEANS
Kal pakdpios, avTos avT@ Kal mGow adrapKys,
apx7) Kal pwéoa Kat TéAos odTOs THY TaVTWY, Epyots
pev KOL yaplow evapy7s Kal TAVTOS ovTwoaoby
Pavepwrepos, popeay de Kab jeyeBos jet apa-
Tos. 7400. peev yap vA m™pos elKOVa. TH ToUTOU
Kav 7 mohureAns dry.os, maca de TEXYT) ™pos
plncews emivovay atexvos: ovdEev OpLoLoY OUT
eldojev OUT emWootmev oT eikalew é€oTW dGotor.

1 Eus.: d\\éduAo L Lat.
2 Eus.: dueram(e)icrov L, ed. pr.
8 6: aiévos Eus. codd. 4 mpoayopetceas Eus.
5 Niese: 6 L. 6 dgavéstaros Eus.

« There is a similar passage in Hecataeus’s sketch of
Judaism (ap. Diod. Sic. xl sub jin.), which Josephus
apparently has in mind, on the selection of the priests
and their duties, and the supremacy of the high-priest.

368

AGAINST APION, II. 187-191

trial of cases of litigation, and the punishment of
condemned persons.*

(22) Could there be a more saintly government
than that ? Could God be more worthily honoured
than by such a scheme, under which religion is the
end and aim of the training of the entire community,
the priests are entrusted with the special charge of
it, and the whole administration of the state re-
sembles some sacred ceremony®? Practices which,
under the name of mysteries and rites of initiation,
other nations are unable to observe for but a few
days, we maintain with delight and unflinching
determination all our lives.

What, then, are the precepts and prohibitions of The first
our Law? They are simple and familiar. At their ore Me
head stands one of which God is the theme. The Jere eee
universe is in God’s hands ; perfect and blessed, self- God.
sufficing and sufficing for all, He is the beginning,
the middle, and the end of all things.°. By His works
and bounties He is plainly seen, indeed more manifest
than ought else; but His form and magnitude
surpass our powers of description. No materials,
however costly, are fit to make an image of Him ;
no art has skill to conceive and represent it. The
like of Him we have never seen, we do not imagine,
and it is impious to conjecture. We behold His

® Or “ rite of initiation.”

© For ~ the beginning and the end” cf. Apoc:. i. 8} xxi. 6.

For “the middle’’ Reinach quotes a rabbinical tradition
(Talm. Jer. Sanhed. 18a) that God is represented by the
word for “‘ truth” (nox), because it consists of the first,
** middle ”’ (incorrect), and last letter of the Hebrew alphabet,
but suspects that the three letters (Aleph, Mem, Taw) are
really a transcription of the initials of the Greek words
apxX7, @éov, TENOS.

VOL. I 2B 369

JOSEPHUS

192 €pya BAézopev attot dds, obpavov, yhv, jAov,
voara, Cov VEVETELS, KapT@v dvadocels. Tatra
feos eroinoey ov yepolv, ov Tovols, OU TWWwY OvV-
<pyacopevwr" emben bets, aA atrot. bedjoavTos
Kadds nV eis ye yovora.. totrov fepamevtéov
aoKobvrTas apeTiv: tTpomos yap Oeot Oepametas
OUTOS OOLWTATOS.

193 (23) Eis vads évds Oeot, didov yap dei mavti TO
Gmowov, KoWOos amdavTwv Kowod Oeod amavTwv.
totrov fepamevovow ev 61a mavTos ot Lepets,

194 nyeiTar S€ TOUTWY O TPATos del KaTA yeévos. OvUTOS
pera, TOV CUVLEpEwy Gicet TH Ge, dvdd&er tovs
VO|LOUS, Oucdoet TEept TOV auduoByroupevew, KO-
Adceu Ttovs eheyxfevras. 0 TovTw p17) TELlopevos

195 UpeEer Sixyv ws els Beov adbrov “daeBav. Ovouev
Tas Qucias otK els pébnv éavtois, aBovAnrov yap

196 eG 7dde, aAXr els cwdpoovryy. Kal él Tats
Guoiaus xXpt) Tmp@Tov OrrEp TIS Kowns evxeoBar
curnptas, et? Urrep eauTav: emt yap Kowwvig
yeyovapev, Kal TAUTHVY O TpoTYyYL@V TOD Ka’ adrov

197 idtov pdAvor’ <av> ein Oe Kexapiopevos. Séynois
5° €oTw mpos tov Bedv, oty bmws 6° rayaba,

1 Niese: cuvepyacauévey L Eus.
2 6.60 Eus.

2 Plato (Tim. 41 c, 42 ©) represented God as employing
collaborators in the work of creation. He was followed by
Philo (De opif. mund. § 72 Cohn), who from Gen. i. 26 (“let
us make man’’) infers a plurality of Gyuovpyot for the
creation of man, whereas for the rest of creation ov’devés
€den64 Tov cuvepyjcovros. Josephus has used the Timaeus
above (4p. i. 7); but his language is here so similar to that
of Philo that he may be combating the latter.

. Gen. ist.

370

AGAINST APION, II. 192-197

works: the light, the heaven, the earth, the sun,
the waters, the reproductive creatures, the sprouting
crops. These God created, not with hands, not with
toil, not with assistants of whom He had no need ; @
He willed it so, and forthwith they were made in all
their beauty.” Him must we worship by the practice
of virtue ; for that is the most saintly manner of
worshipping God.

(23) We have® but one temple for the one God
(for like ever loveth like),4 common to all as God is
common to all. The priests are continually engaged
in His worship, under the leadership of him who for
the time is head of the line. With his colleagues he
will sacrifice to God, safeguard the laws, adjudicate
in cases of dispute, punish those convicted of crime.’
Any who disobey him will pay the penalty as for
impiety towards God Himself. Our sacrifices are
not occasions for drunken self-indulgence—such
practices are abhorrent to God—but for sobriety./
At these sacrifices prayers for the welfare of the
community must take precedence of those for our-
selves ; for we are born for fellowship, and he who
sets its claims above his private interests is specially
acceptable to God. We should beseech God not to
give us blessings, for He has given them spontane-

¢ The Greek has no verb here; the present and future
tenses in §§ 193-5 are noteworthy in a work written after
A.D. 70, which brought the temple cult to an end.

SC7y-Avistot. “the ix. 3.3 ( Jikeus dearjitolike’);,cirach
mas 15)(19).

¢ Of. § 187.

f So Eusebius. Cod. L, which throughout this portion has
interpolations, reads *“‘ and would be an excuse for insolence
and extravagance—but sober, orderly, noble (perhaps read
‘simple ’), in order that we may show special sobriety when
sacrificing.”

371

The temple
and the
cult.

JOSEPHUS

dédwKe yap atTos éxwv Kal Taow els pécov KaTa-
Téekev, aN omws Séxecbar Svvapeba Kai ra-

198 Bovres vAdtTwyev. ayveias emt Tats Ovatats
ducipnKev 6 vouLos am Kndous, amo AEeyxots,’ amo
Kowuias THs ™pos yuvaika Kat ToAA@v dddAwv
[a jeaKpov av €lin ypadew. To.wodTos poe 6 _mepl
Jeod Kal Tis exelvov Ocparretas Aoyos Hiv éorw,
6 6 atros apa Kal vopos |. :

199 (24) Ties 5 of TEpt yepov vOuLoL; pig poovny
oidev 6 vopLos THY Kara, gvow THV Tpos yuvaika.,
Kal TavTnV <i edAAoe TéxvwY Eveka yiveobar. THY
d€ mpos appevas appévwv eotvynke, Kal Oavatos

200 rodmiTijuLov el Tis emiyerpnoeev. yapeiv bé KeAever
flay Tpourt TpoaEexXovTas, punjde Bvatows apmayats,
pd av Seo KaL aTTaTn metoavTas, aa, png
Tevew Tapa Tov dobvau _Kuptov Kal KATA ouyyevevav

201 THY ELT HOELOV.” “yey, Xelpwr, dno, avdpos els
aTavTA. ToLyapodv dTaKoveTw, ay mpos uBpw, arn’
iv apyntat: Geos yap avdpt TO Kparos edwxev. |4
TavTn ovvetvar det Tov yravTa povn, TO bé THY
aAAov zeipdv avdaiv. et b€ Tis TodTo mpd€eev,
ovoeuia Gavdtov mapaitnow, ovr et Pidcatto
maplévoy érépw 7 Tpowporoynpevay,” OUT €l TelceLe

202 yeyapnevnv. TeKva Tpehdew arTavTa mpoceTa€ev,

1 Xexois Naber: \éxous L Eus.

2 The bracketed words are absent from the best mss. of
Eus. and are perhaps a gloss.

3 rnv émityo. L: érirnéeiov Eus. codd.

4 Passage suspected by Niese; cf. Ephes. v. 22 and other
N.T. parallels.

5 Niese: mpocwuodoynuervny L.

* Cod. L adds: ‘‘ which it would be tedious to mention.
372

AGAINST APION, II. 197-202

ously and put them at the disposal of all, but for
capacity to receive, and, having received, to keep
them. In view of the sacrifices the Law has pre-
scribed purifications for various occasions: after a
funeral, after child-birth, after conjugal union, and
many others.@

(24) What are our marriage laws? The Law
recognizes no sexual connexions, except the natural
union of man and wife, and that only for the pro-
creation of children.? Sodomy it abhors, and‘punishes
any guilty of such assault with death. It commands
us, in taking a wife, not to be influenced by dowry,
not to carry off a woman by force, nor yet to win her
by guile and deceit, but to sue from him who is
authorized to give her away the hand of one who is
not ineligible on account of nearness of kin.4 The
woman, says the Law, is in all things inferior to the
man.? Let her accordingly be submissive, not for
her humiliation, but that she may be directed ; for
the authority has been given by God to the man.
The husband must have union with his wife alone ;
it is impious to assault the wife of another. For any
guilty of this crime the penalty of death is inexorable,
whether he violates a virgin betrothed to another or
seduces a married woman.’ The Law orders all the
offspring to be brought up, and forbids women either
Such is our doctrine, and the Law is to the same effect, con-
cerning God and His worship.”

> Restriction not specified in the Pentateuch, but implied
by the Talmud (passages cited by Reinach). Cf. the practice
of one order of Essenes, B. ii. 161.

¢ Lev. xx. 13; xviii. 22 with 29.

4 For the forbidden marriages of near of kin Lev. xviii.
6 ff.; the other injunctions in this sentence rest on tradition.

é Gen. iii. 16.

* Lev. xx. 10; Deut. xxii. 22-27.

373

Laws
relating to
marriage.

JOSEPHUS

Kal yuvaev dmetmre penr ap.PAobv TO o7rapev pyre
diadbeipew, aAN’ nV Pavetn TEKVOKTOVOS GV ein,
poxiy adavilovca Kal 70 yeVOS éA\atTovca. ToL-
yapovv oud EL Ts emt Acxods" Plopav mapeAGor,

203 kaflapos etvau TOTE TpoonjKel. Kal [ETA THV VOpt-

204

t

a

jLov cuvovotay av6pos KGL YOVAUEOS aohovoacbar.
puxns yap exe ToOTO [LE PLopLOV ™pos adAnv ywpav
bréAaBev™ Kal yap eupvopyevn owpace kaKxo7rabe’,
Kal ToUTWwY av Favdtw diaKxpileica. didTEp ayvetas
€ml Tact Tots ToLwovToUS erage.

(25) Od pay ovo" emt Tals TOV Talowy yevereow
eeTpebev edwyias ouvtedeiv Kal mpopdcets qrovet-
afar pens, adda _cappova Thy apxnv ed0v0s THs
Tpopis erage. KQL Ypappara TaLoevew excéAevoev
<Kat>® Ta TEpl TOUS vopous® Kal TOV Tmpoyovey Tas
mpagers eziotacban, Tas prev wa pyGvra, Tots oe
iva ovvTpepopevor pyre Tapapatvwor pate oKnbw
ayvotas EXWOL.

(26) Tis ets Tovs TeTeAcuTHKOTAS 7 mpouvoncev Ocias
od zoduTedeiats evradiow, ov KaTaoKevais pv7)-
peetooy emipavav, ard TO. jee Tept TV Kndeta
Tots oltketoTaTols emuTeAciv, maa b€ Tots Tapiobat®
Kat mpoceAbeiy Kai cuvarodtpacba. Kabaipew

1 Nexods Naber: Aéyous L Eus.

2 Text of this clause uncertain: I follow Eus. with Niese.
The other texts are: wuyfs re yap xai capatos éyylivera
porvopos ws mpos G&\Anv xwpav wroBadévTwy L: hoe enim
partem animae polluere iudicauit Lat.

3 Ins. Niese.

4 Eus.: mepi re ros vouous dvactpémecbar L.

5 Kus.: zepioict, ** survivors,” L Lat.

@ Not in the Law. + Lev. xv. 18.

° ** There is transference of part of the soul or life-principle

37 4

7 ele

AGAINST APION, II. 202-205

to cause abortion or to make away with the foetus ;
a woman convicted of this is regarded as an in-
fanticide, because she destroys a soul and diminishes
the race.* For the same reason none who has inter-
course with a woman who is with child can be con-
sidered pure. Even after the legitimate relations
of husband and wife ablutions are required.? For
the Law regards this act as involving a partition of
the soul [part of it going] into another place? ; for
it suffers both when being implanted in bodies,? and
again when severed from them by death. ‘That is
why the Law has enjoined purifications in all such
cases.

(25) Again the Law does not allow the birth of our
children to be made occasions for festivity and an
excuse for drinking to excess.’ It enjoins sobriety
in their upbringing from the very first. It orders
that they shall be taught to read, and shall learn both
the laws and the deeds of their forefathers, in order
that they may imitate the latter, and, being grounded
in the former, may neither transgress nor have any
excuse for being ignorant of them.

(26) The pious rites which it provides for the dead
do not consist of costly obsequies or the erection of
conspicuous monuments. The funeral ceremony is
to be undertaken by the nearest relatives, and all
who pass while a burial is proceeding must join the
procession and share the mourning of the family.’

from the father.’’ I am indebted for this explanation of an
obscure passage to Dr. T. E. Page.

@ An Essene (and Platonic) view ; cf. B. ii. 154 f.

¢ The Talmud, however, recognizes family feasts at birth

and circumcision (Reinach). *~ Deut. vi. 75, x1. 19.
9 Talmudic regulations, not in the Law. For sharing in
mourning cf. Sir. vii. 34. :

375

Education
of children.

Funeral
ceremonies.

JOSEPHUS

d€ Kal TOV olKov Kal TOUS €VOLKODYTUS G70 _K7j00us
[wa metarov amexy Tov doxety Kabapos eivat Tis
ddvov é epyaodpevos | J.

2006 ©6(27) T ovewy TYLA PETA THY 7 mos feov devTepav
erate Kal TOV oui dyreyBopevov Tas Tap avTa@v
xdapitas adn’ els o7Loby €AAcizovra. Aevotjoopevov
Tapadiowor. Kal TaVvTOS Too mpeapuTépov TYyULHV
exew TOUS veous you, ezrel mpeaBvratov 6 Oeds.

207 kpUmTew ovdev EG mpos didous: od yap civar diAtav
Ti [1] TAVTA TLGTEVOVOaY. Kav ovpLPH Tis ExOpa,
TaTroppyta” Aéyew Kex@doe. dixalwy el dpa
TUS AdBou, Qavatos 7 Cypia. TEpLopa@v ier ny

208 Ponbetv evov v7evuvos. 6 pn) ee TLS ovK
avaipnoeTat, Tay arAoTpiowv odbdevos aiseTat, TOKOV
od Aneta. Tatra Kat Toda TovTois SpoLa THY
mpos aAAjAous 7u@v ovvéxer Kowwviay.

209 (28) [lds d€ Kat tis zpos adAodddAovs emekelas
eppovTicey 6 vopobeérns, afvov ety: pavetrat yap
apior a mavTWwY Tpovonadjevos OTWsS pyre 7a
oiKeta Svadfelpeopev [LTTE Plovijawpev Tots [LeT-

210 éxew TOV TET Epo TpoatpovjLevors. OaoL peev yap
eféXovaew tro Tovs advrovs 7p vojous Cay vT-
eMfovres déxerar didodpdvws, o3 TH yever povov,

1 Probably a gloss.
2 Niese: tovrwy dméppyra Eus.

¢ Cf. Numb. xix. 11 ff.

®’ The fifth commandment (Ex. xx. 12; Deut. v. 16)
follows first after those relating to God. Cf. Aristeas, § 228
(€vrtodkn weyicrn); Rabbinical parallels in Abrahams, Stud.
in Pharisaism, i. 26.

© Deut. xxi. 18 ff. @ Lev. xix: 32.

¢ Cf. Dan. vii. 9 (the “‘ ancient of days’’), and perhaps
Lev. xix. 32.

* An Essene doctrine, B. ii. 141 ; not in Pentateuch.
376

re a oe

AGAINST APION, II. 205-210

After the funeral the house and its inmates must be
purified ¢ [in order that anyone guilty of murder may
be very far from thinking himself pure].

(27) Honour to parents the Law ranks second only
to honour to God,’ and if a son does not respond to
the benefits received from them—for the slightest
failure in his duty towards them—it hands him over
to be stoned.’ It requires respect to be paid by the
young to all their elders,’ because God is the most
Ancient of all.¢ It allows us to conceal nothing from
our friends, for there is no friendship without absolute
confidence ; in the event of subsequent estrange-
ment, it forbids the disclosure of secrets. A judge
who accepts bribes suffers capital punishment. He
who refuses to a suppliant the aid which he has power
to give is accountable to justice.” None may appro-
priate goods which he did not place on deposit,’ lay
hands on any of his neighbour's property,’ or receive
interest.” These and many similar regulations are
the ties which bind us together.

(28) The consideration given by our legislator to
the equitable treatment of aliens also merits atten-
tion. It will be seen that he took the best of all
possible measures at once to secure our own customs
from corruption, and to throw them open ungrudg-
ingly to any who elect to share them. To all who
desire to come and live under the same laws with us,
he gives a gracious welcome, holding that it is not

9 Ex. xxiii. 8; Deut. xvi. 19, xxvii. 25 ; but capital punish-
ment is nowhere mentioned.

% Deut. xv. 7 ff. (as a moral precept only).

# Cf. Lev.. vi. 2.

J Fix. xx. 15, etc.

Fel. peminn 20 5) 1UEVe sexy, OO t.5 Deut xxii, 20 (except
from a foreigner),

377

Honour of
parents and
other
regulations.

Attitude to
aliens.

211

213

214

JOSEPHUS

ada KaL TH Tpoapecer Too Biov vopiCaw eivan Ty
OlKELOTHTA. Tovs O° eK Tapepyou TpocovTas ava-
ptyvucbas TH ov Deta. ovK ndedncev.

(29) TaAna de mpoelpykev, Ov 7) peTddoats € €OTW
avayKala Tao. Tapéxew Tois Oeoprevors 7p vowp
Tpopyy, o000s ppacew, aTapov pi) TrEpLopay,
ér vetkels d€ Kal Ta ™pos Tovs moAeuiovs KpilévTas
etvae: ov yap «4 THY yh avr av mupmoAetv ovde
TEpvew 7TEpa devia, aad KaL oxvevew a7relpnKE
ToUs & TH paxn TegovTas KaL Tov alypaduTov

mpovvoncer, omrws avr ay uBpis ami}, padiota de
yuvatk@v. ovtTws 6 iuepotyTa Kat diravOpwriav
npads e€eTaldevoev, ws pndé TOv adAdywv Cawyv
oAvywpeiv, adda povay éedqKe’ TovTwWY xpHow THY
vopy.ov, macav 6 érépav exwdrAvoev: a & wo7ep
(KETEVOVTS. 7 mpoagedyet 7 Tals olKtaus ametmev avedetv.
ovde veoTTOIs TOUS yoveas avTav emérpewe ouv-
efarpety, get0ecbar de Kay TH moAcpia TOV epya-
Copeveny Cou Kal pt) Povevew. oOUTW TravTaxoDEy
Ta mpos emLeLKELay Tepteakeparo, dvdacKaduKcots
pev Tots TpoErpyLevols xXpycdpevos vopols, Tovs 6
aw KaTa TOV TapaPawovTwy TYyLwpyTLKOUs Ta~as
avev Tpopacens.

(30) Znpta yap em Tots mhetorous TOV TrapaBauvov-
Tw 0 Bavatos, av povyevon Tis, av Budonra Kop,

1 agjxe Eus.

2 For “‘the stranger within the gates” cf. Ex. xx. 10,
maa 21. cic.

®’ Perhaps alluding to the exclusion of the alien from
Passover, Ex. xii. 43 (Reinach).

¢ So A. iv. 276 (generally) ; Deut. xxvii. 18 (to the blind).
Josephus had doubtless heard the calumny upon his nation

378

AGAINST APION, II. 210-215

family ties alone which constitute relationship, but
agreement in the principles of conduct.* On the
other hand, it was not his pleasure that casual
visitors should be admitted to the intimacies of our
daily life”

(29) The duty of sharing with others was inculeated
by our legislator in other matters. We must furnish
fire, water, food to all who ask for them, point out
the road,’ not leave a corpse unburied,’ show con-
sideration even to declared enemies. He does not
allow us to burn up their country” or to cut down
their fruit trees,’ and forbids even the spoiling of
fallen combatants;® he has taken measures to
prevent outrage to prisoners of war, especially
women.’ So thorough a lesson has he given us in
gentleness and humanity that he does not overlook
even the brute beasts, authorizing their use only in
accordance with the Law, and forbidding all other
employment of them.” Creatures which take refuge
in our houses like suppliants we are forbidden to
kill.¢ He would not suffer us to take the parent
birds with their young,’ and bade us even in an
enemy's country to spare and not to kill the beasts
employed in labour. Thus, in every particular, he
had an eye to mercy, using the laws I have mentioned
to enforce the lesson, and drawing up for trans-
gressors other penal laws admitting of no excuse.

(30) The penalty for most offences against the Law
is death: for adultery,’ for violating an unmarried

mentioned in Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 103 f. (* non monstrare uias,”’
ele:):

C7 Weutexa..23';, Tobit i. 1% if.

€ Not in the Law. fo Deutaxx i192
Tip: x. VO tr. & 4.e. on the Sabbath, 7b. v. 14.
+ 16. xxii. 6. a Lev..ex. 10:

379

Humanity
of the Law.

Penalties.

216

217

218

219

220

JOSEPHUS

dv dppevi ToAunon metpay mpoodépew, av bropeivyn
mabey 6 meipacbeis. ort Sé€ Kal emt SovdAous
opotes 0 VO}LOS dmrapairyTos.. aAAa Kal mepl
peTpev el’ TUS KAaKOUpYT|GELEV i) orab cv, 7] Tept
Tpacews adiKov Kal dohw YEVvopEvys, Kav bhéAnrat
Tes aAAoz prov, Kav O 7) _karebnKev dveAdnrar,
TmavT ov EloL KoAdcets ovx ola jap €Tépots, aad’
emt TO petlov. mept pev yap yovéwy abdiKias 7
Ths eis Oedv aoeBeias, Kav pedAjon*® tis, edOvs
amoMurau.

Tots pévrou ye vopipos Broboe yépas €oTw ovK
apyvpos ovode xXpuaes, o¥ KoTivov orepavos 7)
ceXivov Kal Tova’Tn Tis avaKnpvéis, add’ adrtos
EKAOTOS AUTA TO ouveloos Exwv paptupoby memt-
orevKev, TOD pee vopobérov TpopyrevoavTos, TOU
de Deob THY mloTw loxupav® TAPEGXTKOTOS, OTL
Tois Tovs vopous SiadvAdEao. Kav et dé€ou OvjoKew
drép attav mpobvpws amobavobct dédwKev 6 Oeos
yeveoar Te mahw Kal Biov dyuetven AaPetv eK
TEPLTPOTTT)S COKVOUV 5° av eyo TavTa. ypapew, el
pei) dua TOV Epywv dmacw yy pavepov ott 7roAAot
Kat moAAdKis On TOV HEeTEepwv TEpL TOD pNde
pha db0éyEacla: mapa tov vopwov mavta mabey
yevvaiws mpoetAovTo.

(31) Katrou ye ef put) cvpBeBiixer yrospysov Hav 76
1 wy Eus. cod. 2 wéd\Ay Eus.
3 Eus.: éxupay L.

2 Deut. xxii. 23 (if betrothed). o Ley. xx a

¢ Cf. Ley. xix. 11-13, 35-36 ; Deut. xxv. 13 ff.; no punish-
ments are there named.

2 Ch Dente sais Gey, aayts.

¢ As in the Olympic games.
380

AGAINST APION, II. 215-220

woman,* for outrage upon a male,’ for consent of
one so tempted to such abuse. The Law.is no less
inexorable for slaves. Even fraud in such matters
as weights or measures, or injustice and deceit in
trade, or purloining another man’s property, or
laying hands on what one did not deposit—all such
crimes have punishments® attached to them which
are not on the same scale as with other nations, but
more severe. For example, the mere intention of
doing wrong to one’s parents or of impiety against
God is followed by instant death.@

For those, on the other hand, who live in accord- The reward
ance with our laws the prize is not silver or gold, no f°"
crown of wild olive ® or of parsley’ with any such
public mark of distinction. No; each individual,
relying on the witness of his own conscience and the
lawgiver’s prophecy, confirmed by the sure testimony
of God, is firmly persuaded that to those who observe
the laws and, if they must needs die for them,
willingly meet death, God has granted a renewed
existence and in the revolution of the ages the gift
of a better life.” I should have hesitated to write
thus, had not the facts made all men aware that many
of our countrymen have on many occasions ere now
preferred to brave all manner of suffering rather than
to utter a single word against the Law.’

(31) Now suppose that our nation had not happened

f As in the Isthmian and Nemean games.

9 Greek “* public proclamation.”

” Here, as in his speech at Jotapata (B. iii. 374), Josephus
gives expression to the belief, which he held as a Pharisee,
in a future life; in the latter passage he uses the full phrase
éx mepitpor7s aiwywy, which explains é« mepitpor7js here. For
the Pharisaic belief cf. A. xviii. 14.

‘ Cf. Ap. i. 43, ii. 233; B. ii. 152 f. (of Essene martyrs).

381

JOSEPHUS

»” i< 4 b) / e / > ~
efvos azacw aviperTos trapyew Kav davep@
Ketoban Ti eGehovavov 7p-@v Tots vopots axohou-
221 Oiav, aAAd tis 7) ovyypaspa. eyo abros dveywwoKe
TOUS “EMyow, 1 TOU ye’ mEpiTvxelv €Ew Tijs ye
oKOMEVT|S yijs epackey avoparrous TOLAUT HV bev
EXovar d0€av ovTw oemvyy TEpl TOD Jeod, ToLovToUs
Oe vopous molvv al@va BeBaiws E[pLE LEV] KOOL,
mavras av oat Gavpacar bua Tas cuvexets Tap
222 avtois petaBodAds. ayreher TOV ypapan TL Tapa-
mAjaov els moAiTeiav Kal vopous eTUX ELT TGYT OW
ws Gavpaota ovvbevtwy Katyyopotat, dacKovtes
atvrovs AaBety advvatous trobéces. Kat Tovs pev
EA / / a ~
ddovs 7 Trapanetrray proaddgovs, OGOL TL TOLOUTOV
223 €v Tots ypdppacw en mpayparevoavro, TlAdreov de
Gavpalopevos mapa tots “EXAnow ws Kat ocep-
VOTHTL Biov OueveyKa Kal Ouvdpe Aoywv Kal
mevBot 7 mavTas bmepapas Tovs ev purooogia yeyo-
voras, b70 Tov dackovTwy Sewdy eivar TA TOAITUKG
puuKkpod deity yAevalopevos Kal Kwywodovpevos
224 duareAel. Kaito. TaKelvov cKkoTa@v ovyxva@s* Tis
av evpo. pdova ovta* Kal THS° THY TOAA@Y Eyyrov
A / 6. >] ‘ be IIA é e Ao a
ouv7fetas.® avros de aTwv wyodoynKev OTL
\ > ~ \ ~ / > \ ~ y+

tiv adAnfi mept Beot dd€av eis THY TaV OxAwy
ayvo.ay’ obK nv aapades eEeveyKeiv. i
225 “Ada ra pev I[lAdtwvos Adyous twes eivar

A / A \ ; /
Kevovs vopilovor, Kata mroAAnv e€ovaotay KexadX-
ypadynpevous, pddtota b€ Tv vopolera@v Avk-

1 Om. ye Eus.
2 cuyypayyacw L Lat. Eus. cod.
3 I suggest cvxre@.
4 ed. pr.: paov évra L, paov Eus.

5 Naber: vas Eus., 7ais L.
6 guvnfeias L. 7 L Lat.: advo Eus.
q

382

AGAINST APION, II. 220-225

to be known to all the world and our voluntary We put into
practice

obedience to our laws were not a patent fact, and what Greeks

suppose that some one had delivered a lecture to the 2 oe

Greeks which he admitted to be the outcome of his ideals.

own imagination, or asserted that somewhere outside

the known world he had met with people who held

such sublime ideas about God and had for ages con-

tinued steadily faithful to such laws as ours; his

words would, I imagine, astonish all his hearers, in

view of the constant vicissitudes in their own past

history. In fact, those who have attempted to draft

a constitution and code on any such lines are accused

of inventing something miraculous, based, according

to their critics, on impossible premisses. I pass over

other philosophers who have handled such topics

in their writings. I need name only Plato, who, current

admired, as he is, by the Greeks for his outstanding eT m

dignity of character, and as one who in oratorical Repubiic.

power and persuasive eloquence outmatched all other

philosophers, is yet continually being, I may almost

say, scoffed at and held up to ridicule by those who

claim to be expert statesmen. And yet, on examina-

tion, his laws will be found to be frequently @ easier

than ours, and more closely approximating to the

practice of the masses. Plato himself admits that

it is hazardous to divulge the truth about God to the

ignorant mob.

There are, however, men who regard Plato’s Weare mors
dialogues as futile,’ brilliant but very fanciful com- {f¥77,0"
positions, and the legislator for whom they have the Spartans.

¢ Or (reading cvxv@) “‘ far.”

® Plato, Tim. 28c: “‘ When we have found him [viz. the
maker of the universe], to speak of his nature to all men is
impossible.”

¢ Greek “ empty.”

383

JOSEPHUS

otpyov teBavudKacr, Kal THY Uaapryv amavrTes
tpvovow, OTe Tots éxelvou vopLots emt AetoTov
226 evercapTepnoey.” ovKoby TobTO puev cpohoynobe
TEK7 ploVv apetns eivat TO meiOecbar Tots vopots
ot 6€ Aaxkedayoviovs Oavyalovres Tov éxelvwv
xpovov avtimapaBadAerwoayv tots mAcioow 7 d10-
227 ytAlois ETEor THS HpeTEepas woAiTElas, Kal TpOGETL
Aoyilécbwoav, ote Aaxedaysdviot dcov ed éavTayv
ypovov elyov tiv eAevfepiay axpiBGs edo€av Tovs
vopous dvaduddrrew, evel [LevTOL TrEpt avrovs
€yevovTo peraBodat THs TUXNS peuxpod det a amdvTwv
228 emeAdbovro TOV vope. jpets 5° év tvyats yeyo-
votes pupiais dua tas Tav PaoilevodvTwy THs
"Acias pretaBoAas otd’ €v Tois eaydTols THY
dew@v Tovs vojouvs mpovdopev, ovK apytas ovdE
tpudjs*? attovs ydpw mepiétovtes, GAN et Tis
eGéAo. oKoretv, toAAD tur THs SoKovons emt-
reTtayGa: Aaxedayoviors Kaptepias® peilovas a-
229 OAovs Kal Tévous Hp emutBevras. Ol Lev ye Hare
viv epyalopevor pare Tept Texvas TovoovTes,
aAAa mdons epyactas aero, Avrrapot Kal TO
owuata mpos KadXXos acKkobytes, emt THs moAEws
230 Oufjyov, adAous darnperats mpos dmavra Ta. tod Biov
Ypwpevor KaL TV Tpophy erouuyy Tap ekelvov
Aap Bavovres, ep ev" o7) TOvTO peovov 70 kahov
épyov Kal diAdvipwrov dmavtTa Kal mpdatTew Kal
macxew vTomevovTes, TO KpaTetvy TaVTWY Eh OUS
231 av aotparevwow. OTt b€ unde TodTO KaTwpIwoar,
€@ éyew: od yap Kal? eva pdvov, adda zroAAot
TmoAAdKis abpdms t&v Tod vopov mpooraypatwv
1 évexaprépnoav Eus. (Lat.). 2 Dindorf: rpodjs*L.
3 Cotélier: saprupias L. 4 Bekker: fy L.
384

AGAINST APION, II. 225-231

highest admiration is Lycurgus ; the praises of Sparta
are sung by all the world, because she remained for
so long faithful to his laws. Be it, then, conceded that
obedience to law is a proof of virtue; but let the
admirers of the Lacedaemonians set the duration of
that state over against the period of upwards of two
thousand years of our constitution? Let them
further reflect that the Lacedaemonians thought
good strictly to observe their laws only so long as
they retained their liberty and independence, but
when they met with reverses of fortune forgot well-
nigh all of them. We, on the contrary, notwith-
standing the countless calamities in which changes
of rulers in Asia have involved us, never even in the
direst extremity proved traitors to our laws; and
we respect them not from any motive of sloth or
luxury. A little consideration will show that they
impose on us ordeals and labours far more severe
than the endurance commonly believed to have been
required of the Lacedaemonians. ‘Those men neither
tilled the ground nor toiled at crafts, but, exempt
from all business, passed their life in the city, sleek
of person and cultivating beauty by physical train-
ing ; for all the necessaries of life they had others to
wait on them, by whom their food was prepared and
served to them ; and the sole aim for which they were
prepared to do and suffer everything was the noble
and humane object of defeating all against whom
they took the field. Even in this, I may remark in
passing, they were unsuccessful. The fact is that
not isolated individuals only, but large numbers have
frequently, in defiance of the injunctions of their

@ 7.e. from Moses to Titus.

VOL. I 2G 385

JOSEPHUS

dpeAjoavtes abtovs peta TOV O7Awy Tapédocay
TOUS TroAcpLio1s
232 (32) ” “Ap: otv Kal Tap mp, od Aéyw ToGoUTOUS,
aAAa dvo 7) Tpeis Eyvw Tis? mpodoras /EVO}LEVOUS
Tov vopnov 7 Oavatov dofybevras, ovxt TOV piorov
éxeivov A€yw Tov oupBatvovra Tots paxopevors,
aAAa TOV peta Adpns TaV TUPLATW, OTrotos e€tvat
233 doxet mavT OV xarerurraros ; ov éywye voptlo
TWas KpatnoavTas Type ovx b70 puicovs 7poc-
dhépew Tots v7oxeuptots, aA’ ws Javpaorov Tt
Oéapa BovAopevous | idely, et TwWés €low dv permrou
OL povov eivat KaKov adrots TETLOTEVKOTES, et iy
mpatat TL Tapa TOUS €avT@v vOpLOUS 7) doyov etme
234 7ap exelvous mapapiacbeiev. o¥ xpi de Oavpa-
Cew el ™pos Pdveerov dvdpetus EXO[LEV Oep Tov
VOpLev Tapa TOUS aArous dmavras: ovee yap TA
paora doxobyTa TOV TET Epa emUT OE UAT OW
dAdo. padiws dropevovew, avroupytay Aéyon KaL
Tpodijs Awroryra Kal TO pLndev eth} pnd os eTUXeV
EKGOTOS €TT wrefupnKas® payev 1 q] Tet, 7 ouvovata
mpoceAbeiy 7 modvTedcia, Kai maAWw apylias dz0-
235 petvar Ta€w apetaKivynTov. GAd’ of Tots Eipeow
Op.0ce xXwpodvTes Kal Tovs TroAcquiovs e€ Eepodov
TpeTOpLevol TOlS TMpooTaypact Tots meEpt SiaiTys
odk <av> avrTiPrdbevav. aiv d€ madAw é€x Tod
mept tadTa 7TH vouw mebapyeiv ydéws KaKel
TepleoTw emidetkvucbat TO yevvaiov.

236 (33) Eira Avoipayou kat Modwves Kai tovodrot
Twes adda ovyypadets, addKyL0L CodioTal, welpakiwv
1 éyrw tis ed. pr.: éyvov L.
2 ci i Niese; ei L: 4 Lat., ed. pr.
386

a aes “hades Vahl

AGAINST APION, II. 231-236

law, surrendered in a body with their arms to the
enemy.?

(32) Has anyone ever heard of a case of our people,
not, I mean, in such large numbers, but merely two
or three, proving traitors to their laws or afraid of
death? I do not refer to that easiest of deaths, on
the battlefield, but death accompanied by physical
torture, which is thought to be the hardest of all.
To such a death we are, in my belief, exposed by
some of our conquerors, not from hatred of those at
their mercy, but from a curiosity to witness the
astonishing spectacle of men who believe that the
only evil which can befall them is to be compelled
to do any act or utter any word contrary to their
laws. There should be nothing astonishing in our
facing death on behalf of our laws with a courage
which no other nation can equal. For even those
practices of ours which seem the easiest others find
difficult to tolerate : I mean personal service, simple
diet, discipline which leaves no room for freak or
individual caprice in matters of meat and drink, or in
the sexual relations, or in extravagance, or again the
abstention from work at rigidly fixed periods.’ No;
the men who march out to meet the sword and charge
and rout the enemy could not face regulations about
everyday life. On the other hand, our willing
obedience to the law in these matters results in the
heroism which we display in the face of death.

(33) For all that, the Lysimachuses and Molons
and other writers of that class, reprobate sophists

* e.g. at Sphacteria (Thue. iv. 38).
® 7.e. the Sabbaths.

3 Hudson: brrorefuunkws ed. pr. (-xev L).

387

Our heroic
endurance.

JOSEPHUS

5 ~ e / e ~ / > /
aTaTeaves, Ws Tavu Has Pavdotatovs avOpuTtwv
= = > 4 > > x” > , \ A
237 Aovdopotow. éeyw 8 otK av éBovdrdunv epi TOV
Tap érépoits vopinwv e€eralew: Ta yap avTav
~ ~ b) /
Tpetv guar TEW mdz pLov €oTU, ov TOV d.\Ao7 pie
KaTnyopelv, Kal TEpl ye TOD pnTe yAevalew pare
>
Pracdnpetv Tovs vop.lojéevous Jeods Tap €Té-
pots GVTLKpUS jp fe) vopoberns areipy Key, avis

238 Evexa Tpoonyoplas Tob Beod. Tay dé KaTyyopwv

\ ~ ~ /
dua THS avTuTapalécews Tuas eAéyyew olopevwv
ovy oldv Te KaTaowwmav, GdAAws TE Kal TOO Aoyou

f >] e > e ~ vA 1 ~ , ~
peAXovtos oby bd Hudv AexOjocoba’ viv adrayv

/ > 5 e \ XN ~ > / \ /
cuvtevtwr, aA’ bro moAA@v eipypévov Kat diay
eDOOKYLOUYTUD. :

239 Tis yap ta&v Tapa Tots “EMqow emt cogia
TeUavpacpevew OvK ETITETYLNKE KO TOLNT@V Tots
emipaveatatos Kal voyobeTayv Tots pdAvora mremt-
oTevpevols, OTL ToLavTas ddEas mrept Ded €€ apyfs

240 Tots 7AjGeow eyKATEOTELPGY ; apne Lev O7TOGOUS

>) 5 /
av avTot Dedjowow dToPawopevol,® e€ aM Awy
de ywopevous Kal KOTO mavTolous TpoTrous yevécewy,
TovTovs d€ Kal diapodyTes TOOLS Kal dLaiTals,
ov ~ Y ~ A
woTep Tov Cwwv Ta yévn, TOs ev UTO yHV, TOUS
5° é€v Gadarrn, tos pévto. mpeofutdtovs attav
~ A
241 €v TH Taptdpw dedepevovs. daois dé Tov obpavov
~ /
améveysav, TOUTOLS TaTépa ev TH AOywW, TUpavvoV
~ /
d€ Tols epyois Kat deaomdTyyv ediotavTes, Kal did
TovTo ovviotapevny emiBovrAny em avrov dro
\ ~ A / “a > ~
yuvaikos Kal adeApod Kai Ovyatpdos, qv eK THs
1 Niese: é\eyxOjcecba L.
2 Lowth: evdoxtuotrres L.
3 Niese (after Lat.): drogjvacéa L.

388

LL PBA LAMP ALES hal ~~

2e

AGAINST APION, II. 236-241

and deceivers of youth, rail at us as the very vilest of Criticism of
mankind. Gladly would I have avoided an in- ‘f¢religion
vestigation of the institutions of other nations ; ; for Greeks.

it is our traditional custom to observe our own laws
and to refrain from criticism of those of aliens. Our
legislator has expressly forbidden us to deride or
blaspheme the gods recognized by others, out of.
respect for the very word “God.” But since our '
accusers expect to confute us by a comparison of the

rival religions, it is impossible to remain silent. I

speak with the more assurance because the statement

which I am about to make is no invention of my own

for the occasion, but has been made by many writers

of the highest reputation.

Who, in fact, is there among the admired sages Their gross
of Greece who has not censured their most famous and immoral
poets and their most trusted legislators for sowing in the gods.
the minds of the masses the first seeds of such notions
about the gods? They represent them to be as
numerous as they choose, born of one another and
engendered in all manner of ways. They assign
them different localities and habits, like animal
species, some living under ground,? others in the sea,°
the oldest of all being chained in Tartarus.2 Those
to whom they have allotted heaven have set over
them one who is nominally Father, but in reality a
tyrant and despot ; with the result that his wife and
brother and the daughter, whom he begot from his

i

a Ex. xxii. 28 (“Thou shalt not revile God ”’), as interpreted
by the LXX (eovs ot kaxoNoyjoes), by Josephus again in A. iv.
207, and by Philo (with the same idea of hallowing the Name),
Vita Mos. ii. (26) 205; De spec. leg. i. (7) 53 Cohn.

® Hades, Persephone, etc.

¢ Poseidon, Amphitrite, Proteus.

@ The Titans.

389

242

243

245

246

JOSEPHUS

€avtod Kedadns éeyévynoev, Wa 67) ovAdAaPovrtes
avtov KalleipEwow, Womep atros éKelvos Tov
TaTépa Tov €avTod.
(34) Taira dixaiws pepipenws 7 mois Gévodow ot
Ppov7jcet Ovagepovres. Kal mpos ToUTOLS KaTO-
yeddow, ei tov Oedy Tods pev ayevelous Kal
petpaKia, Tovs 6€ mpeaButépovs Kat yeveravras
etvau xp7) SoKxetv, adXous de TeTdy Ga 7pos Tats
TEXVGLS, a ese Twa, THY 8 vdaivoveay, TOV
d€ moAcquotvTa Kat pet avOpuTwv paydopevor,
Tvs de xapilovras 7) TOELKH Xalpovras, ctr’
avrots eyyvyvopéevas mpos aAArAous ordcets Kal
TEpt avOparrov dirovertias, pexpt Tod p17 jeovov
aAAjArous Tas yxelpas mpoodépew, adda Kal on
avopwrwv tpavyatilopevous odvpecfar Kat Kako-
mabeiy. to dé 67 7avTwv acedyéoTepov, THY TeEpL
Tas pikes aKpaciay Kal Tovs épwras m@s ovK
atomov puKkpod deity dmact mpocdysar Kat Tots
dppeot. tov OeGv Kat tats OnAeias; «i8’ 6 yev-
VaLOTATOS Kal Tp@Tos, aVTOS O TaTIpP, Tas aTaTN-
Beicas om attop Kal yevouevas éyKtous Kab-
elpyvupevas: 7 Karamovrilopevas Teplopa, Kal
TOUS €€ avToo yeyover ras oute owlew Svvarat,
KpaTovpevos UTO THs Elwapuevns, OUT adaKpuTL
tovs Qavdarous avr av Dropevew. Kaha ye TavTa
Kat TovTois aA\a* ETOLEVOL, jrouxelas pev ev ov-
pava Breropevns ouTws CVALGXVVTWS bio TOV
fev, dote Twas Kal CyndAodv opodoyetv Tovs én
abtH Sedeevous. TL yap ovK eeAAov, OmETE Hd
1 rovros €\Xa Hudson (with Lat.): tots ddXos L.

Iliad, i. 399 f.
390

ety %.

AGAINST APION, II. 241-246

own head,® conspire against him, to arrest and im-
prison him, just as he himself had treated his own
father.

(34) Justly do these tales merit the severe censure
which they receive from their intellectual leaders.
Moreover, they ridicule the belief that some gods
are beardless striplings, others old and bearded ; ?
that some are appointed to trades, this one being a
smith,’ that goddess a weaver,’ a third a warrior
who fights along with men,’ others lute-players 7 or
devoted to archery ;% and again that they are
divided into factions and quarrel about men, in so
much that they not only come to blows with each
other, but actually lament over and suffer from
wounds inflicted by mortals.” But—and here out-
rageousness reaches its climax—is it not monstrous to
attribute those licentious unions and amours to well-
nigh all the deities of both sexes ? Furthermore, the
noblest and chief of them all, the Father himself,
after seducing women? and rendering them pregnant,
leaves them to be imprisoned or drowned in the sea ;
and is so completely at the mercy of Destiny that he
cannot either rescue his own offspring or restrain his
tears at their death. Fine doings are these, and
others that follow, such as adultery in heaven, with
the gods as such shameless onlookers that some of
them confessed that they envied the united pair/
And well they might, when even the eldest of them,

>» *Tovem semper barbatum, Apollinem semper imber-
bem,” Cic. De nat. deor. i. 30 (83).

¢ Hephaestus. 4 Athene, Hom. /liad, xiv. 178 f.

ee Peres. Ff Apollo. 9 Apollo and Artemis.

& Hom. Iliad v. 335 ff., 375 ff.

t e.g. Danaé, Io, Leto, Semele.

+. Cf. Hom, Od. v. 118) i.
391

247

248

249

250

251

JOSEPHUS

6 mpeapvraros Kal Baotreds ovr Tijs ™pos
THY yuvaika pi€ews éemucyeiv TIP Oppnv Ocov yoov
eis TO Owpyatiov ameABeiv; ot de 87 SovdevovTes
tots avlpwmo feot Kat viv pev otKodopodvtTes
a a ~ ~ \ / + A /
el poh, viv 6€ moysatvovtes, aAAou b€ TpoTrov
KaKoupyov ev xaAK@ deopwTnply Oedepevor, Twa.
TOV ev PpovowvTa ovK av Tapoguveray Kal Tots
tabtta ovviciow énim AREA Kal moAAgy <brjBevav
KaTayvOval TOV mpoceuevwv;* ot de Kal Setpov
\ / x” \ A 7 \ >
twa Kat doPov, non be Kat Avooay Kal amdrnv
KaL TL yap ovxl TOV KaKioTwy Tabav eis Oeod
pvow KaL poppy dveTAacav: tots 6 evdypo-
Tépols TOUTWY Kal Odew Tas 70Ae emretoav.
Tovyapooy eis oAAjy avayKny Kalioravtat Tovs
pev Twas Tov Bedv vopilew Sor 7jpas ayabay,
TOUS de kahety dmorpomaious, eita Oe TovTous,
WoTEp TOUS TrovnpoTdrous TOV avo porto, Xapuor
Kal Oapois a7ocElovTaL, peya. ve Anecbar KaKkov
tn aitav ee el py polov adrois
Tapaoxovev.
(35) Ti roivuv 70 aittov THs TooavTyS avwyadtas
Kat wept TO Oetov mAnppedcias; eyw prev da0-
/ \ / \ > ~ ~ ~ / >
AapBavw zo pate tiv adAnfA tot Geotd dvow e&
apxis ovvideivy att@v Tovs vopobéras, py doov
kat Aafeiv jdvviPncav axpiPH yvHow s.opicartas,
mpos TovtTo momnoacla. tiv aAAnv tééw Tob
/ ‘ > > iA + ~
modizevpatos, aA’ womep addq tu tev davdo-
TaTwv edjKayv Tois ev TounTats ovaTwas av Bov-

1 Niese: mpoeuévwy L.

2 Jliad xiv. 312 ff.
’ Poseidon and Apollo, Iliad xxi. 442-5.

—_
ad

AGAINST APION, II. 246-251

the king, could not restrain his passion for his consort
long enough to permit of withdrawal to his chamber.”
Then there are the gods in bondage to men, hired
now as builders,2 now as shepherds®; and others
chained, like criminals, in a prison of brass.6 What
man in his senses would not be stirred to reprimand
the inventors of such fables and to condemn the
consummate folly of those who believed them ?
They have even deified Terror and Fear,’ nay,
Frenzy and Deceit (which of the worst passions have
they not transfigured into the nature and form of a
god ?), and have induced cities to offer sacrifices to
the more respectable ’ members of this pantheon.
Thus they have been absolutely compelled to regard
some of the gods as givers of blessings and to call
others “ (gods) to be averted.’ They then rid
themselves of the latter, as they would of the worst
scoundrels of humanity, by means of favours and
presents, expecting to be visited by some serious
mischief if they fail to pay them their price.
(35) Now, what is the cause of such irregular and Cause of

erroneous conceptions of the deity ? For my part, I Meseur

moral ideas :

trace it to the ignorance of the true nature of God eee lence
with which their legislators entered on their task, and py the.

to their failure to formulate even such correct know- !esislators
ledge of it as they were able to attain and to make
the rest of their constitution conform to it. Instead,
as if this were the most trifling of details, they allowed

Apollo, 2b. 448 f.
The Titans.
Deimos and Phobos, attendants of Ares, /liad xv. 119.
Or “‘ auspicious.”

9 Greek drorporaious, i.e. avertentes, ‘“‘averters of evil.”
Josephus, as is clear from the context, gives it a passive
meaning, “‘ whose evil influence is to be averted.”

Se)

393

JOSEPHUS

Awvrat Geodvs elodyew mavTa macxovtas, tots Se
pytopot ToAuroypadety Kara pjpropa TOV Eévew
252 Ge@v Tov emuTHOELOV. ToAGs | de Kat Cwypadou Kal
mAdoTat THs els TovTO Tapa Tov ‘EAAjvev ac-
éAavoar efovoias, avTos €eKaaTOS zw poppy
eTWoay, Oo pev ex TAO 7AdTTWY, 6 b€ ypadwr,
of de eNta O7] Favpralopevo TOV Onpoupyav
TOV edepavra KQL TOV Xpucov exovar Tis del Kaw
oupytas THY vrobecw. Kat Ta pev TOV lep@v ev
epnuia tavTeA@s eiow, Ta O€ eumepiomovdacTa
kabldpaear TravTobaT Tats TEpLKoopovpeva.. |" «i0”
ot joey TpoTrepov €v Tats TYyLats aKpdcavres Beoi
yeynpaKacw: ot 8 vTaxpalovres TOUT WY ev Oeu-
Tepa Taket SmroBeBAnveat }* ouTw yap eUhy[LOTEpoV
254 Aéyew" aAAou Oe Kawvot TWES etoayopevoL Opnoxeias
Tuyxdvovow [ws ev mapexBdoer wv TpoeimopLev
Tous TOTOUS Sonpucslevras Kkatadurety |** KOL Tov
tep@v Ta ev epnpodvTat, 74 d€ vewoTl KaTa TI
TOV avOparev® Bovhnow EKAOTOS iopverar, d€ov®
TovvayTtov THY Tept Too Jeod dd€ay atrods Kal THV
Tpos avTov TYLA dpLeTaKU]TOV Ovapuddrrew.

255 _(36) ‘AoA esvuos jLev OUV O MoAwy TOV AVOT;TOWV
cis nV KAL TETUPWLLEVWY. TOUS LEVTOL KAT aAnBevav
ev tots “EAAnvexots prooopycarras OUTE TOV
Tpoeypn LevenV ovdev dueAabev, ouTe Tas puxpas
mpopacets T@v adAnyopiayv Tyvoncay dome p Tov
pev ELKOTWS KaTeppovnoay, els de tiv adnbA Kat
mpeTovoay TEpt Tob feot dogav 7 py cvuvedwvycav.

256 ad 7s opynbets 6 [Acre ouTe Tav aArwy ot6d-
éva wontav gdyo. deiv els tiv ToAurelav mapa-

to
Ou
(at)

1 The bracketed words are glosses, which have crept into
the text of L and are absent from the Latin.

394

AGAINST APION, II. 251-256

the poets to introduce what gods they chose, subject and licence
to all the passions, and the orators to pass decrees Fosts and
for entering the name of any suitable foreign god on artists. —
the burgess-roll. Painters also and sculptors were

given great licence in this matter by the Greeks, each
designing a figure of his own imagination, one mould-

ing it of clay, another using paints. The artists who

are the most admired of all use ivory and gold as the
material for the novelties which they are constantly
producing.* And now the gods who once flourished

with honours are grown old,* that is the kinder way

of putting it; and others, newly introduced, are the
objects of worship. Some temples are left to desola-

tion, others are but now. being erected, according

to individual caprice ; whereas they ought, on the
contrary, to have preserved immutably their belief

in God and the honour which they rendered to Him.

(36) Apollonius Molon was but one of the crazy analogies
fools. The genuine exponents of Greek philosophy frtween
were well aware of all that I have said, nor were Plato and
they ignorant of the worthless? shifts to which the oes
allegorists have resort. That was why they rightly
despised them and agreed with us in forming a true
and befitting conception of God. From this stand-
point Plato declares that no poet ought to be admitted

¢ The ms. at these points adds the following glosses:
** Some temples are completely desolate ; the most celebrated
are being renovated, with all manner of purifications ”’ ;
‘* and those who flourished after them have been relegated
to a secondary position’’; “‘ so that, as (?) we said before
in a digression, the sites are left desolate.”

b (Greek. frigid.”

2 rov avd. L: a’royv Lat.
3 + roivuy L (om. ed. pr.).

395

bo
Or
~I

258

259

260

261

262

JOSEPHUS

/ \ \ a >) / > /
déxyecBar, Kat Tov “Opnpov edojpws arroméumeTat
oTedavwoas Kal pvpov avtod KaTaxéas, Wa 57 pH
tiv opbiy dd€av wept Geod Tots pvOois adavicere.
pddiora Oe [Adtwv pepipnrat tov ypyéTEpov
vowobérny Kav TH pndev ovTW Taldev[LA4 Tpoc-
TaTTew Tots moAiTats ws TO TaVTAas aKpiB@s Tovs
vopous ekpavOdvew, Kal pry Kat Tepi TOO pH

~ e ” > / / ” > >
deiv ws ervxev emyiyvucbal twas e€wlev, add
elvat Kafapov to moXiTevpa TOV EeupevovtTwv Tots
vopols Tpovvencev. av ovdev Aoytcapevos 6 MéAwv
’"AmoAAdyios Hav KaTnyopnoev, OTL pn Tapa-

/ \ + / /
dexopefa gtovs addais mpoKaterAnppévovs dd€ats
~ ~ A >
mept Geot, pnde Kowwvety eOéAowey tois Kal

e / / / ~ / 5 >
érépav ovvifevav Biov Chv mpoarpovpévois. addr
obdé TobT éoTw ldLov Hua@v, Kowov b€ TavTwY,

> e / \ / > \ A ~ oe ~
ody ‘EAAjvwv d€ povwv, adda Kat tTaV ev Tots
"EdAjow evdokywratwv. Aakedaysdviot b€ Kat
EevnAacias movovpevor dueTéAovy Kal Tois avTaV
> Q a / >) > / \ >
amoénetv TroAitais odK émétpetov, Siadbopay e&
apdotv thopwpevor yevicecbar mept Tovs vopous.
Exelvols prev ovv TAX Gy’ SvoKoAiay Tis dvELOioELEY
elKOTWS* ovdEVL yap oUTE THS ToATElas OUTE TIS
map avtois peTedidocay diatpibs. jets dé Ta
pev tov aAAwy CydAodv ote a€iodpev, Tovs pevTot
petéxew TOV qeTepwv BovdAopévovs Hd€ws Sexo-
pcfa. Kat TodTo av ein TEeKpTpLov, oipar, Pid-
avOpwrias apa Kat peyadopvyias.

(37) “Ed zepi Aaxedaynoviwy emi mreiw Aéyew. ot

\ \ > A ¢e ~ / / >] A
dé Kow7y civar THY cavTa@v ddEavtes THAW *ABnvator

1 Niese: raya L.

396

AGAINST APION, II. 256-262

to the republic, and dismisses even Homer in lauda-
tory terms, after crowning and anointing him with
unguents, in order to prevent him from obscuring by
his fables the correct doctrine about God.* In two
points, in particular, Plato followed the example of
our legislator.? He prescribed as the primary duty
of the citizens a study of their laws, which they must
all learn word for word by heart. Again, he took
precautions to prevent foreigners from mixing with
them at random, and to keep the state pure and
confined to law-abiding citizens.° Of these facts
Apollonius Molon tock no account when he con-
demned us for refusing admission to persons with
other preconceived ideas about God, and for declining
to associate with those who have chosen to adopt a
different mode of life. Yet even this habit is not
peculiar to us; it is common to all, and shared not
only by Greeks, but by Greeks of the highest reputa-
tion. The Lacedaemonians made a practice of The _
expelling foreigners and would not allow their own cee
citizens to travel abroad, in both cases apprehensive By Se 4
of their laws being corrupted. They might perhaps?"
be justly reproached for discourtesy, because they
accorded to no one the rights either of citizenship or
of residence among them. We, on the contrary,
while we have no desire to emulate the customs of
others, yet gladly welcome any who wish to share
our own. That, I think, may be taken as a proof
both of humanity and magnanimity.

(37) Of the Lacedaemonians I will say no more.
But the Athenians, who considered their city open

« Plato, Rep. iii. 398 4; and on poets generally 7. ii.
sub fin.

» Cf. Aristobulus ap. Eus. P.E. xiii. 12.

¢ Plato, Legg., esp. xii. 949 & ff.

397

JOSEPHUS

TOs Tepl TOUTO etxov, “AzroMesvios Tyvonoe,
OTL KAL TOUS pHa pOvov Tapa TOUS €KEelvwY VOpLOUS
PbeyEapevous Tept decay dmapauryT ws €xoAacar.

263 Tivos yap €Tépov xdpw LuKparns améBavev; od
yap or) mpoedloov THV 7OAWw Tots Toheptous ovoe
TOV tep@v éavAncev obd€v, add’ ott Kawovs 6pKouUsS
@pvve Kal Te Saysovioy atT@ onpaivew edhacke
v7 Ata. malo, cae Evloe déyovar, dia Tatra KarT-

/

264 eyraoOn KC@VELOV TLV aobavety. Kal Siadbetpew

dé TOUS véous oO KaT7Hyopos avTov qTVaTo, Ths
mar plov moditelas Kal TOV vOpew OTL Tmponyyev
avrous KaTappovely. LuKparis jLev ov mohirns

265 ‘AGnvatos & av® TovavTHy v vTrepEWve TYL PLAY ’ Ava€é-
ayopas de KAaCopevios nv, GAN’ ort voplovra
"AGnvatwy rev jAvov eivar Beov 6 8% adrov edn

7 4 > 8 iw Aa. > ~ > “2h
pvopov* eivar didzupov, Odvatov atrob map’ dAlyas
/ PA \ / ~ /

266 Ujdous KaTéyvwoav. Kat Avaydpa 7a Mryriw
TaAavrov eémexrpv€av, et tis adtov avéAo, eet
Ta Tap avtois pvotipia xAevalew éAéyeTo. Kal

/ > \ 7 ” \ va
IIpwrayopas «t yn Oartov edvye, avddAndbeis av
ereOv7iKcel, ypaibat Tt dd€as oty opoAoyovpevov

= ~ / \ ~ /

267 Tots “A@nvatous mept Geav. zt b€ det Jovpacew,
el mpos avdpas ovTws a€.omiorous der ejoay, ol
ye pndoe yvvatkav edetoav7o; Nivov® yap tiv

1 Niese (cf. i. 255): packer 7 duaTraigfwy L.

2 Niese: “A@nvaiwy L.

3 Naber: 60’ L. * Hudson: pirdov L.

> A brilliant emendation of Weil for the ms. viv. She is

mentioned by Demosthenes, Adv. Boeot. 995, 1010 and by
scholiasts on De falsa leg. 431 and elsewhere.

a * By the dog ”’ (vi roy xtva) was his favourite oath.
® Lit. “* by Zeus.” ¢ Plato, Apol. 31 pb.
4 Meletus. ¢ Apol. 23 n.

5398

AGAINST APION, II. 262-267

to all comers—what was their attitude in this matter ?
Apollonius was ignorant of this, and of the inexorable
penalty which they inflicted on any who uttered a
single word about the gods contrary to their laws.
On what other ground was Socrates put to death?
He never sought to betray his city to the enemy, he
robbed no temple.» No; because he used to swear
strange oaths % and give out (in jest, surely,’ as some
say) that he received communications from a spirit,’ he
was therefore condemned to die by drinking hemlock.
His accuser @ brought a further charge against him of
corrupting young men,’ because he stimulated them
to hold the constitution and laws of their country in
contempt. Such was the punishment of Socrates, a
citizen of Athens. Anaxagoras’ was a native of
Clazomenae, but because he maintained that the
sun, which the Athenians held to be a god, was an
incandescent mass, he escaped by a few votes only
from being condemned by them to death. They
offered a talent for the head of Diagoras of Melos,’
because he was reported to have jeered at their
mysteries. Protagoras,” had he not promptly fled,
would have been arrested and put to death, because
of a statement about the gods in his writings which
appeared to conflict with Athenian tenets. Can
one wonder at their attitude towards men of such
authority when they did not spare even women?
They put Ninus the priestess to death, because

f Circa 499-427; he owed his escape to the influence of
Pericles.

9 A contemporary of Anaxagoras and known in antiquity
as ‘‘ the atheist.”

h Of Abdera, 5th cent. p.c. The book on which he was
impeached began with the words: ‘* Respecting the gods, I
am unable to know whether they exist or do not exist.”

399

Impiety
severely
punished
by the
Athenians

JOSEPHUS

poe dmeKTEWay, €7TEL Tes avr AS KaTnyopnoey,
TU f€vous EUvEL Deovs: vouw & Hv totTo Tap
avtois KexwAvpévov Kal TYyuwpla Kata TOV E€vov
268 eloayovTew Beov CoploTo | Odvaros. ot b€ TowovTw
VO[LW Xpopevor d7jAov OTL Tous tav dAAwy odtK
évoplov etvat Beovs: o¥ yap av avtots mAevwy
amoAavew edfovovr.
> ! ~
269 Ta pev otv “Abnvaiwy éxyétw’ KadAds. XUxvbar
/ > . 4 ~
d€ ddvois yatpovtes avOpwrwv Kai Bpayd Ttav
4 \ > ~ x
Onpiwv Siadpépovtes, Ouws Ta Tap avTois olovTaL
~ / \ \ e \ ~ e ¥ cone mt
deity meptotéAAew, Kal Tov vo THV “EAAjvwv emi
/ / \ > / > /
codia Gavpacbévta, tov “Avayapow, émaveAOovra.
A cs - ] \ > ~ , \ os ¢ ~ >) Aa 2
mpos avtovs avetAov, ever TOV “EAAnvixay ebay
7D 4 > / \ \ \ \
edofev Kew avdtAcews. moddovs b€ Kal Tapa
7 \ \ \
Ildpoais ay tis evpou Kat Oud THY adbray aiTiav KEKO-
270 Aacpévous. adda dAAov ore Tots Ilepody EXape
VOHLoLs oO “AmroMevios KAKELVOUS eGavpwacer, ore
Tijs dvOpetas avrayv améhavoav ob “EAAnves Kal
Tis opoyvapoovrns 7s eixov_ mept Oedv, TavTT)S
ev [ovv] & Tots tepois ois KaTémpyoar, THS
dvSpeias d€ dovredcar mapa puKpov éAGovtes.
amdvTwy be Kal TOV emiTndevLaTwWY pLYLATTS
> / ~ ~ ~ > / e /
eyeveto TOV Llepaik@v yuvaikas adAorpias bBpilwv
Kal Taldas eKTéuvov.
> e ~ \ / 4 “” y+ /
271 Ilap’ uty d€ Bavaros wprotat, Kav adoyov tis
7 ~ > ~ \ 7 ¢ ~ ~
ouTw CBov aduKh Kal TOUTWY NULGs TOV vopLowv
U ~
amayayetv oUTE poBos loxuce THY KpaTynoavTwY
OUTE CiAos TOV mapa tois dAdo TeTYynevan.
7 > ~
272 ovdE TiV avdpelay joKHCapev eT TH TOoAEpWoUS
1 Niese: @xero L. 2 Gedy Lat.
2 Visited Athens in the time of Solon; cf. Herod. iv. 76.

® Cf. for such Persian practices Herod. vi. 32.
400

AGAINST APION, II. 267-272

some one accused her of initiating people into the
mysteries of foreign gods; this was forbidden by
their law, and the penalty decreed for any who
introduced a foreign god was death. Those who had
such a law evidently did not believe that the gods of
other nations were gods; else they would not have
denied themselves the advantage of increasing the
number of their own.

So much may be said to the credit of the Athenians.
But even Scythians, who delight in murdering people
and are little better than wild beasts, nevertheless
think it their duty to uphold their national customs ;
and Anacharsis,* whose wisdom won the admiration
of the Greeks, was on his return put to death by his
compatriots, because he appeared to have come back
infected with Greek habits. In Persia, also, numer-
ous instances will be found of persons being executed
for the same reason. Apollonius, however, had an
affection for the laws of the Persians and a high
opinion of the people ; evidently because Greece had
a taste of their courage and the benefit of their agree-
ment with herself in religious beliefs! The latter
she experienced when she saw her temples burnt to
the ground, their courage in her bare escape from
subjection to their yoke. Apollonius actually imitated
all the Persian practices, outraging his neighbours’
wives and castrating their children.?

With us such maltreatment even of a brute beast
is made a capital crime. And from these laws of
ours nothing has had power to deflect us, neither fear
of our masters, nor envy of the institutions esteemed
by other nations. We have trained our courage, not

¢ An exaggeration of the law in Lev. xxii. 24 (Deut.
mat, l)'s cf. Asiv. 290 f.
VOL. I AD 401

and even by
Scythians
and
Persians.

Our Icyalty
to our laws.

JOSEPHUS

dpacbar ydpw AeoveElas, GAN’ emt TH TOUS voOpous
diadvAdrrew. tas yotv aAdas éAatTwoers Tpaws
UTOMEVOVTES, ETTELOGY TWES TLGS TA VOMyLA KUWelV
dvayKalwat, TOTE Kal Tapa dvvapw aipovpeba
mroA€pous KaL [Lexpl TOV eoxdTo Tats ovpdopats

273 eykaprepodper. dua TL yap av Kal CnAwoayev
TOUS eT Epa vojLous op&vres pede" Tapa Tots
fepévois adtovs TETTPHILEVOUS 5 7™@s yap ovK
eneAAov Aakedarpovioe jev Tis dveTyLiKTou KaTa-
yvwoccbar moXitelas Kal THS TEplL Tovs ‘yapLous
OAvywpias, "HAetou 5€ Kai OnfPato. tHs mapa
dvow Kat |ayay }* avédnv mpos Tovs appevas

274 pigews ; & yoov mada xah\ora Kal ouppopurrara
mparrew dreAdpBavov, Tadr ef Kal py wavTaTact

275 Tois Epyois medevyacw, oty opodroyotow, adda
KaL TOUS TeEpl avTa@Y Vvoyous amropvuvTa® TOCODTOV
TOTE Tapa Tots “EMyow ioyvcavTas, WOoTE Kal
Tots Geos Tas TOV dppevev pl€eus evrenpoay,
KaTG TOV avrov de Adyov KaL TOUS Tav yunoto
adeAd@v ydpous, tavtTnv amodoyiay avtois TaV
aToTWwY Kal Tapa dvow 7dovav ovvTbertes.

276 (38) “ES viv wepi TOv Tyswpidv Aéyew, Coas ev
e€ apyts edocay ot mActoror vopoberar Tots movnpots
dvadvcets,* em pouxetas pev Cnptas Xpypeatav,
emt Pbopas dé Kal yajLous vopobernoarres, 6oas
de> mepl tis daeBelas mpoddoers mepiexovow
apvnoews, el Kal Tis emtyerprociey e€eTalew. 707
yap mapa tots mAeloow pedérn yeéyove Tod Tapa-

277 Paivew tovs vopous. od piv Kal map piv, adda

1 Dindorf: yjre L. 2 Om. Lak

3 Niese: dzouiyvuvta L Lat. 4 d:advces Cobet.
5 Dindorf (with Lat.): xai L.

402

AGAINST APION, II. 272-277

with a view to waging war for self-aggrandizement,
but in order to preserve our laws. To defeat in any
other form we patiently submit, but when pressure
is put upon us to alter our statutes, then we deliber-
ately fight, even against tremendous odds, and hold
out under reverses to the last extremity. And why
should we envy other nations their laws when we
see that even their authors do not observe them ?
The Lacedaemonians were, of course, bound in the
end to condemn their unsociable constitution and
their contempt for marriage, and the people of
Elis and Thebes the unnatural vice so rampant
among them. At any rate, if they have not in fact
altogether abandoned them, they no longer openly
avow practices which once they considered very
excellent and expedient. But they go further than
this, and repudiate their laws on the subject of these
unions—laws which at one time carried such weight
with the Greeks that they actually attributed to the
gods the practice of sodomy and, on the same
principle, the marriage of brother and sister, thus
inventing an excuse for the monstrous and unnatural
pleasures in which they themselves indulged.

(38) In the present work I pass over the various Other |
penalties, and all the modes of compounding for evade and
them which the majority of legislators provided in {}02"
their codes at the outset for offenders—accepting fines laws.
in case of adultery, marriage in that of immorality
—and, in matters of impiety, all the subterfuges
which they left open for denying the facts, if anyone
took the trouble to open an inquiry. Nowadays,
indeed, violation of the laws has with most nations
become a fine art. Not so with us. Robbed though

4.03

JOSEPHUS

“ 7 \ / \ ~ BA > ~
Kav mAovTov Kal moAewv Kat TOV aAdAwy ayabday
otepnbGpev, 6 yodv vowos jutv abavaros diapever,

\ > \ > / ” A 4 vA > /
Kal OvOELS lovéatey ovTE paKpay OUTwS av amréABou
Tijs mar pidos ovre TLK pov poBnOjcerat Oeororny,

278 ws pT) ™po exelvov dedvevar TOV vopov. et pev ov
dud THY apeTiVY THY vopwy ovTws ™pos avrovs
duakeieba, ovyxwpycdtwcay 6 oT Kpariorous EXO-
jlev vomous. €t be pavdous ovTws TLGS €LLLEVELW
d7oAapPdvovot, Ti ovK av attol diKaiws mabotev
Tovs KpeltTovas ov dudAdttovtes ;

279 Emel toivuv 6 troAds xpdvos moreveTa TaVTWY
civau SoKyaar7s adn feoraros, TobTov av Tolm-
cain eye pd prupa. Tijs ApEeTHS TpLa@v Tob vopo-
Oérov Kal THs om EKELVOU puns mept Tod Beod
mapadolelons. azmelpov yap Tod xpovov yeyovoros,
” > \ / ~ ~ + e /
el Tis avtov mapaPdaAAo tats THY aAAwy 7ALKiaLs

~ \ / a.) AL 4 ~ 4 2

280 vopoberav, Tapa avr dv" evpor TobToOv (39) <OTU>
og’ TL@V TE dunheyxOnoav ot vopor Kal Tots GAAos
dmacw avOpurous det Kal paddov attav CHAov
e[LTETIONKGOL.

281 Ipa@rou pev yap ot Tapa Tots "EdAnot dido-
copijaavres 7O pev doxely TA TATpLO dvepuarrov,
év d€ Tots mpayyace’ Kal TO pirocodetv exeivan*
KaTnKoAovinoay, Gpova pev mrepl Beod dpovodvres,
evTéAevav Se Biov Kat THV TpOs dAArjAous Kowwviav

282 biddoKovTes. OD pLnV ara Kal Aj Geow 707
modvs CrAos yeyovev é€k paKpod THs WmweTepas

>
evdaeBelas; ov0 €oTw od ToAts “EAAjvwv ovd

1 zav7’ av Niese: mavras L.
2 ins. Niese.
3 ypaypact con}. Niese.
4 éxeivors Bekker (with Lat.).

404

AGAINST APION, II. 277-282

we be of wealth, of cities, of all good things, our Law
at least remains immortal ;@ and there is not a Jew
so distant from his country, so much in awe of a cruel
despot, but has more fear of the Law than of him.
If, then, our attachment to our laws is due to their
excellence, let it be granted that they are excellent.
If, on the contrary, it be thought that the laws to
which we are so loyal are bad, what punishment
could be too great for persons who transgress those
which are better ?

Now, since Time is reckoned in all cases the surest
test of worth,? I would call Time to witness to the
excellence of our lawgiver and of the revelation
concerning God which he has transmitted to us. An
infinity of time has passed since Moses, if one com-
pares the age in which he lived with those of other
legislators ; yet it will be found (39) that throughout
the whole of that period not merely have our laws
stood the test of our own use, but they have to an
ever increasing extent excited the emulation of the
world at large.

Our earliest imitators were the Greek philosophers,
who, though ostensibly observing the laws of their
own countries, yet in their conduct and philosophy
were Moses’ disciples,’ holding similar views about
God, and advocating the simple life and friendly
communion between man and man. But that is not
all. The masses have long since shown a keen desire
to adopt our religious observances ; and there is not

¢ Cf. in a contemporary work Bar. iv. 1: “ the law that
endureth for ever.”

» Of. Soph. Ajax 646 ff. “All things the long and
countless years of Time first draw from darkness, then bury
from light,” ete. (a play of which there are other reminis-
cences in Josephus), ¢ Cf. §§ 168, 257.

4.05

Our laws
have stood
the test of
time and
been widely
imitated.

283

284

JOSEPHUS

TTecoby ovde BapBapos,” ovoe ev éOvos, vba pH
TO THS éBdopdéos, iy dpyoopev Teets, eos? Oua-
TEpOlTnKEV , Kal al yqoretat Kal Avxvev ava-
Kavoets Kat 7oAAG Tov eis Bp@ow Tpiv od vevo-
peegpLeveny TApaTeT 7 pnT aL. _byetobat de Teup@vT a
Kal TI mpos adAArjAovs Tpeav OjLovolay Kal TI
Tov ovToy dvddoow Kal TO prrepyov ev ais
TEXVELS Kal TO KapTepLKov év Tats omep TOV vows
dvdyKats. TO yap Gavpacusraror, oru Xwpis Tob
Tijs 70ov7s evayuryod deAearos® atros Kal? eauTov
loxvoev 6 vopos, Kal womrep 0 Deos dud. TmaVvTOos
Tob KOopov TmepoiTnKeEV, ovTws © 6 VOLS dua mdvT oy
avOpurov BeBdoucev. avros d€ TIS EKAOTOS TV
marpioa Kal TOV OiKOV emuaKoT GV TOV abrod Tots
bm éuod Aeyopevois ovK dmLoTH GEL. xP) TOLVUV
mavtTwy avOpaTwv Karayv@va Tovnptay eGehov-
ovov, el taAAdtpia Kal datdAa zpo TOV olKEtwv
Kat KaAdyv Cn Aoby emiTefupnKacw, 7) tavcacbat

286 BacKatvovras jp TOUS KaTyYyopobyTas. ovde

287

yap emipbovov Twos avTimovovpela mpadypwaros TOV
avTaV TYL@VTES vopoberny Kal Tots om exelvov
mpopytevdetar mept Tob Geod TETLOTEUKOTES” Kal
yap el Ba) ouvlewev avTol TIS dperis TOV VOHOV,
TavTws* av to Tob mAnGous THv CydAovyTwy peya
dpovely én adtots mponyOnue.

(40) “AMa yap TeEpt pev TOV VOMWY Kat Tijs moA-
Tetas Thy akpiph me7olnpwat Tmapadoow ev tots
mept apyaodoyias por ypadeior. vuvi 6 avTav

1 BapBapov Niese. * fos] 70 €Oo0s 6é L.

3 Se\éaros Niese: ot deXeacTos L.
4 Niese: amdvrwv L.

406

AGAINST APION, II. 282-287

one city, Greek or barbarian, nor a single nation, to
which our custom of abstaining from work on the
seventh day * has not spread, and where the fasts
and the lighting of lamps? and many of our prohibi-
tions in the matter of food are not observed. More-
over, they attempt to imitate our unanimity, our
liberal charities, our devoted labour in the crafts, our
endurance under persecution on behalf of our laws.
The greatest miracle of all is that our Law holds out
no seductive bait of sensual pleasure,’ but has
exercised this influence through its own inherent
merits ; and, as God permeates the universe, so the
Law has found its way among all mankind. Let
each man reflect for himself on his own country and
his own household, and he will not disbelieve what I
say. It follows, then, that our accusers must either
condemn the whole world for deliberate malice in
being so eager to adopt the bad laws of a foreign
country in preference to the good laws of their own,
or else give up their grudge against us. In honouring
our own legislator and putting our trust in his pro-
phetical utterances concerning God, we do not make
any arrogant claim justifying such odium. Indeed,
were we not ourselves aware of the excellence of our
laws, assuredly we should have been impelled to
pride ourselves upon them by the multitude of their

admirers.

(40) I have given an exact account of our laws and Recapitula-
constitution in my previous work on our Antiquities, “°™

@ Aristobulus finds traces of the Sabbath even in Homer
and Hesiod ! (Eus. P.H. xiii. 12).
> Of. § 118.
© Of. § 217.
407

288

289

291

292

JOSEPHUS

> / 27°? 4 SS > A A \ =
ezepvyicbnv éd Soov qv avayKaiov, ovTe Ta TOV
dAAwy dbéyew ovTe TA Tap Hpi eyKwpualew Tpo-
\ ~ 2Q/
Géuevos, aA wa Tods Tept HUdv adikws yeypa-
/ > / \ >] \ > ~ \ > /
dotas eAéyEw mpos adriv avaidas tiv adnfevav
mediAoverkyKOTas. Kal o7] por OOK memAnp@oGar
\ \
dua Tijs ypaoys t ikavas a. TpouTrEgXopny . Kal yap
dpxavorntt mpoumapxov eredeiEa TO yi TOV
\
KaTHyOpwY OTL VEWTATOV éoTw elpy KOTO,” Kal
moMovs ev Tots ovyypappacw cpt LovevKoras
T_@v dpxatous Tapecxounv® paptupas, éKelvwv
OTL pndets €oTL Ova PeBarovpeveny. adAa pry Ai-
yuTrTious epacay TL@V TOUS TMpoyovous’ E€dEly-
Onoav & ets Atyurrov éMovres Erépwhev. Sia de
ipnv cwpatwrv atrovs éxBAnbAvar KatepevoarvTo*
Tpoaipecel Kal TEpLovcia pwyns edavycay eémi®
TH olKelay vmooTpepavTes yHV. ol pev ws gav-
/ e ~ \ / > / ~ \
Adrarov TpQv Tov vopoberny eAowWopnoay TO be
Ths apetns mado. pev 6 Oeds, pet exeivov de
pLapTus 0 xpévos eUpyTar yeyevnevos.
\ ~ / > > / / /
(41) Ilepi rv vopwy otk édénoe AOyou zAetovos.
atTol yap éwpabynoav & att&v otk acéPevay
\ > / > ae / / IQs SN
pev edaePevav 6° adnfeataryy SidacKovtes, 00d Emi
> ~
ptcavOpwriav, aA’ emt tiv TOV OvTwY KoWwwviay
mapakaNobytTes, adikias éxOpot, SiKkaroovyys emt-
An > / A / > / >
perets, apyiavy Kat moAvTéAevav e€opilovtes, avT-
dpkeis Kal diAomrovous eivar didacKovTes, TOAELwV
ev amrelpyovtes els mAcove€iav, avdpetous de vrep
~ > \
avtta@v eivac mapacKkevalovres, amapaitnTolt mpos

1 + xai yap L (om. Lat.).
2 Cobet (with Lat.): zapécxouer L.
3 eis Niese.
408

AGAINST APION, II. 287-292

Here I have alluded to them only so far as was
necessary for my purpose, which was neither to find
fault with the institutions of other nations nor to
extol our own, but to prove that the authors who
have maligned us have made a barefaced attack on
truth itself. I have, I think, in the present work
adequately fulfilled the promise made at the outset.”
I have shown that our race goes back to a remote
antiquity, whereas our accusers assert that it is quite
modern. I have produced numerous ancient wit-
nesses, who mention us in their works, whereas they
confidently affirm that there is none. They further
maintained that our ancestors were Egyptians ; it
has been shown that they migrated to Egypt from
elsewhere. They falsely asserted that the Jews
were expelled from that country as physical wrecks ®
it has been made clear that they returned to their
native land of deliberate choice, and thanks to their
exceptional physical strength. They reviled our
legislator as an insignificant personage ; his sterling
merits have found a witness of old in God, and, after
God, in Time.

(41) Upon the laws it was unnecessary to expatiate. Encomium
A glance at them showed that they teach not impiety, 97 jawe.
but the most genuine piety ; that they invite men
not to hate their fellows, but to share their posses-
sions; that they are the foes of injustice and
scrupulous for justice, banish sloth and extravagance,
and teach men to be self-dependent and to work
with a will; that they deter them from war for the
sake of conquest, but render them valiant defenders
of the laws themselves ; inexorable in punishment,

Ap. i. 2 lt.
2 Or * for Bodine impurity.”

409

JOSEPHUS

Tas TYyLwplas, aOOp.oTou Ayo TapacKkevais, Tots
Epyous Gael BeBavovpevor- TatTa yap [adel] Tipets

293 Tapéxouev THY Ypappar on evapyeotepa. d.do7ep
éya) Yapojoas ay etzouuw mAcioTwy dua Kai Kad-
Motwy yds elonyytas tots dAdo yeyovevat.
Tl yap evoeBelas amapaPatov KdAdiov; ti d€ Tob

294 7evapyety toils vopors SiKaLoTepov; 7 TL oUp-
popwrepov Tod zpos aAAjAovs Opovoeiv, Kal pT
ev ovpdopais Sduictacbar pyr ev edtuyiais oTa-
ova lew e€uBpilovras, GAN’ év toAduw pwev Javarov
KaTagpovety, ev elpyvn Oe TExXVaLs 7 yewpytats
mpocavexew, mavTa b€ Kal mavTayod memetcbat

295 TOV Deov emOTTEVOVTA Oerrew 5 TavT «i pev
Tap eTEpots 7) eypady TmpoTepov" 7 epuddxOn Be-
Bavorepov, Tpsets av exelvols xepy wdeidowev ws
pabyntrai yeyovores: et be KGL Xpepevor pddvora,

TAVT WV Prerropeba KaL THY mpuray evpeow avr av

Beery ovoav emedeiEapev, “Amiwves pev Kal
MoAwves Kat mavtes door TH evdecfar Kat Aou-
dopeiv yaipovow &€cAnréyy8woar.

296 Lot Sé€, “Emadpodite, pddvota tHv adnfevav
ayaT@vTt, Kat dua Gé Tots dpolws BovAncopévors*
Tept TOD yévous Hudv eldévar, TobTd Te® Kal TO
mpo adrod yeypadlw B.BAiov.

1 Dindorf: zp&rov L Lat.

2 Niese : SovXevcapévous L.
3 ed. pr.: om. L.

410

_h~*.

AGAINST APION, II. 292-296

not to be duped by studied words,’ always supported
by actions. For actions are our invariable testi-
monials, plainer than any documents. I would
therefore boldly maintain that we have introduced
to the rest of the world a very large number of very
beautifulideas. What greater beauty than inviolable
piety ? What higher justice than obedience to the
laws? What more beneficial than to be in harmony
with one another, to be a prey neither to disunion in
adversity, nor to arrogance and faction in prosperity ;
in war to despise death, in peace to devote oneself to
crafts or agriculture ; and to be convinced that |
everything in the whole universe is under the eye
and direction of God? Had these precepts been |
either committed to writing or more consistently
observed by others before us, we should have owed
them a debt of gratitude as their disciples. If, how-
ever, it is seen that no one observes them better
than ourselves, and if we have shown that we were
the first to discover them, then the Apions and
Molons and all who delight in lies and abuse may be
left to their own confusion.

To you, Epaphroditus, who are a devoted lover of Dedication.
truth, and for your sake’ to any who, like you, may
wish to know the facts about our race, I beg to
dedicate this and the preceding book.

¢ Or ‘“‘ unsophisticated in oratorical display.”
» da cé, “for your sake,” but half suggesting “‘ through
your kind offices ”’ (6:4 cod) in helping to advertise the work.

411 -

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GALILEE & SURROUNDING DISTRICT
5

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STANFORO'S GEOG* ESTABT, LONDON.

The rest under. Roman Frocurators.

INDEX I. GENERAL

For the Life (V.=Vita) and the Contra Apionem (Ap.) references are to
the sections shown in the left margin of the Greek text and in the top
margin of the English text; for the Introduction, to the pages.

ABBAR, Ap. i. 157

Abdastratus, Ap. i. 122

Abdemun, Ap. i. 115, 120

Abibalus, Ap. i. 118, 117

Abrahams, I., Ap, ii. 206

Acharabe (village in Galilee), V.
188

Actium, battle of, Ap. ii. 59

Acusilaus, Ap. i. 13, 16

Adamah, V, 321

Adria, sea of, V. 15

Aebutius, V. 115 ff.

Aegyptus = Sethos, eponymous
hero of Egypt, Ap. i. 102, 231

Agatharcides, Ap. i. 205 ff.

Agrippa (son of Josephus), V. 5.
(For Herod Agrippa see Herod.)

Akenchéres, Ap. i. 96

Akenchéres I and II, Ap. i. 97

Alexander the Great, Ap. i. 183 f.,
192, 200, ii. 35, 37, 62, 72

Alexander Polyhistor, Ap. i. 216n.

Alexandra, Queen, V. 5

Alexandria, V. 415; Ap. i. 48, ii.
36 (palace and necropolis), 37
(stele at); Alexandrian citizen-
ship, ii. 32, 38ff., 69, 71f.;
Alexandrian Jews, ii. 33-78
(feast of, ii. 55)

Aliens, Jewish attitude to, Ap. il.
209

Aliturus, V. 16.

Allegorists, Greek, Ap. ii. 255

Alphabet, introduction of, Ap. i.
10 f., 22.

Amenophis I, Ap. i. 95

Amenophis II, Ap, i. 96,

Amenophis III, Ap. i. 97

Amenophis (? III ? IV), Ap. i.
230 ff. , 254 ff., 288 ff.

Amenophis, son of Paapis (seer),
Ap. i= 232 ff, 243

Ameroth (village in Galilee), V.
188

Amesses, Ap. i. 95

Ammon, oracle of, Ap. i. 306, 312

Anacharsis, Ap. ii. 269

Ananias, V. 197, 290, 316, 332

Ananus, high priest, V. 193 ff.,
216, 309

Anaxagoras, Ap. ii. 168, 265

Anaximenes, Ap. i. 221 n.

‘* Ancient,” ‘‘ the most” (of God),
Ap. ii. 206

Andreas, Ap. ii. 46

Animals, Egyptian worship of,
Ap.-i. 225, 239, 244, 249, 254, ii.
66, 81, 86, 128 f., 139 ; representa-
tion of, forbidden to Jews, V.
65. Cf. Images

Antigonus, Ap, i. 213

Antioch, Ap. i. 206 f.; Jews in
Antioch, ii. 39

Antiochus IT, Ap. ii. 39 n.

Antiochus IV, Epiphanes, 4p. i.
34, ii. 80, 83 f., 90 ff.

Antiochus VI, Theos, 4p. ii. 82 n.

Antiochus VII, Eusebes, 4p. ii. 82

Antiochus (Sicilian historian), Ap.
iy Ut.

Antonia, fortress of, V. 20

Antony, Mark, 4p. ii. 58 f.

Apachnas, Ap. i. 80

Apion, Ap, li. 2-144, 295

413

GENERAL INDEX

Apis, Ap. i. 246

Apollo, Ap. ii. 112, 117, 162

Apollodorus, Ap. ii. 84

Apophis, Ap. i. 80

Appian, Ap. i. 210 n., ii. 57 n.

Arabia, Ap. ii. 25

Arabians (the Hycsos), Ap. i. 82

Arbela or Cave of A. (village in
Galilee), V. 188, 311

Arcadians, Ap. i. 22

Archelaus, King, V. 5

Archelaus, Julius, Ap. i. 51

Archives, of Galilee, V. 38; Jew-
ish, containing pedigrees, Ap. i.
31, 35

Argos, historians of, Ap. i. 17;
flight of Danaus to A., Ap. i.
103, ii. 16

Aristeas, Ap. i. 197 n., ii. 44 n.,
46, 206 n.

Aristobulus, Ap. ii. 168 n., 257 n.,
282 n.

Aristophanes (librarian), Ap. i. 216

Aristotle, Ap. i. 167 n., 176 ff., ii.
193 n.

Armenia, Ap. i. 130

Aroura (Egyptian measure of land),
Ap. i. 86, 195

Arrian, Ap. i. 192 n.

Arsinoe (sister of Cleopatra), Ap.
a 57

Artaxerxes (=Ahasuerus), Ap. i.
40

Asamonaeus, the children of (=the
Maccabees), V. 2, 4

Asia, Ap. i. 64, 90, 145, 182, ii.
128, 133, 228

Asochis, plain of, V. 207 ; town of,
V. 233, 384

Ass, fable of Jewish cult of, Ap. i.
164 n., ii. 80 f., 86 f., 114, 120

Assis, Ap. i. 81

Assistants, literary, of Josephus,
Ap. i. 50; not needed by God in
creation, Ap. ii. 192

Assyrians, Ap. i. 77, 90, 99

Astarte, worship of, at Tyre, Ap. i.
118, 123

Astharymus, Ap. i. 123

Athenaeus, Ap. i. 221 n., ii. 13 n.

Athenians, their neglect of public
records, Ap. i. 21; attacked by
Theopompus, i. 221; misfortunes
of, ii. 130 f.; laws of, ii. 172;

414

severely punish impiety, ii.
262 ff.
Atmosphere, effect of, on presenta-
tion of records, Ap. i. 9
Atthides(works on Attica), Ap.i.17
Auaris, Ap. i. 78, 86, 237 ff., 260 ff.,
296
Augustus (Octavius), Ap. ii. 60 f.
Auspices, taking the, Ap. i. 202 f.

Baat, king of Tyre, Ap. i. 156

Babylon, Ap. i. 136 ff., 142

Babylonian chronicles, Ap. i. 28;
cf. Chaldaean

“Babylonian Jews,” V. 47, 54
(with note), 177, 183 ;

Balator, Ap. i. 157

Balbazer, Ap. i. 121

Balezor, Ap. i. 124

Bank, royal, of Galilee, V. 38

Bannus, hermit, V. 11

“Barbarians” (opposed to Hel-
lenes), Ap. i. 58, 116, 161

Batanaea, V. 54, 183

Beersubai (village in Galilee), 7. 188

Bel, temple of, Ap. i. 139, 192

Berenice, Queen, V. 48, 119, 180 f.,
343, 355

Berosus, Ap. i. 129-153

Berytus, V. 49, 181, 357

Besara (near Ptolemais), V. 118 f.

Bethmaus (near Tiberias), V. 64, 67

Bethsaida Julias, V. 398 f., 406

Birthdays, Jewish observance of,
Ap. ii. 204

Bituminous Lake (Asphaltitis—
Dead Sea), Ap. i. 174

Bnon, Ap. i. 80

Bocchoris, Ap. i. 305 ff., ii. 16

Borsippa, Ap. i. 151 f. ;

Bribery of judges, Ap. ii. 207

Brigands, V. 21, 28, 46, 77 f., 105 f.,
145 ff., 175, 206

Bubastis (on arm of Nile), Ap. i. 78

Biichler, A., Ap. ii. 175

Capmus, Greeks learnt alphabet
from, Ap. i. 10

Cadmus of Miletus, Ap. i. 13

Caesar, Julius , Ap. ii. 37, 61

Caesarea, V. 414; Jews and Syri-
ans of C. V. 52-61

Caesarea Philippi, V. 74 f.

GENERAL INDEX

Calani, Indian philosophers, Ap. i.
1

Callias, Sicilian historian, Ap. i. 17

Calliphon, 4p. i. 164

Cana (village in Galilee), V. 86

Capellus, Julius, or Capella, V. 32,
66 f., 69, 296

Capernaum, V. 403 n.

Captivity, Jewish, Ap. i. 132 (70
years), 154 (50 years)

Carmania, Ap. i. 153

Carmel, Mount, Ap. ii. 16

Carthage, foundation of, Ap. i. 108,
T2195 f, ii 17 f.

Cassiodorus, p. xviii

Castor, Ap. i. 184, ii. 84

Cepharnocus (=Capernaum?), V.
403

Cerealius, V. 240

Cestius Gallus, governor of Syria,
V. 23 f., 28, 30, 49, 214, 347, 373,
394

Chabolo (Cabul ; village), V. 218 f.,
227, 234; Chabulon (district),
Ap. i. 110

Chaeremon, 4p. i. 288-303, ii. 1

Chaldaeans, their ancient records,
Ap. i. 8 f., 28; Greeks indebted
to, i. 14; ancestors of Jewish
race, i. 71; their evidence to
antiquity of Jews, i. 128-160

Chandragupta, Ap. i. 144 n.

Chares, V. 177, 186

Chebron, Ap. i. 94

Chelbes, Ap. i. 157

Choerilus, Ap. i. 172 ff.

Chronological statements and cal-
culations, Ap. i. 1, 36, 39, 93 ff.,
103 f., 126, 155 ff., ii. 19

Circumcision, enforced on aliens,
V. 113; Herodotus on, Ap. i.
169 ff., ii. 137, 141 f. (of Egyptian
priests)

Cleanthes, Ap. ii. 135

Clearchus, Ap. i. 176 ff.

Cleitus, V. 170 ff.

Clement of Alexandria, Ap. ii.
14n.

Cleopatra, consort of Ptolemy
Philometor, Ap. ii. 49 ff.

Cleopatra, last queen of Egypt,
Ap. ii. 56-60

Coele-Syria, Ap. i. 135, 150 ff., 179

Colchians, Ap. i. 168 f.

Colonists take name of founders,
PANS Mero Gull.

Commentaries of Vespasian and
Titus, V. 342, 358, Ap. i. 56

Compsus, V. 33

Conon, historian, Ap. i. 216

Constitution, Jewish, Ap. ii. 145 ff.

Corban (as oath), Ap. i. 167

Corinthian candelabra, V. 68

Corn-stores in Galilee, V. 71 f.,
118 f.

Crassus, Licinius, Ap. ii. 82

Crete, V. 427; Cretan method of
training, Ap. ii. 172

Crispus, V. 33, 382, 388, 393

Croesus, Ap. ii. 131

Crotona, Ap. i. 164

Crucifixion, V7. 420

Crum, W. H., Ap. i. 82

Ctesias, Ap. i. 16 n., 141 n., 142 n.

Cyprus, Ap. i. 99

Cyrene, ship of, V. 15; insurrec-
tion in, V. 424; Jewish settle-
ment in, Ap. li. 443 ii. 51

Cyrus, Ap. i. 132, 145, 150, 154,
158 f.

DaBARITTA, V, 126, 318

Damascus, massacre of Jews in,
Vie 2

Danaus (=Harmais), Ap. i, 102 f.,
Zale idealG

Darius, Ap. i. 154

Dassion, V. 131

David, Ap. ii. 132

Dead Sea. See Bituminous Lake

Decapolis, the Syrian, V. 341 f.,
410

Deimos, Ap. ii. 248

Deleastartus, Ap. i. 122

Delphi, temple of, Ap. ii.
oracle of, ii. 162

Demetrius II, Ap. i. 206, ii. 43 n.

Demetrius Phalereus, Ap. i. 218,
li. 46

Demetrius Poliorcetes, Ap. i. 184 f.

Deposits, Ap. ii. 208, 216

Destiny (7 ei(appeévn), Ap. ii, 245

Diadochi, the, Ap. i. 213

Diagoras, Ap. ii. 266

Diaspora, the Jewish, Ap. i. 82 f.,
194

Dicaearchia (= Puteoli), V. 16

Dido, Ap. i. 125

131 ;

415

GENERAL INDEX

Diodorus Siculus, Ap, i.
ii. 80 n., 187 n.

Diogenes Laertius, Ap. i. 179 n.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Ap. i.
66 n.

Dius, Phoenician historian, Ap. i.
112 ff.

Domitia, V. 429

Domitian, p. xi, V. 429

Dora (Dorii), V. 31, Ap. ii. 112,
114, 116

Dositheus, Ap. ii. 49

Dracon, Ap. i. 21

Dreams, V. 208 f., Ap. i. 207, 211, 289

305 n.,

EcsBaTANA (in Batanaea), V. 54 ff.

Education of Jewish children, Ap.
i. 60, ii. 204; two systems of, ii.
171 ff.

Egypt, Upper and Lower, Ap. i.
77; satrap of, i. 135

Egyptians, circumcision of, Ap. i.
169 ff., ii. 141; brought into early
contact with Greeks, i. 61, 63;
their evidence to antiquity of
Jews, i. 70, 73-105; libels on
Jews, i. 223 ff. ; attitude to Jews,
ii. 31; Egyptian priests, i. 28,
li. 140 f. ; Eg. records and sacred
books, i. 8 f., 14, 28, 73, 91, 228;
citizen rights refused to, ii. 41,
72; Egyptian fortresses entrusted
to Jews, ii. 44. See also Animals

Eknibal, Ap. i. 157

Elephants employed in persecution
of Jews, Ap. ii. 53 f.

Elis, vices of people of, Ap. ii. 273

Epaphroditus, p. xi, V. 430, Ap.
i. 1, ii. 1, 296

Ephesus, Jewsin, Ap. ii. 39; temple
of, ii. 131

Ephorus, 4p. i. 16, 67

Epicureans, Ap. ii. 180 n.

Essenes, V. 10; doctrines of, Ap.
ii. 203 n., 207 n.

Esther, book of, Ap. i. 40 n.

Ethiopia, Ap. i. 246 ff., 292, 300;
Ethiopians, circumcision of, i.
169 f.; Eastern Ethiopians, i.
174 n.

Enuhemerus, Ap. i. 216

Eupolemus, Ap. i. 118 n., 218

Europe, Ap. i. 66, ii. 128

Eusebius, p. x, xviii f.

416

Euxine sea, Ap. i. 64

Evilmaraduch, Ap. i. 146

Exodus from Egypt, distorted
accounts of the, Ap. i. 223, 229 ff.,
ii. 8 ff. ; various dates assigned to
the, ii. 15 ff.

Ezechias, chief priest, Ap. i. 187, 189

Fast, announcement of public, V.
29

Felix, procurator of Judaea, V,
336 57’

Fleet, 2 sham, V, 165 ff.

Flood, the, mentioned by Berosus,
Ap. i. 130

Funeral ceremonies,
li. 205

Future life, Ap. ii. 218 f.

Jewish, Ap.

GaBa, V. 115, 117 f.

Gabara, V. 44, 82, 123 ff. (one of the
three chief cities of Galilee), 202,
233, 235, 240, 265, 313 ; apparently
identical with the “village” of
Gabaroth, V. 229, 242 f.

Gadara, V. 42, 44, 349

Gaius Caesar (Caligula), p. vii,
V. 5, Ap. ii. 2 n.

Galilaeans passim in V. as sup-
porters of Josephus; Ap. i. 48
Galilee, Lower, V. 188; Upper, 67,
71, 187; capital of, rival claim-
ants, 37 f.; three chief cities of,
123; total number of cities and
villages in, 235; frontiers of, 115,

241, 270, 285, 318: et passim

Gamala, V. 46 f., 58-61, 114, 177,
179, 183, 185, 398

Garden, hanging, of Babylon, Ap.
a 141

Garis (village of Galilee), V. 395,
412

Gaulanitis, V. 187

Gaul, historians’ ignorance of, Ap.
i. 67

Gaza, Ap. ii. 116; battle of, i.
184 ff.

** Genealogies,” the Greek, Ap. i. 16

Gennesaret, Lake of, V. 96, 153,
165 ff. (304), 327, 349

Gerastratus, Ap. i. 157

Germanicus, Ap. ii. 63

Gischala, V. 43 ff., 70, 75 f., 101, 122,
189, 235, 308, 317

GENERAL INDEX

Glosses in text of Josephus, Ap. i.
§3, 92, 98, 134, ii. 195, 198, 253 f.

God, Jewish doctrine Of Ay Tie
165 ff., 181, 190 ff., 284

Greeks untrustworthy as anti-
quarians, Ap. i. 6 ff.; their dis-
regard of public records, i. 20 ff.,
44f.; their regard for style rather
than accuracy, i. 23 ff.; rare
mention of Jews in Greek his-
torians, i. 2 ff.; explanation of
their silence, i. 60ff.; Greek
historians who mention the Jews,
i, 161-218; Greek historians criti-
cized by Berosus, i. 142; alleged
annual murder of a Greek by
Jews, ii. 89 ff. ; real Jewish atti-
tude to Greeks, ii. 123; Greek re-
ligion severely criticized, ii.237 ff.

HAL, H. R., Ap: i. 82

Hands, severing of, as punishment,
Velie (lett

Hapi, Ap. i. 232 n.

Harmais, father
Ap. i. 97

Harmais, brother of Ramesses IT,
Ap. i. 98 ff.; called Hermaeus,

of Ramesses I,

Harmesses Miamoun, Ap. i. 97
Harmony, Jewish, Ap. ii. 179 ff.
Hashmon, V. 2 n.

Hecataeus of Abdera, Ap. i. 183-205,
214, ii. 43, 187 n.

Heliopolis, Moses as native (priest)
of, Ap. 1. 238; 250, 261, 265, 279,
ii. 10

Hellanicus, Ap. i. 16

Heracles, temple of, at Tyre, Ap. i.
118 f.; Nabuchodonosor com-
pared to, i. 144

Hermippus, Ap. i. 163 ff.

Hermogenes, Ap. i. 216

Herod the Great, V. 54n., 115 n.

Herod the tetrarch, founder of
Tiberias, V. 37; his palace at
Tiberias, 65

Herod Agrippa I
guavas) CEB EE By)

Herod Agrippa II (‘the king”),
V. 34, 88 f., 48, 52-61, 74, 112, 114,
131, 149, 154 ff., 180 ff., 220, 341-3,
3538 ff., 359f. (allusion to his
death), 362-6 (two of his letters

(‘‘the great

VOL. I

quoted), 381 ff., 397 f., 407, 410,
Ap. i. 51; his realm, V. 126 and
349 (with notes)

Herod, son of Gamalus (of Tiberias),
V. 33

Herod, son of Miarus (of Tiberias),
V. 33

Herod (of Tiberias, perhaps identi-
cal withone of the two foregoing),
V. 96

Herod (‘‘the most venerable,” un-
identified), Ap. i. 51

Herodotus, criticized universally,
Ap. i. 16, by Manetho, 73; does
not mention Rome, 66; on cir-
cumcision (quot.), 168 ff., ii. 142;
illustrations from, i. 98n., 118 n.,
142s Lie Ds, lle) Le STF
141 n.

Hesiod, Ap. i. 16

Hieronymus, Ap. i. 213 ff.

Hierosyla (and Hierosolyma), Ap.
i. 311 (318 f.)

Hierusaleme, Ap. i. 179

High priests as keepers of sacred
records, Ap. i. 29; list kept of,
for 2000 years, i. 36 ; functions of,
li. 104, 185, 193 f.

Hippodrome at Tarichaeae, V. 132,
138

Hippos, V. 42, 153, 349
Hirom (=Hiram), Ap. i.
TNE} shies Ny tei atk, ils) Se

Hirom II, Ap. i. 158 f.

Historian, functions of, V. 336-9 ;
cf. Greeks

Homer, posthumous collection of
his poems, 4p. i. 12; birthplace
of, ii. 14; nowhere uses the word
vopos, li. 155; dismissed by Plato
from his republic, ii. 256; misc.,
epelleme ew G2 a lA Ope oS ene
241-8 n.

Homicide, Athenian laws on, Ap. i.
21

Homonoia (place-name), V. 281

Hyesos dynasty, Ap. i. 75-83

Hyperochides, Ap. i. 177

Hyrcanus, high priest, V. 3

Hyreanus. son of Josephus, V. 5,
426

109 ff.,

IBERIANS, historians’ ignorance of
the, Ap. i. 67 ; alleged Babylonian

2E 417

GENERAL INDEX

subjugation of, i. 144;
Roman citizenship, ii. 40
Idumaea(ns), Ap. ii. 112, 116
Illuminations at Jewish festivals,

Ap. ii. 118 (282)

Images, making of, prohibited, Ap.
li. 75,191; cf. Animals, Statues
Imitation of Jewish customs by
Gentiles, Ap. i. 166 (ef. 225), ii.

281 ff.

Indian history of Megasthenes, Ap.
i. 144; Indian philosophers, i.
179

Inspiration of Jewish prophets,
AD At. 3t:

Inventiveness, alleged lack of
Jewish, Ap. ii. 135, 148, 182

Tonia, Jews in, Ap. ii. 39

Irene, Ap. ii. 55

Isis, Ap. i. 289, 294, 298

Isthmian games, Ap. ii. 217 n.

Ithaca (woman), Ap. ii. 55

Ithobal I, Ap. i, 123

Ithobal II, Ap. ii. 156

given

James, bodyguard of Josephus, V.
96, 240

Jamnia (village in Galilee), V7. 188

Jannaeus, son of Levi, V. 131

Jannas, Ap. i. 80

Japha (largest village in Galilee),
V. 230, 233, 270

Jebb, R. C., Ap. i. 11

Jeremiah, officer of Josephus, V.
241, 399

Jerusalem: the public assembly
(xd xowsév), V. 65, 72, 190, 254,
267, 309, 341, 393; the leaders
(ot zp@zor), 217, 310; the Sanhe-
drin, 62; royal palace, 46, 407;
siege of, V. 348, 350, 354, 358, 412,
416 f., Ap. i. 48; alleged founda-
tion of, by the ‘‘shepherds,” i.
90, 228; description of, by Heca-
taeus, i. 196 ff. ; ‘‘ the holy city,”
i. 282

Jesus, son of Gamalas, high priest,
V. 193, 204

Jesus, son of Sapphias, chief magi-
strate of Tiberias, V. 66 f., 134 ff.,
271, 278, 294ff., 300f., and
perhaps 246

Jesus, a brigand chief, V. 105 ff.,
and perhaps 200

418

Jesus, kinsman of Justus of Ti-
berias, V. 178, 186

Joazar (or Jozar), colleague of
Josephus, V. 29 (63, 73, 77)

John of Gischala, son of Levi, V.
43 ff., 70 ff., 82, 85 ff., 101f., 122 f.,
189, 203, 217, 233, 236 ff., 246, 292,
301, 304, 306, 313 ff., 368 ff.

Jonathan, high priest, brother of
Judas Maccabaeus, V 4

Jonathan, member of deputation
sent to oppose Josephus, V. 197,
201, 216 ff., 229 ff., 245 ff., 301 ff.,
316, 332

Jonathan, promoter of sedition in
Cyrene, V. 424

Jonathan, son of Sisenna, V. 190;

Jordan, V. 33, 399, 405

Joseph, the patriarch, Ap. i. 92,
224 n., 238 n., 290 (=Peteseph, a
sacred scribe), 299

Josephus the historian: life, p.
vii ff.; qualifications as priest,
Ap. i. 54; the Antiquities, p. xi,
Ap..i. 14., 54, 127, 1 136" 28K
the Jewish War, p. xi, V. 27,
361-367, 412, Ap. i. 47 ff.; the Life,
p. xiii ff. (an appendix to Ant.,
links with Ant. xx.); the Contra
Apionem, Pp. Xvi; projected
works, p. xii; his literary assist-
ants, Ap. i. 50; his revision of
his works, Ap. i. 83 n.

Joseph(us), grandfather of J. the
historian, V. 5

Josephus, ‘‘the midwife’s son,”
V. 185

Jotapata, V. 188, 234, 332, 350, 353,
357, 412, 414

Jozar (or Joazar), opponent of
Josephus, V. 197, 324 f., 332;
(possibly identical with Joazar,
former colleague of Jos., above).

Judaea, Manetho’s account of its
occupation by the Jews, Ap. i.
90, 228; its extent according to
Hecataeus, i. 195

Judas, colleague of Josephus, V. 29
(63, 73, 77)

Julias. See Bethsaida

Justin, Ap. ii. 50 n.

Justus, son of Josephus, V. 5, 427

Justus, bodyguard of Jos., V. 397

Justus of Tiberias, son of Pistus,

GENERAL INDEX

V. 34, 36-42, 65, 88, 175 ff., 279,
336-367, 390, 410; his history of
the Jewish war, p. xiv, V. 40,
857-360, Ap. i. 46 n.

Juvenal, p. xi; parallels from,
Veg ti, Apps i. 225. ii 65.21

KAPHARATH (village of Galilee),
V. 188

LABOROSOARDOCH, Ap. i. 148

Lacedaemon attacked by Poly-
crates, Ap. i. 221; Lacedaemon-
jians, their bravery and misfor-
tunes, ii. 130; their training, 172 ;
unduly admired, 225-231; their
expulsion of foreigners, 259 f.;
273

Laqueur, p. 1x, xii, xiv f., xix

‘Law,’ the word, not found in
Homer, Ap. ii. 154 f.

Law (laws) of Moses: copy of, pro-
duced, V. 134; the five books,
Ap. 1. 39; given on Sinai, ii. 25;
translation of, under Ptolemy
Philadelphus, ii. 45 ff. ; Jewish
regard for, i. 60, 190 ff., 212, ii.
149 f.; the Law as father and
master, ii. 174; Sabbath reading
of, and Jewish familiarity with,
ii. 175 ff.; laws on leprosy, i.
281 f.; summary sketch of, ii.
190-219; humanity of, ii. 211 ff. ;
penalties, ii. 215 ff.; exacting
requirements of, ii. 228; the
Law immortal, ii. 2773; enco-
mium on, ii. 291 ff. ; the oral law
(7a. vourwa), V. 161 (bearing arms
on the Sabbath), 191 (Pharisees
experts on); misc., V. 198, Ap.
ii. 106, 184 ff.

Lebanon (Libanus), V. 52, Ap. i.
HOSES us

Leontopolis,
49 n.

Lepers, Egyptian, Ap. i. 229 ff.,
304; Moses’ laws on, i. 281 f.

Levi, officer of Josephus, V. 171,
319

Libya, Ap. i. 144;
Jews in, ii. 44

Lightfoot, J., Ap. i. 167

Locrians, laws of the, Ap. ii. 154

temple of, Ap. ii.

settlement of

Lycurgus, Ap, ii. 154, 225
Lysimachus, Ap. i. 304-320; ii. 16,
20, 145, 236

MAccaBEES, Fourth Book of, p. xii

Macedonians (of Alexandria and
Egypt), Ap. ii. 35 f., 48, 69 f.,
BBY, WERE

Macrones, the, Ap. i. 170

Manetho, Ap. i. 16 n., 73-105, 227-
287, 294 ff, ii. 1, 16

Marriage of Jewish priests, Ap. i.
31 ff. ; Jewish marriage laws, ii.
199 ff.

Matthias, son of Simon, ancestor
of Josephus, V. 4

Matthias Curtus,
Josephus, V7. 4

Matthias, father of Josephus, V. 5,
7, 204

Matthias, brother of Josephus, V. 8

Medes, Media, Ap. i. 64, 99, 141

Megasthenes, historian of India,
Ap. i. 144

Memphis, Ap. i. 77, 246

Menahem, V. 21, 46

Menander of Ephesus, 4p. i. 116 ff.,
155 n,

Mephramouthosis, Ap. i. 95

Mephres, Ap. i. 95

Merbal, A». i. 158

Methusastartus, Ap. i. 122

Metten, Ap. i. 125

Middle, God the, of all things,
Ap. ii. 190

Minos, Ap. ii. 161

Misphragmouthosis, Ap. i. 86

Mnaseas, Ap. i. 216, ii. 112

Modius, Aequus, V. 61, 74, 114,
180 f.

Molon, Apollonius, Ap. ii. 16, 79,
145, 148, 236, 255, 258, 262, 270,
295

Mommsen, T., Ap. ii. 40 f.

Moses, etymology of, Ap. i. 286;
called Osarsiph by Manetho, i.
250; Tisithen by Chaeremon, i.
290; Manetho on, i. 279; Lysi-
machus on, i. 309; called a native
of Heliopolis by Manetho, i. 238,
and by Apion, ii. 10, 13; the
most ancient of legislators, his
sterling merits, ii. 154 ff. ; the
books of, i. 89. See Law.

ancestor of

419

GENERAL INDEX

Mosollamus (Meshullam), Ap. i.
201 ff.

Mou=‘*‘ water,” Ap. i. 286

Miller, J. G., p. xix, Ap. i. 183

Mysteries, Greek, Ap. ii. 189

Myttyn, Ap. i. 157

Naber, S. A., p. xvii ff.

Nabonnedus, Ap. i. 149 ff.

Nabopalassar, Ap. i. 131, 135 f.

Nabuchodenosor (= Nebuchadnez-
zar), Ap. i. 132, 135 ff., 146, 154,
156, 159

Nemean games, 4p. ii, 217 n.

Neopolitanus, V. 120

Neriglisar, Ap. i. 147

Nero, V. 13, 16, 88, 408 f.

Nicolas of Damascus, Ap. i. 216 n.,
ii. 84

Niese, B., p. xvii f., et passim

Nile, charge of, entrusted to Jews,
Ap. ii. 64

Ninus, priestess, Ap. ii. 267

Noah (in Berosus), Ap. i. 130

Oasis, Egyptian, Ap. ii. 29

Oaths, Jewish, V. 275, Ap. i. 167
(corban); alleged Jewish oath of
hostility to Greeks, ii. 95, 121 ff. ;
of Socrates, ii. 263

Oil, use of Grecian, prohibited to
Jews, V. 74

Olympic games, Ap. ii. 217 n.

Onias, general of Ptolemy Philo-
metor, Ap. ii. 49 fi.

Onias, high priest, Ap. i. 187 n.

Orus (Or), Ap. i. 96, 232

Osarsiph (= Moses), Ap. i. 238, 250,
265, 286

Osiris, Ap. i. 238 n., 250, 265

Ovid, Metamorph., Ap. ii. 128 n.

PaaPtis, Ap. i. 232, 243

Page, T. E., Ap. ii. 203

Palestine not a maritime country,
Ap. i. 60

Parents, honour of, Ap. ii. 206

Parthenius, river, Ap. i. 170

Pelusium, Ap. i. 78 u., 101, 274, 291,
297, 302

Peritius, Macedonian month, Ap. i.
119

420

Persecution (torture) of, Jews, Ap.
i. 43, 191 f., ii. 219, 232 ff.

Persian dominion in Asia, Ap. i. 64,
150 ; deportation of Jews (errone-
ous statement), 194; punishment
of impiety, ii. 269; practices,
270; war with Greece, i. 13, 18,
172, ii. 270; conquest of Egypt,
ii. 129, 133

Peteseph (=Joseph), Ap. i. 290

Pharisees, V. 10, 12, 21, 191, 197;
their belief in a future life, Ap.
ii. 218 n.

Phelles, Ap. i. 123

Pherecydes of Syros, Ap. i. 14

Philip, son of Jacimus, lieutenant
of Agrippa II, V. 46 ff., 59, 177,
179 fi., 407 ff.

Philistus, Sicilian historian, Ap. i.

17

Philo, “the elder,” Ap. i. 218

Philo of Alexandria, Ap. 1. 286 n.,
i, 2n5, 77 n:, 113 n., Linn, 12,
237 n.

Philosophers, Greek, disciples of
Egyptians and Chaldaeans, Ap. i. |
14; in accord with Moses, ii. 168,
281 ff.

Philostratus, Ap. i. 144

Phobos (and Deimos), Ap. ii. 248

Phoenician contact with Greece,
their alphabet and use of writing,
Ap. i. 10, 28; commerce, 61, 63 ;
practice of circumcision, 169;
language spoken in Ethiopia,
173 with n.; records, §f., 143,
155 ff.; evidence to Jewish his-
tory, i. 70, 106-127, ii. 18f.;
campaign of Ramesses II against
Phoenicia, i. 99; of Nabucho-
donosor, 135; town of Dora in
Phoenicia, ii. 116

Photius, p. x

Phritobautes, Ap. i. 289, 295

Piracy, Ap. i. 62

Pisistratus, Ap. i. 21

Pistus, father of Justus of Tiberias,
V. 34, 88, 175

Placidus, V. 213 ff., 227, 411

Plain, the Great (of Esdraelon),
V. 115, 126, 318

Plato, Timaeus, use of, Ap. i. 7 ff.,
ii. 192 n., 224; current criticism
of his Republic, ii. 223 ff.; dis-

GENERAL INDEX

misses poets from the republic,
256; in accord with Moses, 168,
257

Pliny, the elder, p. xi

Pliny, the younger, Ap. ii. 41 n.

Polybius, Ap. ii. 50 n., 84

Polycrates, Ap. i. 221

Pompey ‘‘the Great,” Ap. i. 34, ii.
82, 134

Poppaea, V. 16

Population, vast Jewish, Ap. i. 194

Pork, abstention from, Ap. ii. 137,
141

Posidonius, Ap. ii. 79

Prayers, Jewish, Ap. ii. 196 f.

Priests, Jewish, 24 courses of, V. 2,
Ap. ii. 108 n.; 4 tribes of, ii. 108 ;
liberation of, by Jos., V. 18 ff. ;
marriage of Ap. i. 30 ff. ; number
of, i. 188, ii. 108 ; hours of service
of, in Temple, ii. 105; qualifica-
tions and functions of, i. 199,
284, ii. 185 ff., 193 f.

Prophets, Jewish, as writers and
keepers of records, Ap. i. 29, 37
(inspiration of), 40, 41 (failure of
succession since Artaxerxes)

Proselytes, Ap. ii. 123, 210, 261

Proseuche (prayer-house), at Tiber-
jas, V. 277, 280, 298 ff.; alleged
to have been erected by Moses
at Heliopolis, Ap. ii. 10

Protagoras, Ap. ii. 266

Ptolemais, V. 105, 118, 218 ff., 342,
410

Ptolemy I, son of Lagus, Ap. i.
183, 185 f., 210, ii. 37, 44

Ptolemy II, Philadelphus, Ap. ii.
45 ff.

Ptolemy III, Kuergetes, Ap. ii. 48

Ptolemy IV, Philopator, Ap. ii.
55 n.

Ptolemy VII, Philometor, Ap. ii.
49, 51

Ptolemy IX, Physcon, Ap. ii. 51 ff.

Ptolemy XV, Ap. ii. 58 n.

Ptolemy, officer of Agrippa II, V,
126, 128

Purifications, Jewish, Ap. i. 199,
ii. 198, 203

Purim, Ap. ii. 55 n.

Puteoli (= Dicaearchia), V. 16

Pygmalion, Ap. i. 125

Pythagoras, indebted to Egypt and

Chaldaea, Ap. i. 13; imitated
Jewish doctrines, i. 162 ff., ii.
168; birth-place of, uncertain,
li. 14

QUARRIES, stone, in Egypt, Ap. i.
235, 237, 257, 267, 296
Quintilius Varus, Ap. i. 34

RABBINICAL traditions, Ap. ii. 175,
190, 199, 204 f.

Ramesses I, Ap. i. 971

Ramesses II (=Sethosis), Ap.

98 ff. (also perhaps 288 ff., 992,
300 f.)

Rampses, Ap. i. 231, 245, 251

Rathotis, Ap. i. 96

Red Sea, "Ap. i. 201

Refugees, treatment of, V. 113,
149 ff.

Registers, Jewish public, V. 6

Reinach, T., p. xix et passim

Riddles of Solomon, Ap. i. 111,
114 f.

Rome, visit of Jos. to, V. 18 ff. ;
Jos. at Rome after the war,
V, 423 ff., Ap. i. 50; Jewish re-
volt from, V.17f. et passim; Ee
unknown to the Greeks, Ap.
66; Roman citizenship given fe
Jos., V. 423; to various nations,
Ap. ii. 40; refused to Egyptians,
41 (with n.); magnanimity of
Romans, 73; Jewish daily sacri-
fices for R. Emperors, 77 ; Jewish
alliance with Romans, 134

SaBBATH, Soldiers discharged on,
V. 159, ef. 275; bearing arms on,
forbidden, 161, Ap. i. 209; meet-
ing in prayer-house on, V. 277 ff. ;
midday meal on, 279; Apion’ s
false etymology of word, Ap. ii.
20f., 26 f.; reading of Law on,
175: observance of, li, 234, 282
(among Gentiles), i. 209 f. (ridi-
culed by Agatharcides)

Sabbo, Ap. ii. 21, 27

Sabines, Ap. ii. 40

Sacchaeus, V. 239

Sacrifices, custom of, not peculiar
to Jews, Ap. ii. 137 f.; Jewish,
195 f.

Saddueees, V. 10

421

GENERAL INDEX

Salitis, Ap. i. 77

Samaria, shortest route from Gali-
lee to Jerusalem via, V. 269;
alleged cession of, to Jews, by
Alexander the Great, Ap. ii. 43

Sanhedrin, V. 62

Sceptics, the Greek, Ap. ii. 180 n.

Schiirer, E., Ap. ii. 77

Scriptures (‘‘sacred books ”), copy
of, presented by Titus to Jose-
phus, V. 418; the Antiquities
based on, Ap. i. 1, 54; care be-
stowed on, i. 29 ff. ; the 22 books,
37 ff. ; Jewish reverence for, 42 f. ;
unknown to Greek writers, 217 f. ;
cf. Law

Scythians, Ap, i. 64, ii. 269

Scythopolis (Bethshan), V. 26, 42,
121, 349

Secrets, disclosure of, forbidden by
the Law, Ap. ii. 207

Sedition, Alexandrian Jews accused
of causing, Ap. ii. 68

Selame (village in Galilee), V. 188

Seleucia (in Gaulanitis), V. 187, 398

Seleucia (Pieria, Syrian port), Ap.
i. 207

Seleucus I, Ap. i. 144 n., ii. 39

Seleucus II, Ap. i. 206 f.

Semiramis, Ap. i. 142

Sepphoris, V. 30, 37 ff. (capital of
Galilee), 64, 82, 103 ff., 123 f., 188,
203, 232 (largest city in Galilee) ;
cf. 346 ff., 373-380, 394 ff, 411

Septuagint, Ap. i. 54 n., ii. 46

Sesostris, Ap. i. 98 n., ii. 132

Sethos(is) (=Ramesses II), Ap. i.
98-102, 231, 245

Sethroite nome of Egypt, Ap. i. 78

Seventy, council of, Galilaeans, V.
79

fe

‘* Shepherds,” the (=Hycsos dy-
nasty), Ap. i. 82, 84 ff., 91, 94,
230, 237 ff., 248, 251, 260, 266

Shishak, Ap. i. 98 n.

Sicilian historians, Ap. i. 17

Silas, officer of Josephus, in com-
mand at Tiberias, V. 89 f., 272

Simon Psellus, ancestor of Jose-
phus, V. 3

Simon, high priest, brother of
Judas Maccabaeus, V. 3 f.

Simon of Gabara, V. 124

Simon, soldier of Josephus, V. 137

422

Simon, brother of John of Gischala,
V. 190, 195, 201
Simon, son of Gamaliel, V. 190 ff.,
216, 309
Simon, member of embassy sent to
4 Josephus, V. 197, 324 ff.,
32,

Simonias (on Galilee frontier), V.
115

Simonides Agrippa, son of Jose-
phus, V. 427

Sinai, Ap. ii. 25

Socrates, Ap. ii. 135, 263 f.

Soemus, V. 52

Sogane, in Gaulanitis, V. 187; in
Galilee, 265 f. ; text and locality
uncertain, 44

Solomon, Ap. i. 108 ff., 114 f., 120,
ii. 12, 19, 132

Solon, Ap. ii. 154

Solyma (in Gaulanitis), V. 187°

Solymian hills, Ap. i. 173 f.

Solymites (=inhabitants of Jeru-
salem), Ap. i. 248

Sophocles, Ap. ii. 279 n.

Sorcery, V. 149 f.

Soul and body, Ap. ii. 203

Sparta. See Lacedaemonians

Stadium at Tiberias, V. 92, 331

Statues not erected by Jews, Ap.
li. 73 ff.

Stoics have features in common
with the Pharisees, V. 12; and
with the mosaic theology, Ap. ii.
168

Strabo, Ap. i. 16 n., 172n., 192 n.,
ii. 44 n., 84

Stratonice, Ap. i. 206 ff.

Suetonius, p. x

Sulla, officer of Agrippa II, V. 398,
401, 405

Sundials of Moses, Ap. ii. il

Syrians, massacres of Jews by,
V. 25; of Caesarea, hostile to
Jews, 52, 59; of Palestine men-
tioned by Herodotus as practising
circumcision, Ap. i. 169, 171

TABERNACLE, Ap. ii. 12

Tabor, mount, V. 188

Tacitus, p. xi; illustrations from,
Ap. i. 305 f., 309, ii. 63, 80, 121

Talmud. See Rabbinical traditions

Tarichaeae, V. 96f., 127, 132 ff.,

GENERAL INDEX

151, 157, 159 ff., 188, 276, 304,
404 ff,

Tartarus, Ap. ii. 240+

Taxation, exemption of Josephus’s
property from, V. 429

Tekoa, V. 420

Temple of Solomon, building of,
Ap. 1. 108 (Tyrian evidence), 126,
li, 12, 19; destruction and re-
building of, Ap. i. 132, 145, 154 ;
description of second temple by
Hecataeus, i. 198 f.; temple of
Herod, used as asylum, V. 20;
as prison, V. 419; its four courts,
Ap. ii. 102 ff. ; gates, 119; temple
ritual, 193 ff.; calumnies con-
cerning the ritual, 79-120

Temples, Greek, old and new, Ap.
ii. 254

Tethmosis (elsewhere called Thoum-
mosis), Ap. i. 94, 231, 241, ii. 16

Thales, Ap. i. 13

Thebaid, the Egyptian, Ap. i. 85

Thebes (in Greece), Ap. i. 221, ii.
273

““Theocracy,” the constitution of
Moses a, Ap. ii. 165

Theodotus, Ap. i. 216

Theophilus, Ap. i. 216

Theophrastus, Ap. i. 167

Theopompus, Ap. i. 221

Thermodon, river, Ap. i. 170

Thermus, Lucius, Ap. ii. 50

Thmosis, Ap. i. 95

Thoummosis (=Tethmosis), Ap. i.
88

Thracians, Ap. i. 64, 165

Thucydides, accused of error, Ap.
i. 18;; does not mention Rome,
66; illustrations from, i. 53, 62,
231

Tiberias, V. 32 ff., 37 (former capi-
tal of Galilee), 64, 67 f., 82, 85 ff.
(hot baths at), 123 f., 155 ff., 188,
903, 271 ff., 296, 313 f., 326 ff.,
340 ff. (responsibility for revolt
from Rome), 381-389

Tiberius, Ap. ii. 2 n.

Timaeus, Ap. i. 16 f., 221

Timagenes, Ap. ii. 84

Timochares, Ap. i. 197 n.

Tisithen (= Moses), Ap. i. 290

Tithes, priestly, V. 63, 80; Ap. i.
188

Titus, V. 358 f. (Commentaries of),
363, 416 ff., 428, Ap. i. 48, 50,
il. 82

Tonsure, Ap. i. 174 n.

Trachonitis, V. 538, 112

Tripoliticus, Ap. i. 221

Trojan War, Ap. i. 11 f., 104

Tutimaeus, Ap. i. 75

Typhon, Ap. i. 237

Tyre, V. 44, 372, 407; besieged by

w Nebuchadnezzar, Ap. i. 144, 156,
159; temple of Zeus at, 113, 118 ;
Tyrians, enemies of Jews, 70;
Tyrian archives, 107 ff. ; Tyrian
laws, 167

Tyrrhenians, Ap, ii. 40

Urica, Ap. i. 119

VARUuS, viceroy of Agrippa II, V.
48 ff., 180

Vespasian, V. 5, 342 (Commentaries
of), 352, 355, 359, 407-415, 423,
425, Ap. i. 48, 50, ii. 40 n.

Vessels, carrying of, into the
Temple prohibited, Ap. ii. 106

Virtues, the four cardinal, Ap. ii.
170

Watts built or repaired, V. 128,
142 ff., 156, 186 ff., 317, 347
Wolf, Prolegomena, Ap. i. 12 n.

XaxoruH (on 8. frontier of Galilee),
Vi 227
Xerxes, Ap. i. 40, 172

Zasipus, Ap. ii. 112 ff.

Zaleucus, Ap. ii. 154

Zamaris, V. 54n,

Zeno, Ap. ii. 135

Yeus, Ap. ii. 162, 241, 245 f.;5
temple of, at Tyre, i. 113, 118 ;
‘by Zeus,” i. 255, ii. 263

Zopyrion, Ap. i. 216

4.23

INDEX II. BIBLICAL PASSAGES

QUOTED IN THE NOTES.

References are to the Books and Sections of the Contra Apionem,
except in the few allusions to the Life, which are indicated by V.

Genesis iL. 26; 31.
iii. 16.
xl. 15.

Exodus ii. 10.

KxiL 25:
XXii. 28 (Lxx).
xxiii. 4.

Leviticus i
x. Oy
xiii-xiv.
xv. 18.
xviii. 6 ff.
XViii. 22, 29.

Kx: $1-15) 3518
xix. 16.

Nixa 71.

RIRs O27.

xx. 10.

0. Be

xxi. 7 ff.

Xxil. 24.

xxiv. 13.

xxv. 36 f.

Numbers xix. 11 ff.
xxii. 27.
Deuteronomy iv. 2.
ae te

vy. 16.

424

li. 192

ii. 208
i. 164, ii. 237
V. 128
ii. 207
ii. 208
i. 199
i. 281 f.
ii. 203
ii. 200
ii. 199
ii. 216

Deuteronomy vi. 7.
xi. 19.

eh fy Ki

xvi. 19.

Xxz 19;

xxi. 10 ff.

xxi. 18 ff.

EX 23:

xxii. 6.

XXii. 22-27.

2 Samuel VoL:
1 Kings

2 Kings xxv. 8.
1 Chronicles xxiv. 7.
Ezra ii. 36.

iii. 8.

viii. 16.

Nehemiah Vii. 39.
Jeremiah ix, 26;
xxv. 12.

i. 12529;

Ezekiel xliv. 21.

|

INDEX OF BIBLICAL PASSAGES

Daniel Vii Ose ite 206 1 Maccabees xiii. 41. ii. 134
3 Maccabees Venison

Tobit igs Litiis Shy eal
Keclesiasticus (Sirach) Matthew SNe Ose lege OM
Vile ote eele 205 Mark yale Tikes TG aly
xiii. 15 (19). ii. 193 Xd Gs die LOG
Baruch btyea I hays Acts Vids LG Ven 1
edlg sh Wri KVil. 22, 1. 130
1 Maccabees ii. 34 ff. V. 161 1 Corinthians yaw, fy bel
Koss WA Galatians Ili. 24, ii. 174
XO; 38, M1. 345 11.43 Revelation i. 8, xxi. 6. ii. 190

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